Rubio was in Malaysia on his first Asia trip since taking office, looking to stress U.S. commitment to the region at the East Asia Summit and ASEAN Regional Forum, as countries received notices of U.S. tariffs announced by U.S. President Donald Trump this week.

At a Thursday photo-op before the start of the U.S, Japan, Philippines trilateral meeting, Rubio learned the summit’s signature “ASEAN-way” handshake.

“How do we do that?” Rubio asked.

“The ASEAN-way” replied Philippines’ Foreign Secretary Theresa Lazaro.

Japan’s Prime Minister Takeshi Iwaya then grabbed Rubio’s hands and crossed them, with the three standing and smiling with the traditional cross-armed handshake for cameras.

Rubio also met with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov where they discussed the Russia-Ukraine war.

Reporting by Reuters; edited by Charlie Dharapak.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Staff.

This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Rise of Asia.

As governments escalate efforts to intimidate reporters and control narratives, journalism — and democracy itself — is under threat, said CPJ and the ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights, a group of lawmakers working to improve rights in the region. In a joint statement on the eve of World Press Freedom Day on May 3, they also called for stronger protection mechanisms for reporters and the reform of repressive laws that criminalize journalism.

There were at least 52 journalists behind bars in Southeast Asia on December 1, 2024, CPJ’s latest annual global prison census shows. They were mainly held in Myanmar and Vietnam, while one journalist was being held in the Philippines. The Philippines and Myanmar have also consistently ranked among the top offenders where murderers of journalists go free.

Read the full statement here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

COMMENTARY: By Eugene Doyle

30 April 1975. Saigon Fell, Vietnam Rose. The story of Vietnam after the US fled the country is not a fairy tale, it is not a one-dimensional parable of resurrection, of liberation from oppression, of joy for all — but there is a great deal to celebrate.

After over a century of brutal colonial oppression by the French, the Japanese, and the Americans and their various minions, the people of Vietnam won victory in one of the great liberation struggles of history.

It became a source of inspiration and of hope for millions of people oppressed by imperial powers in Central & South America, Asia, Africa, the Middle East and Eastern Europe.

• READ MORE: Part 1: The fall of Saigon 1975: Fifty years of repeating what was forgotten
• The fall of Saigon 1975: Part 2: The Quiet mutiny and the US army falls apart

Civil war – a war among several
The civil war in Vietnam, coterminous with the war against the Western powers, pitted communists and anti-communists in a long and pitiless struggle.

Within that were various strands — North versus South, southern communists and nationalists against pro-Western forces, and so on. As various political economists have pointed out, all wars are in some way class wars too — pitting the elites against ordinary people.

As has happened repeatedly throughout history, once one or more great power becomes involved in a civil war it is subsumed within that colonial war. The South’s President Ngô Đình Diệm, for example, was assassinated on orders of the Americans.

By 1969, US aid accounted for 80 percent of South Vietnam’s government budget; they effectively owned the South and literally called the shots.

US punishes its victims
This month, 50 years after the Vietnamese achieved independence from their colonial overlords, US President Donald Trump declared April 2 “Liberation Day” and imposed some of the heaviest tariffs on Vietnam because they didn’t buy enough US goods!

As economist Joseph Stiglitz pointed out, they don’t yet have enough aggregate demand for the kind of goods the US produces. That might have something to do with the decades it has taken to rebuild their lives and economy from the Armageddon inflicted on them by the US, Australia, New Zealand and other unindicted war criminals.

Straight after they fled, the US declared themselves the victims of the Vietnamese and imposed punitive sanctions on liberated Vietnam for decades — punishing their victims.

Under Gerald Ford (1974–1977), Jimmy Carter (1977–1981), Ronald Reagan (1981–1989), George H.W. Bush (1989–1993) right up to Bill Clinton (1993–2001), the US enforced the Trading with the Enemy Act (TWEA) of 1917.

The US froze the assets of Vietnam at the very time it was trying to recover from the wholesale devastation of the country.

Tens of millions of much-needed dollars were captured in US banks, enforced by the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The US also took advantage of its muscle to veto IMF and World Bank loans to Vietnam.

Countries like Australia and New Zealand, to their eternal shame, took part in both the war, the war crimes, and imposing sanctions and other punitive measures subsequently.

The ‘Boat People’ refugee crisis
While millions celebrated the victory in 1975, millions of others were fearful. The period of national unification and economic recovery was painful, typically repressive — when one militarised regime replaces another.

This triggered flight: firstly among urban elites — military officers, government workers, and professionals who were most closely-linked to the US-run regime.

You can blame the Commies for the ensuing refugee crisis but by strangling the Vietnamese economy, refusing to return Vietnamese assets held in the US, imposing an effective blockade on the economy via sanctions, the US deepened the crisis, which saw over two million flee the country between 1975 and the 1980s.

More than 250,000 desperate people died at sea.

Đổi Mới: the move to a socialist-market economy
In 1986, to energise the economy, the government moved away from a command economy and launched the đổi mới reforms which created a hybrid socialist-market economy.

They had taken a leaf out of the Chinese playbook, which under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping (1978 –1989), had moved towards a market economy through its “Reform and Opening Up” policies.  Vietnam saw the “economic miracle” of its near neighbour and its leaders sought something similar.

Vietnam’s economy boomed and GDP grew from $18.1 billion in 1984 to $469 billion by 2024, with a per capita GDP at purchasing power parity (PPP) of $15,470 (up from about $300 per capita in the 1970s).

After a sluggish start, literacy rates soared to 96.1 percent by 2023, and life expectancy reached 73.7 years, only a few short of the USA.  GDP growth is around 7 percent, according to the OECD.

An unequal society
Persistent inequality suggests the socialist vision has partially faded. A rural-urban divide and a rich-poor divide underlines ongoing injustices around quality of life and access to services but Vietnam’s Gini coefficient — a measure of income inequality — puts it only slightly more “unequal” as a society than New Zealand or Germany.

Corruption is also an issue in the country.

Press controls and political repression
As in China, political power resides with the Party. Freedom of expression — highlighted by press repression — is severely limited in Vietnam and nothing to celebrate.

Reporters Without Borders (RSF) rates Vietnam as 174th out of 180 countries for press freedom and regularly excoriates its strongmen as press “predators”.  In its country profile, RSF says of Vietnam: “Independent reporters and bloggers are often jailed, making Vietnam the world’s third largest jailer of journalists”.

Vietnam is forging its own destiny
What is well worth celebrating, however, is that Vietnam successfully got the imperial powers off its back and out of its country. It is well-placed to play an increasingly prosperous and positive role in the emerging multipolar world.

It is part of the World Trade Organisation (WTO), and the ASEAN network, and borders China, giving Vietnam the opportunity to weather any storms coming from the continent of America.

Vietnam today is united and free and millions of ordinary people have achieved security, health, education and prosperity vastly better than their parents and grandparents’ generations were able to.

In the end the honour and glory go to the Vietnamese people.

I’ll give the last word to Ho Chi Minh, the great leader of the Vietnamese people who reached out to the United States, and sought alliance not conflict. He was rebuffed by the super-power which had a different agenda.

On September 2, 1945, Ho Chi Minh proclaimed the independent Democratic Republic of Vietnam in Hanoi’s Ba Dinh square:

“‘All men are created equal. They are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among them are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.’

“This immortal statement was made in the Declaration of Independence of the United States of America in 1776. In a broader sense, this means: All the peoples on the earth are equal from birth, all the peoples have a right to live, to be happy and free.

“… A people who have courageously opposed French domination for more than eight years, a people who have fought side by side with the Allies against the Fascists during these last years, such a people must be free and independent.

“For these reasons, we, members of the Provisional Government of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, solemnly declare to the world that Vietnam has the right to be a free and independent country — and in fact is so already. The entire Vietnamese people are determined to mobilise all their physical and mental strength, to sacrifice their lives and property in order to safeguard their independence and liberty.”

And, my god, they did.

To conclude, a short poem attributed to Ho Chi Minh:

“After the rain, good weather.

“In the wink of an eye,

the universe throws off its muddy clothes.”

Eugene Doyle is a community organiser and activist in Wellington, New Zealand. He received an Absolutely Positively Wellingtonian award in 2023 for community service. His first demonstration was at the age of 12 against the Vietnam War. This article was first published at his public policy website Solidarity and is republished here with permission.

This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

A code of conduct aims to establish a framework for ensuring peace in the South China Sea where Beijing’s expansive territorial claims overlap with the exclusive economic zones of some Southeast Asian countries including the Philippines and Vietnam.

“Everyone has agreed that we would all like to have a code by 2026,” said Enrique Manalo at a maritime security forum in Manila on Thursday.

“We still have to address important issues such as the scope of the code, also the nature of the code and its relation also to the declaration of the principles adopted in 2002 on the South China Sea,” he said.

“We hope, and we will do all that we can to try and achieve a successful negotiation.”

A South China Sea code of conduct has been under discussion for over two decades.

Separately, Philippines’ National Security Council spokesperson assistant director Jonathan Malaya described the talks as advancing at a “glacial pace.”

However, he was still optimistic they would be wrapped up within a year.

“Hopefully, by the time that the Philippines is chairman of the [regional forum] ASEAN, the code of conduct will be completed,” he said.

The Philippines will host the annual summit of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in 2026.

Last year, Philippines’ President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. urged ASEAN to hasten talks on the code amid rising South China Sea tensions.

Fundamental issues such as geographic scope and the legal status of a nonbinding South China Sea declaration signed in 2002 still need to be resolved, he said.

Chinese aircraft carriers spotted near Philippines

The Philippine official’s comments on the code talks came as the country’s navy confirmed the presence of China’s Shandong aircraft carrier near its waters.

A Chinese electronic surveillance ship was also monitored off the northern coast of Luzon on Tuesday. The Philippine Navy challenged the presence of the Chinese warships, according to a navy spokesperson Cpt. John Percie Alcos.

“They’re actually conducting normal naval operations en route to a specific destination that we still do not know. Their passage was expeditious,” said Alcos.

The Chinese warship was seen as the Philippines, United States, and Japan prepared to conduct a joint sailing on Thursday as part of the annual Balikatan military exercises between Manila and Washington.

On Monday, Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Guo Jiakun criticized the Philippines for its military drills with the U.S.

“The Philippines chose to conduct the large-scale military drills with this country outside the region and brought in strategic and tactical weapons to the detriment of regional strategic stability and regional economic prospects, which puts them on the opposite side of regional countries,” he said.

Edited by Mike Firn and Stephen Wright.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Taejun Kang for RFA.

Myanmar’s exiled civilian government held a meeting with the chair of the regional bloc ASEAN for the first time, amid mounting international pressure over the bloc’s engagement with the war-torn country’s military regime.

The virtual talks between delegates from the National Unity Government, or NUG, and Anwar Ibrahim, the Malaysian Prime Minister who also serves as the bloc’s chair, focused on Myanmar’s worsening humanitarian crisis, compounded by ongoing civil conflict as well as a recent devastating earthquake, according to the NUG.

“What we have said continuously is that we want ASEAN to simply recognize, accept and understand Myanmar’s reality. We think it’s a start,” Nay Bone Latt, the spokesperson for the NUG’s Prime Minister’s Office, told Radio Free Asia.

“We hope that more than this, the Myanmar people will be better understood and from this, we can probably come to create a good situation.”

Ibrahim also expressed hopeful views, calling the conversation “constructive.”

“Trust-building remains essential, and it is vital that this continues to be an ASEAN-led effort,” he said on his X social media account. “We will continue to engage all parties in support of peace, reconciliation and the well-being of the people of Myanmar.”

Ibrahim’s move is widely seen as an effort to balance or mitigate criticism following a separate in-person meeting on Thursday in Bangkok between him and junta chief Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, which was also attended by Thailand’s former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra.

The leaders discussed aid by ASEAN in the aftermath of last month’s earthquake that killed more than 3,700 people in Myanmar, the country’s state-run broadcaster MRTV reported.

The ASEAN has played a frequent, though largely ineffective, role in trying to resolve Myanmar’s deepening civil war since the junta seized power in a 2021 coup.

In the aftermath of the coup, ASEAN put forward the Five-Point Consensus – a peace framework calling for an immediate end to violence, the delivery of humanitarian aid, the release of political prisoners, and inclusive dialogue involving all parties.

However, Myanmar’s junta has consistently defied these conditions while remaining a member of the bloc. As a result, ASEAN has barred the junta’s political representatives from its high-level summits but has stopped short of taking more forceful action.

Critics say the bloc’s principle of non-interference has rendered it powerless to hold the junta accountable, allowing the regime to prolong the conflict without consequence. Human rights groups and pro-democracy advocates have also accused ASEAN of legitimizing the military by continuing to engage with it diplomatically.

Several ceasefires – including China-brokered ones – have repeatedly collapsed, as fighting between the military and dozens of ethnic rebel groups and pro-democracy forces continues to rage across the country.

‘Step forward’

For Myanmar’s opposition groups, the meeting marks a rare and significant step forward, said China-based analyst Hla Kyaw Zaw.

“For ASEAN, this is the first time it has formally engaged with revolutionary forces,” she said. “Strangely, Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing accepted this time that the ASEAN chairperson would meet with the NUG.”

Her remarks refer to Ibrahim’s statement that the junta did not object when he informed them of his plan to speak with representatives of the NUG – a shift in tone, given the junta’s previous stance.

Since the 2021 coup, the military regime has labeled the NUG and its allies as “terrorists” and has consistently opposed any international recognition or engagement with them.

Translated by Kiana Duncan. Edited by Taejun Kang.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Burmese.

Some other members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN, meanwhile, are trying to maintain good relations with their big neighbor to the north, whose economic and political influence is only growing in importance, while protecting their interests in the disputed waterway.

Reporters from RFA and BenarNews, an RFA-affiliated news organization, look at how three countries on the South China Sea are approaching relations with China.

INDONESIA: Growing openness toward China

In November 2024, Indonesia’s President Prabowo Subianto, stunned South China Sea watchers with a sentence in a joint statement issued in China on his first overseas trip since becoming president.

(China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs)

The seemingly innocuous line explained that Jakarta and Beijing had reached an “important common understanding on joint development in areas of overlapping claims” in the South China Sea.

But analysts were quick to point out that by acknowledging overlapping maritime boundaries, Prabowo and his officials had effectively acknowledged the legitimacy of China’s claims, something Indonesia had never done before.

Indonesia had always insisted that China’s so-called nine-dash line, which it uses on its maps to claim historic rights over most of the South China Sea, has no legal basis, as seen in a note verbale to the United Nations in May 2020.

Indonesia realized the mistake and issued a correction two days later, saying mutual recognition of differences and disputes does not equal accepting the other side’s legitimacy and China’s territorial claims in the South China Sea still lacked legal basis.

Muhammad Waffaa Kharisma, a researcher at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, in Jakarta said that nevertheless, there has been “a shift toward a closer relationship that could reduce Jakarta’s assertiveness in the South China Sea under President Prabowo Subianto.”

China is Indonesia’s largest trading partner and one of its biggest sources of foreign direct investment, and expanding economic ties have been a major factor in Jakarta’s decision-making.

This year, Indonesia became the first Southeast Asia member of the BRICS bloc led by China.

Raden Mokhamad Luthfi, a defense analyst at Al Azhar University Indonesia said that there was growing openness toward China, not just in trade and investment but also in security cooperation.

Prabowo’s dominant role in foreign policy appears to have sidelined Indonesia’s ministry of foreign affairs, he said.

“I am concerned that under Prabowo’s leadership, Indonesian diplomats may have less space to provide input and guidance on how the country’s foreign policy should be shaped,” Luthfi said.

Waffaa noted a sense that “Indonesia is increasingly practicing self-censorship when dealing with China.”

“One possible explanation is China’s proactive diplomatic approach, which includes strong responses, or even retaliatory measures, against criticism,” he said. “This makes Indonesia more cautious, possibly fearing economic repercussions and as a result, it has become difficult to openly address concerns over sovereignty and international law.”

Indonesia is one of the founding members of ASEAN and long served as its de-facto leader, playing a crucial role in mediating regional crises. Analysts warned that its leadership in the group on the South China Sea issue would wane if it stopped championing international legal norms.

(BAY ISMOYO/AFP)

Indonesia has repeatedly said that it is not a party to territorial disputes in the South China Sea. But its law enforcement agencies have had to deal with encroachment and illegal fishing, including by Chinese vessels in the waters off the Natuna islands.

A major question now is whether warming relations will keep encroachments at bay.

MALAYSIA: Aligning with China’s preferences?

Malaysia’s leaders have always seen China as an important neighbor and partner with which they have to navigate a complex relationship.

The two countries established a comprehensive partnership in 2013 and China is Malaysia’s top economic partner, with trade worth more than US$200 billion in 2022. In comparison, Malaysia-U.S. trade was US$73 billion in the same year.

Since coming to power in 2022, Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has made it clear that fostering good ties with China is one of his priorities.

(Yves Herman/Reuters)

Regarding territorial disputes in the South China Sea, Malaysia’s long-standing policy has been to protect its sovereignty via international law. Malaysia has never recognized China’s nine-dash line and even ordered the removal of a scene from an animated movie that showed it.

Yet some of the prime minister’s comments have stirred controversy.

In March 2024, in a speech at the Australian National University in Canberra, Anwar said that countries needed to put themselves in China’s shoes and trying to block its economic and technological advancement would only bring grievances.

In November, after meeting President Xi Jinping in Beijing, Anwar said that Malaysia was “ready to negotiate” on the South China Sea, suggesting bilateral negotiations over conflicting claims in the waters off the coast of Sabah and Sarawak in East Malaysia.

At the World Economic Forum in Switzerland in January, once again the Malaysian leader stated that China should not be singled out for the tensions in the South China Sea, striking a clear pro-Beijing tone.

“Malaysia’s desire to exclude other countries, such as Australia, Japan and the United States, from South China Sea disputes aligns with China’s preferences,” wrote Euan Graham, a senior analyst at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute.

“It also helps China’s behind-the-scenes efforts to influence negotiations with ASEAN on a code of conduct for the South China Sea,” Graham added.

China and ASEAN have been discussing the Code of Conduct for the South China Sea for years but have yet to reach a final agreement.

In February, during a trip to Brunei, Anwar called for the code to be completed “as soon as possible” to address escalating tensions in the waterway. Malaysia is the ASEAN chair this year.

“I believe Malaysia prefers to settle the issue among the stakeholders through dialogue and engagement without any intervention from outside,” said Lee Pei May, assistant professor in the Department of Political Science at the International Islamic University Malaysia.

“If there is intervention from outside powers, I believe the situation would be chaotic,” Lee said. “The U.S., U.K. and other powers, they are not directly related to the dispute so they are considered outside powers.”

The U.S. and its regional allies, for their part, argue that they are also Pacific nations, and have interest in a free and open Indo-Pacific.

(Asif Hassan/AFP)

Some analysts said that the Anwar administration, despite being criticized for its seemingly pro-Beijing stance, had not compromised Malaysia’s claims in the South China Sea.

“To be sure, Malaysia has adopted a very different approach to the South China Sea dispute than either Vietnam or the Philippines,” said Ian Storey, a senior fellow at the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore.

Anwar’s policy still “allows Malaysia to maintain close ties with China while asserting its territorial claims and protecting its sovereign rights,” he said.

VIETNAM: A balancing act

On Feb. 19, Beijing for the first time officially and publicly denounced Vietnam’s island building in the South China Sea.

Foreign ministry spokesperson Guo Jiakun said that China opposed construction on “illegally occupied islands and reefs,” referring to the features that Vietnam began reclaiming in the 2020s.

It is not a secret that Vietnam wants to strengthen defenses against China’s dominance in the Spratly islands and the island building has received strong support from the Vietnamese public as the sign of a refusal to compromise on sovereignty.

“If you listen to leaders’ speeches on both sides, Vietnam-China relations appear to be warm and flourishing,” said Dinh Kim Phuc, a South China Sea researcher. “But Hanoi’s developments in the South China Sea show that they don’t really trust each other very much.”

(Maxim Shemetov/Reuters)

With China’s first public protest against the island building, it seems that an “informal understanding” with Vietnam is over, noted Bill Hayton, an associate fellow at the British think tank Chatham House. This tacit compromise meant that for a few years Vietnam did not look for oil and gas inside China’s nine-dash line and China said nothing about Vietnam’s island building, Hayton said.

There may be several explanations for China’s objection but analysts believe Vietnam’s expanding ties with the United States is a major factor.

Looking at overseas trips by Vietnam’s leaders, including the new Communist Party chief To Lam, Vietnam also seems to “emphasize the values of ASEAN and the West” in its strategic thinking, according to Phuc.

Vietnam has been reported as wanting to elevate ties with fellow ASEAN members Indonesia and Singapore to comprehensive strategic partnerships, the highest level of bilateral relations, this year.

But that doesn’t mean that a decoupling from China would happen any time soon, analysts say, as Vietnam’s economy depends greatly on Chinese trade and investment.

On the same day that China criticized Vietnam’s “illegal occupation” in the South China Sea, Vietnam’s parliament approved a multi-billion-dollar railway running from the Chinese border to the South China Sea. Part of the funding is expected to come from China, despite some public unease about the potential debt.

Gestures by General Secretary To and other leaders that can be seen as “pro-West” or “anti-China” are deemed as “merely populist” by Dang Dinh Manh, a Vietnamese dissident lawyer now living in the U.S.

“They need to appease the general domestic public, which is increasingly nationalistic,” Manh said, adding that in his opinion the Hanoi leadership needed to appease China, too, and how to strike a balance can be “a serious task”, especially when it comes to sovereignty in the South China Sea.

Edited by Mike Firn

Pizaro Gozali Idrus in Jakarta and Iman Muttaqin Yusof in Kuala Lumpur contributed to this article.

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated news organization.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA and BenarNews Staff.

Trump took the oath of office on Monday inside the Capitol after the ceremony was moved indoors because of weather reports that a polar vortex would bring frigid temperatures to the nation’s capital.

Even as regional leaders anticipate greater engagement with the United States, a controversial moment involving his defense secretary nominee, Pete Hegseth, has raised concerns about how the administration will treat relations with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN.

Hegseth, a former Army National Guard officer and television commentator, was unable to name ASEAN member states or identify the bloc’s size during his confirmation hearing last week, drawing criticism both in Washington and across Southeast Asia.

“He doesn’t understand that the Defense Department’s work in the South China Sea, where the U.S. plays a major role, involves many ASEAN countries,” Isa Gharti, a public policy researcher at Chiang Mai University in Thailand, told RFA affiliate BenarNews. “This lack of understanding could bring problems to ASEAN countries in the long term.”

(AP)

ASEAN has been central to Washington’s strategy in the Indo-Pacific. The bloc, which includes Indonesia, Malaysia, Vietnam and Singapore among its 10 members, represents more than 680 million people and collectively forms the world’s fifth-largest economy.

The United States counts two other ASEAN nations, Thailand and the Philippines, as treaty allies and has sought to deepen ties with the group to counter China’s growing influence in the region. The U.S. military has access to nine Philippine bases.

China has made significant inroads in Southeast Asia, investing in infrastructure projects and using its economic clout to build partnerships. The South China Sea, where Beijing’s territorial claims overlap with those of several ASEAN nations, remains a key flashpoint in the region.

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While Hegseth fumbled in responding to questions from Sen. Tammy Duckworth, who was born in Bangkok and injured in combat while serving in the U.S. military, regional leaders have expressed optimism about U.S. engagement under Trump’s leadership.

Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto has congratulated Trump on his victory and expressed his desire for a personal meeting.

Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim hailed Trump’s election a “remarkable political comeback” and voiced optimism about the potential for a deeper partnership with the United States.

Analysts react

Raden Mokhamad Luthfi, a defense analyst at Universitas Al Azhar Indonesia, said he is skeptical about future defense relations between the United States and Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim-majority country, citing what he described as Hegseth’s and Trump’s unfavorable views of Muslims.

(Matt Rourke/AP)

Cristina Palabay, secretary general of the Philippine rights group Karapatan, accused Washington of using allies including the Philippines to further its strategic goals.

“Trump’s hostility toward China certainly matches, if not surpasses, that of Biden,” Palabay said.

In Bangkok, Phumtham Wechayachai, Thai deputy prime minister and defense minister, struck a cautious tone.

“After Trump’s inauguration as U.S. president, we need to see what adjustments may be needed,” Phumtham told reporters. “Overall, the foundation of U.S.-Thai relations is already good. We will consider any proposals according to Thai principles and make any adjustments that benefit the nation.”

Other analysts suggested that Hegseth’s misstep might not significantly impact U.S. engagement with the region.

“It would be folly to assume that just because the secretary of defense may not be familiar with ASEAN, that is tantamount to weaker U.S. engagement,” said Julio Amador, a geopolitical analyst based in Manila. “The Pentagon is a huge bureaucracy and Hegseth’s deputies are well-versed in the geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific.”

Muhammad Waffaa Kharisma, a researcher at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies in Jakarta, argued that ASEAN is not strategically significant to the United States.

“Perhaps some ASEAN member states are, but ASEAN as an institution isn’t, especially in an era when enthusiasm for multilateral organizations has waned,” Waffaa told BenarNews.

He added that Trump’s first term as president was “not particularly enthusiastic” about ASEAN.

“They came up with initiatives which were seen as undermining ASEAN, including the Quad,” he said, referring to a security dialogue among the United States, Japan, India and Australia.

‘Limited awareness’

Asrul Hadi Abdullah Sani, a partner at ADA Southeast Asia, a regional consultancy firm, said Hegseth’s “gaffe underscores the limited awareness of ASEAN in American political circles.”

Still, concerns remain about the Trump administration’s long-term priorities.

(Gerard Carreon/BenarNews)

“We will need to plan for a worst-case scenario in which Trump and Xi will reach a modus vivendi that sacrifices the Philippines’ national interests,” Rommel Jude Ong, a retired Philippine Navy rear admiral, told BenarNews while calling for stronger ties with other regional powers such as Japan and Australia. Xi is Xi Jinping, China’s president.

Meanwhile, a social media user in Southeast Asia questioned Hegseth’s comments.

“Not having heard of ASEAN doesn’t mean it doesn’t exist. All of us here in the ASEAN are cringing over what’s happening over there in the West,” a Filipina who goes by the username @tessgarcia wrote on X, formerly Twitter. “Geography-challenged people like Hegseth are probably the reason the U.S. lost in Vietnam (an ASEAN country).”

Jason Gutierrez and Gerard Carreon in Manila, Jon Preechawong in Bangkok, Iman Muttaqin Yusof and Iskandar Zulkarnain in Kuala Lumpur, Pizaro Gozali Idrus and Tria Dianti in Jakarta contributed to this report.

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated online news organization.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by BenarNews staff.

Kuala Lumpur may well succeed but for one sticking point – questions about its neutrality amid big-power rivalry.

“Inclusivity and Sustainability,” Malaysia’s theme for its year-long chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN, points to a focus on the region’s priorities, said Elina Noor, senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

“There are certainly expectations for Malaysia’s ASEAN chairmanship, but it will be up to Malaysia to live up to those expectations in pushing through with its agenda together with all the other [nine] member-states,” she told BenarNews.

Additionally, Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has indicated he “intends for ASEAN to reclaim its independent agency, to diversify its strategic engagement, and to not be pulled in any one direction among major powers,” she said.

Anwar’s perceived tilt towards China and Russia versus the United States notwithstanding, he has stressed ASEAN collaboration in a polarized world.

“As global tensions intensify – from strategic competition to climate disruption – ASEAN’s collaborative spirit has never been more crucial,” the PM wrote in a column published Dec. 16 on Project Syndicate, a website that publishes global commentary.

“The choice is stark: ASEAN must move forward in unity or face the divisive forces gathering momentum across Asia and beyond,” he said.

(Leah Millis/Reuters)

As ASEAN chair, Anwar will also define Malaysia’s own role as a middle power, analysts said.

Explanations vary on what constitutes a middle power, but it broadly refers to states that are not superpowers yet have considerable influence on international relations.

Anwar’s diplomatic engagements, including visits to South America for the Asia Pacific economic forum APEC and the G20 summit reflect Malaysia’s efforts to elevate its own global standing and its plans for ASEAN in 2025, said Yanitha Meena Louis, an analyst at the Institute of Strategic and International Studies (ISIS) Malaysia.

He has been consistently focussing “on ASEAN and ASEAN mechanisms and the aim to make it more fit for mobilizing efforts within the Global South,” Yanitha told BenarNews.

“It will be a defining year for ASEAN in the sense that we will be able to see where ASEAN stands and hopes to see itself in the Global South, a strategic configuration of growing consequence,” Yanitha said.

(Kevin Lamarque/Reuters)

Anwar has reiterated that Malaysia has not shifted alliances eastward and remains non-aligned, but some have questioned his several trips to Beijing since becoming PM and his invitation to Russian President Vladimir Putin to attend the 2025 ASEAN Summit.

Hazree Mohd Turee, managing director of advisory firm Bower Group Asia, also noted that Malaysia and two other ASEAN member-states, Indonesia and Thailand, partnering with the China- and Russia-led BRICS grouping may give the impression the Southeast Asian bloc is taking sides.

BRICS is an economic grouping that includes Brazil, Russia, India and China and South Africa.

“Even though Anwar talks about neutrality, the perception is otherwise,” Hazree told RFA affiliate BenarNews.

“Singapore and the Philippines [ASEAN members], for example, have strong ties with the U.S. … and may find it uncomfortable,” Hazee added.

(Rick Wilking/Reuters)

It is imperative for Anwar to ensure that ASEAN is not only neutral, but seen as being so, said Southeast Asia expert Matthijs van den Broek.

For example, U.S. President-elect Donald Trump has threatened to impose massive tariffs on nations he believes are trying to weaken the U.S. dollar. His comments came after speculation that BRICS planned its own currency.

“Both China and the U.S. are among ASEAN’s top foreign trading and investment partners [respectively. … Malaysia as chair will have to step up its diplomatic efforts to not alienate either.”

South China Sea and Myanmar

Meanwhile, Malaysia’s approach to the South China Sea dispute, where several ASEAN countries have overlapping claims, will test its diplomatic finesse, analysts noted.

Unlike the Philippines, Malaysia has not adopted a hardline stance against China, and this could help or hinder its South China Sea work, they added.

“Malaysia could provide the opportunities and platforms for more engagement between ASEAN members and China to resolve the Code of Conduct negotiations,” Abdul Rahman Yaacob of the Australian think-tank, the Lowy Institute, told BenarNews.

“[But] China may not be willing to accept Malaysia as a mediator as Beijing prefers to engage Manila directly,” he said, adding that similarly, Philippines and Vietnam may look towards the United States for help in disputes over the contested waterway.

(Adrian Portugal/Reuters)

In relation to another regional conflict, the civil war in ASEAN member-state Myanmar, some observers have questioned Anwar’s recently appointing Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who is perceived as being pro-military, an ASEAN informal adviser.

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Anwar has also suggested creating an advisory group of former ASEAN leaders to address the Myanmar situation.

Since the February 2021 military coup, nearly 6,000 people have been killed, and over 21,000 remain in detention, many held incommunicado, according to U.N. experts.

For Alice Ba, University of Delaware political science professor, Thaksin’s appointment is a possible signal that Malaysia is looking to break the deadlock on Myanmar.

“There remain significant divisions within ASEAN on how to engage with the Tatmadaw [Myanmar’s junta], but these moves suggest that the desire to move beyond the current impasse might outweigh those concerns,” she told BenarNews.

However, Kamarulnizam Abdullah, a Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia professor, said the Thaksin appointment was not a good move.

“His comments on Thaksin’s appointment have been met with cynicism both regionally and domestically,” Kamarulnizam told BenarNews.

“⁠⁠Anwar needs to play his cards right.”

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated online news organization.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Iman Muttaqin Yusof for BenarNews.

Authorities would not allow the 800-or-so media members to talk to people on the streets to ask how they were coping with inflation that the Asian Development Bank forecasts will average 20% this year.

The media coverage manual said the press must report only from the National Convention Center hosting the summit or the Media Center a few kilometers away. Permission to report in the field was not available during the Oct. 6-11 meetings, an official at the Lao ministry of foreign affairs told Radio Free Asia.

“They keep us in a small zone and keep a close watch, we can’t go anywhere or interview anyone,” said a reporter at a Japanese news service who, like all the journalists interviewed for this report, didn’t want to be named due to the sensitivity of the issue.

“I could not enter the meeting rooms and take a photo there. The bland press releases are not the reason we come here,” a Lao reporter for a Western news agency said.

A journalist at another Japanese agency agreed that lack of access and the expectation that reporters would write their stories from official handouts meant it was impossible to get to the “essence” of the meetings.  

“The press releases are too bland,” they said.

“At the convention center, there were no officials to advise the media about the programs, press releases, how to get access to the internet, slow connections and arrangements for photo opportunities. We have to deal with that among ourselves.”    

On the streets of the capital the only indication a summit was taking place were ASEAN billboards and the motorcades intermittently passing by.

Even tourists trying to take photos of the Vietnam-gifted National Assembly House were waved away by plain-clothes police.

Back at the media center, there were no briefings from Lao leaders or high-ranking officials to talk about the topics discussed or inform journalists about the views of the country chairing ASEAN this year.

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The newsworthy items came from visiting officials such as U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken, Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim and Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., with all three weighing in on recent Chinese actions in the disputed waters of the South China Sea.

Reporters told RFA they were impressed by the prompt briefings from Thai officials after key events such as the China-ASEAN and U.S.-ASEAN Summits, but a Lao reporter was less complimentary about their own government’s briefings.

“The Lao foreign ministry is always late in handing out statements, and yet there’s nothing interesting there. We cannot add more information to make the news interesting either.”  

Lao authorities almost totally control the media according to Reporters Without Borders. The country ranks near the bottom of its 2024 World Press Freedom Index.

Translated by RFA Lao. Edited by Mike Firn and Taejun Kang.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Lao.

The chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations called for an end to the war in Myanmar, but armed rebel groups called that “unrealistic,” saying the ruling military junta has shown no willingness to dialogue.

In Sunday’s statement, Laos – this year’s chair of the 10-nation group, whose leaders gathered last week in Vientiane – called for inclusive peace talks to end the civil war, which has raged since the military seized power in a February 2021 coup d’etat.

It also called on Myanmar to establish a "conducive environment for the delivery of humanitarian assistance and inclusive national dialogue," using the bloc’s “five-point consensus” as a guideline to resolve the country’s political crisis.

Rebel groups in Myanmar were quick to dismiss the call, saying the onus is on the junta.

"It depends on the junta,” said Salai Htet Ni, the spokesperson of the ethnic Chin National Army. “How can the junta be flexible? Actually, the junta failed to implement any of the five-point consensus that ASEAN put forth.”

ASEAN’s call is “very unrealistic” due to the junta’s actions, said Lway Yay Oo, spokesperson for the Ta’ang National Liberation Army, which has been fighting the military in the north. The TNLA would consider dialogue only if the military leaves politics after acknowledging responsibility for war crimes, she said.

Not long after the coup, ASEAN proposed a five-point peace plan for Myanmar, which the grouping calls a “consensus,” including a ceasefire and talks. But Myanmar’s generals have ignored it, battling on against a loose alliance of ethnic minority forces and pro-democracy fighters who have this year been making significant battlefield gains.

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The ASEAN statement drew a rebuke from Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government, or NUG, which was formed by officials deposed in the military’s putsch.

“Instead of demanding 'to resolve the crisis peacefully,’ ASEAN should have urged the junta and its chief, [Senior Gen.] Min Aung Hlaing to release all political prisoners unconditionally as a first step,” said Nay Phone Latt, spokesman for the NUG’s Prime Minister's Office.

Aung Kyaw Moe, the junta’s permanent secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, joined the most recent ASEAN summit despite Myanmar’s downgrade within the bloc due to the junta’s continued use of violence against the opposition.

The junta had boycotted earlier meetings, and observers told RFA last week that they saw the move as part of a bid by the military regime to “seek a way out of the current political crisis.”

‘Significant divide’ to bridge

Speaking to RFA on condition of anonymity due to security concerns, a commentator on ASEAN affairs noted that while the bloc has engaged with the junta in peace-building efforts, it has seen few results.

"ASEAN might have considered that they could persuade the Myanmar junta to join political dialogue after they held talks at the summit,” he said. “However, the bloc has yet to make any progress.”

The analyst said it remains to be seen how ASEAN will bridge “the significant divide” between Myanmar's junta and the armed opposition.

Attempts by RFA to contact junta spokesperson Major Gen. Zaw Min Tun for comment on the ASEAN chair’s statement went unanswered. 

A former military officer, who also declined to be named citing fear of reprisal, told RFA that an all-inclusive peace dialogue will happen only if the junta gains “a significant military advantage” over opposition forces.

The junta offered a peace dialogue at the end of September, but it was rejected by the opposition. 

Observers suggested the peace proposal was a “trick,” that would allow the junta to hold elections.

The junta is holding a national census from Oct. 1-15 that will be used to draw up voter lists for an election they say will restore democratic rule – though opponents are doubtful.

Ethnic minority armies and rebel groups that have taken control of vast swaths of territory once held by the military oppose the election, saying it will be a sham and only serve to legitimize the junta’s control. 

Translated by Aung Naing. Edited by Joshua Lipes and Malcolm Foster.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Burmese.

Offshore territorial disputes between an increasingly assertive China and its neighbors have raised fears of an armed clash and the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN, has been trying to negotiate a “code of conduct” with China to prevent that.

But progress on the code has been slow while confrontations in disputed waters have been increasing between Chinese maritime authorities and vessels from the Philippines and Vietnam, in particular.

“We remain concerned about China’s increasingly dangerous and unlawful actions in the South and East China Seas, which have injured people and harmed vessels from ASEAN nations, and contradict commitments to peaceful resolution of disputes,” Blinken told the opening of an ASEAN-US summit in Laos.

“The United States will continue to support freedom of navigation and freedom of overflight in the Indo-Pacific,” he said.

China claims almost the entire South China Sea while ASEAN members the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia and Brunei, have overlapping claims to parts of it, as does Taiwan.

China also has a territorial dispute with Japan in the East China Sea.

Chinese Premier Li Qiang also held a summit with ASEAN leaders in the Lao capital, Vientiane. He did not mention territorial disputes in his opening remarks on Thursday but hailed “new strides” in building a community with a “shared future.”

“Our political mutual trust has deepened; our traditional friendship has grown stronger; and our practical cooperation has expanded,” Li said.

‘Manage tensions’

In a veiled reference to the United States, with which China competes for influence in the region, Li told an ASEAN Plus Three Summit on Thursday that the region faced instability and uncertainty, “especially the frequent interference and disturbance of foreign forces, and even attempts to introduce camp confrontation and geopolitical conflicts into Asia.”

“Asia had suffered from the scourge of colonization and invasion in modern times, but over the past decades, our region has maintained rapid development. That is because Asian countries have drawn lessons from the past and endeavored to uphold peace and stability in the region,” the Chinese premier said.

Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. complained to ASEAN leaders on Thursday of Chinese “harassment and intimidation,” in the South China Sea.

Writing on Facebook he added that the situation required more than just dialogue.

“It calls for a genuine commitment from all parties to manage tensions, uphold international laws and find common ground,” Marcos said.

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Vietnam’s prime minister, Pham Minh Chinh, called for the ASEAN code of conduct on the South China Sea to be completed and for a peaceful resolution of the offshore disputes.

“He underlined the need to enhance dialogue and peacefully resolve disputes in the region, including in the East Sea, turning the East Sea into a zone of peace, stability, cooperation, and long-term sustainable development,” the state-run state Voice of Vietnam reported, using Vietnam’s name for the South China Sea.

“He called for the substantive and effective conclusion of the code of conduct negotiations in accordance with international law, including the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea,” it reported.

In a landmark 2016 decision, the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague ruled that China's claims in the South China Sea were not supported by international law. China rejects that decision.

Edited by Mike Firn.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Pimuk Rakkanam for RFA.

By Laraswati Ariadne Anwar in Suva

The Pacific Island countries are Indonesia’s neighbours. However, so far they are not very familiar to the ears of the Indonesian people.

One example is Fiji, the largest country in the Pacific Islands. This country, which consists of 330 islands and a population of 924,000 people, has actually had relations with Indonesia for 50 years.

In the context of regional geopolitics, Fiji is the anchor of Indonesian diplomacy in the Pacific.

• READ MORE:  When media freedom as the ‘oxygen of democracy’ and hypocrisy share the same Pacific arena — Pacific Media Watch
• Other Pacific Media Conference reports

Fiji is known as a gateway to the Pacific. This status has been held for centuries because, as the largest country and with the largest port, practically all commodities entering the Pacific Islands must go through Fiji.

Along with Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu, and the Front de Libération Nationale Kanak et Socialiste (FLNKS) of New Caledonia, Fiji forms the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG).

Indonesia now has the status of a associate member of the MSG, or one level higher than an observer.

For Indonesia, this closeness to the MSG is important because it is related to affirming Indonesia’s sovereignty.

Human rights violations
The MSG is very critical in monitoring the handling of human rights violations that occur in Papua. In terms of sovereignty, the MSG acknowledges Indonesia’s sovereignty as recorded in the Charter of the United Nations.

The academic community in Fiji is also highlighting human rights violations in Papua. As a Melanesian nation, the Fijian people sympathise with the Papuan community.

In Fiji, some individuals hold anti-Indonesian sentiment and support pro-independence movements in Papua. In several civil society organisations in Suva, the capital of Fiji, the Morning Star flag of West Papuan independence is also raised in solidarity.

Even so, Fijian academics realise that they lack context in examining Indonesian problems. This emerged in a talanoa or focused discussion with representatives of universities and Fiji’s mainstream media with a media delegation from Indonesia. The event was organised by the Indonesian Embassy in Suva.

Academics say that reading sources about Indonesia generally come from 50 years ago, causing them to have a limited understanding of developments in Indonesia. When examined, Indonesian journalists also found that they themselves lacked material about the Pacific Islands.

Both the Fiji and Indonesian groups realise that the information they receive about each other mainly comes from Western media. In practice, there is scepticism about coverage crafted according to a Western perspective.

“There must be open and meaningful dialogue between the people of Fiji and Indonesia in order to break down prejudices and provide space for contextual critical review into diplomatic relations between the two countries,” said Associate Professor Shailendra Singh, a former journalist who is now head of the journalism programme at the University of the South Pacific (USP). He was also chair of the 2024 Pacific International Media Conference Committee which was attended by the Indonesian delegation.

‘Prejudice’ towards Indonesia
According to experts in Fiji, the prejudice of the people in that country towards Indonesia is viewed as both a challenge and an opportunity to develop a more quality and substantive relationship.

In that international conference, representatives of mainstream media in the Pacific Islands criticised and expressed their dissatisfaction with donors.

The Pacific Islands are one of the most foreign aid-receiving regions in the world. Fiji is among the top five Pacific countries supported by donors.

Based on the Lowy Institute’s records from Australia as of October 31, 2023, there are 82 donor countries in the Pacific with a total contribution value of US$44 billion. Australia is the number one donor, followed by China.

The United States and New Zealand are also major donors. This situation has an impact on geopolitical competition issues in the region.

Indonesia is on the list of 82 countries, although in terms of the amount of funding contributed, it lags behind countries with advanced economies. Indonesia itself does not take the position to compete in terms of the amount of funds disbursed.

Thus, the Indonesian Ambassador to Fiji, Nauru, Kiribati, and Tuvalu, Dupito Simamora, said that Indonesia was present to bring a new colour.

“We are present to focus on community empowerment and exchange of experiences,” he said.

An example is the empowerment of maritime, capture fisheries, coffee farming, and training for immigration officers. This is more sustainable compared to the continuous provision of funds.

Maintaining ‘consistency’
Along with that, efforts to introduce Indonesia continue to be made, including through arts and culture scholarships, Dharmasiswa (a one-year non-degree scholarship programme offered to foreigners), and visits by journalists to Indonesia. This is done so that the participating Fiji community can experience for themselves the value of Bhinneka Tunggal Ika — the official motto of Indonesia, “Unity in diversity”.

Indonesia has also offered itself to Fiji and the Pacific Islands as a “gateway” to Southeast Asia. Fiji has the world’s best-selling mineral water product, Fiji Water. They are indeed targeting expanding their market to Southeast Asia, which has a population of 500 million people.

The Indonesian Embassy in Suva analysed the working pattern of the BIMP-EAGA, or the East ASEAN economic cooperation involving Indonesia, Malaysia, Brunei Darussalam and the Philippines. From there, a model that can be adopted which will be communicated to the MSG and developed according to the needs of the Pacific region.

In the ASEAN High-Level Conference of 2023, Indonesia initiated a development and empowerment cooperation with the South Pacific that was laid out in a memorandum of understanding between ASEAN and the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF).

At the World Water Forum (WWF) 2024 and the Island States Forum (AIS), the South Pacific region is one of the areas highlighted for cooperation. Climate crisis mitigation is a sector that is being developed, one of which is the cultivation of mangrove plants to prevent coastal erosion.

For Indonesia, cooperation with the Pacific is not just diplomacy. Through ASEAN, Indonesia is pushing for the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP). Essentially, the Indo-Pacific region is not an extension of any superpower.

All geopolitical and geo-economic competition in this region must be managed well in order to avoid conflict.

Indigenous perspectives
In the Indo-Pacific region, PIF and the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) are important partners for ASEAN. Both are original intergovernmental organisations in the Indo-Pacific, making them vital in promoting a perception of the Indo-Pacific that aligns with the framework and perspective of indigenous populations.

On the other hand, Indonesia’s commitment to the principle of non-alignment was tested. Indonesia, which has a free-active foreign policy policy, emphasises that it is not looking for enemies.

However, can Indonesia guarantee the Pacific Islands that the friendship offered is sincere and will not force them to form camps?

At the same time, the Pacific community is also observing Indonesia’s sincerity in resolving various cases of human rights violations, especially in Papua. An open dialogue on this issue could be evidence of Indonesia’s democratic maturity.

Republished from Kompas in partnership with The University of the South Pacific.

This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

The 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has been trying to help fellow member Myanmar end bloody turmoil sparked by a 2021 military coup but Myanmar’s junta has largely shunned its efforts..

ASEAN special envoy Alounkeo Kittikhoun met junta chief Min Aung Hliang for talks in the capital, Naypyidaw, on Wednesday. ASEAN Secretary General Dr. Kao Kim Hourn and ASEAN Humanitarian Aid Coordination Center Executive Director Lee Yam Ming took part in the meeting, the Myanma Alin newspaper reported.

The ASEAN envoy and Myanmar’s top general discussed which issues the bloc would assist in, finding a peaceful resolution to the current situation and the possibility of ASEAN-Myanmar cooperation, it said.

Myanmar’s crisis has raised questions about the effectiveness of the 10-member grouping in tackling problems in a region where both China and the United States compete for influence.

ASEAN has drawn up a five-point peace plan aimed at ending the violence and promoting dialogue. The plan includes talks with leaders of all sides, including the imprisoned democracy champion Aung San Suu Kyi. But she remains in jail while fighting between junta forces and insurgents opposed to military rule has intensified.

While ASEAN has excluded Myanmar’s leaders from most of its summits some members, including neighbors Thailand and current ASEAN chair Laos, have engaged with the junta. Others, however, have condemned the Myanmar military for the coup and subsequent crackdowns on dissent. 

The ASEAN humanitarian center has overseen a Thai aid delivery to Myanmar, raising the possibility of an expanded cross-border humanitarian role for the grouping.

A spokesperson for Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government, which claims the right to represent the country on an international level, dismissed the latest ASEAN effort as doomed, saying the military would not heed ASEAN’s peace plan. 

“If they meet and hold a one-sided talk with the military council, nothing will happen,” said Nay Phone Latt, a representative of the organization’s prime minister’s office. “It is also necessary for ASEAN representatives to meet and discuss with ethnic armed groups, [and] the National Unity Government, which are the main players in Myanmar.”

Envoy Kittikhoun held talks with the NUG’s foreign minister, Zin Mar Aung, following his first visit to Myanmar in January.

Pro-democracy activists loyal to the NUG have formed militias in various parts of the country to fight the military in cooperation with ethnic minority insurgent groups that have been battling for self-determination for decades.

Junta forces have faced setbacks in several places since their opponents launched offensives late last year while the fighting has displaced about 3 million people.

The ASEAN envoy and the junta chief also discussed humanitarian assistance while the military explained its strategy to prepare for promised elections, the newspaper reported.

Political analyst Sai Kyi Zin Soe told Radio Free Asia it was not clear how much talks brokered by international parties such as ASEAN could really help Myanmar.

“The international assumption is that issues in Myanmar could be resolved through dialogue,” he said. “That’s why it is urging the military council to meet and discuss. But we will have to wait and see how far that would help in practice.”

Translated by RFA Burmese. Edited by Kiana Duncan and Mike Firn. 

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Burmese.

The ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute has been compiling the annual survey report ‘State of Southeast Asia’ since 2020 and every year before, the U.S. was the bloc’s preferred world power. 

This year, however, when asked if being forced to align with one of the strategic rivals, which should they choose, 50.5% respondents chose China while 49.5% picked the U.S.

The preferences last year were 38.9% for China and 61.1% for the U.S.

ASEAN consists of ten countries. Seven of them – Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, and Thailand – polled in favor of China with a higher rate than last year. Malaysia and Laos saw the biggest changes – 20.3% and 29.5%, respectively.

The U.S., however, remains the superpower of choice for Singapore (61.5%), Vietnam (79%) and the Philippines (83.3%). 

The latter two, especially Manila, have seen Beijing’s increased aggression in the South China Sea, where there are conflicting claims by different countries but China’s claim is by far the most expansive. 

Hanoi has just upgraded its relationship with Washington to the highest level of comprehensive strategic partnership, reflecting a new mutual trust and cooperation.

Decreased U.S. engagement

The survey said the U.S. maintains its status as the region’s advocate for maintaining a rules-based order and upholding international law.

However, when asked about the U.S.’s policy towards Southeast Asia, 38.2% said that the level of U.S. engagement with Southeast Asia has decreased under the administration of President Joe Biden, with 25.2% saying it has increased.

Only 34.9% of regional respondents say the U.S. is a reliable security partner, a big drop from 47.2% last year.

Meanwhile, the majority of regional respondents “still maintain a sense of unease and worry” about China’s economic and political and strategic influence, according to Sharon Seah, the lead author of the survey.

“Perceptions of China as the most influential economic power in Southeast Asia remain high with 59.5% of regional respondents sharing this view,” the survey found.

China, thanks to its ambitious Belt and Road Initiative, has increased economic and political engagement in Southeast Asian countries.

That led to a majority of respondents worried about China’s growing regional economic influence in the region (67.4%). Only 32.6% said they welcomed China’s strengthened foothold in their economies.

“Perhaps the tide of sentiment has shifted toward China as the more consequential relationship for the region,” Seah wrote in the Yusof Ishak Institute’s site Fulcrum. 

“But it remains to be seen whether the recent trend of diminishing regard for the U.S.’s strategic partnership will mark a sea change in regional geopolitics.”

The survey was conducted by the institute’s ASEAN Studies Centre between January and February this year, with 1,994 people taking part.

Singapore has the highest number of respondents (273 or 13.7%), followed by Indonesia (265 or 13.3%) and Malaysia (225 or 11.3%).

A 10% weighting average was applied to each country’s responses to calculate the average figures for ASEAN as a whole.

The largest affiliation group of respondents is from the private sector (33.7%), followed by government (24.5%), and academia, think-tanks or research institutions (23.6%).

Edited by Taejun Kang and Mike Firn.:

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Radio Free Asia.

Photograph Source: Presidential Communications Office – Public Domain

It can take much bruising, much ridicule, and much castigation to eventually reach the plateau of wisdom.  Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, who took office in November 2022, is one such character.  Like a hero anointed by the gods for grand deeds and fine achievements, he was duly attacked and maligned, accused of virtually every heinous crime in the criminal code.  Sodomy and corruption featured.  Two prison spells were endured.

His whole fall from grace as deputy-prime minister was all the more revealing for being instigated by his politically insatiable mentor, Mahathir bin Mohammed, Southeast Asia’s wiliest, and most ruthless politician.  Eventually, that old, vengeful fox had to relent: his former protégé would have his day.

Anwar is in no mood to take sides on spats between the grumbly titans who seek their place in posterity’s sun.  And why should a country like Malaysia do so?  During last year’s visit to Beijing and the Boao Forum in Hainan, he secured a commitment from Chinese President Xi Jinping on foreign investment amounting to RM170.1 billion ($US35.6 billion) spanning 19 memoranda of understanding (MOU).  Greater participation in Malaysia’s 5G network plan by Chinese telecommunications behemoth Huawei was assured some weeks later.

In the Financial Times, the Malaysian PM levelled the charge against the United States that Sinophobia had become a problem, a fogging fixation.  Why should Malaysia, he asked, “pick a quarrel” with China, a country that had become its foremost trading partner?  “Why must I be tied to one interest?  I don’t buy into this strong prejudice against China, this China-phobia.”

Much of this middle-of-the-road daring was prompted by comments made by US Vice President Kamala Harris, who has been saddled with the task of padding out ties between Washington and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).  Rather than being diplomatic, the Veep has been irritatingly teacherly.

Last September, during her visit to the US-ASEAN summit in Jakarta, Harris beat the drum on the issue of promoting “a region that is open, interconnected, prosperous, secure, and resilient.”  Such openness was always going to be subordinate to Washington’s own interests.  “We have a shared commitment to international rules and norms and our partnership on pressing national and regional issues”.  An international campaign against “irresponsible behaviour in the disputed waters” would be commenced.

During her trip to the Philippines last November, Harris made the focus of concern clear to countries in the region.  “We must stand up for principles such as respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, unimpeded lawful commerce, the peaceful resolution of disputes, and the freedom of navigation and overflight in the South China Sea, and throughout the Indo-Pacific.”

The subtext for those listening was so obvious as to be scripted in bold font: Our values first; China’s a necessarily distant second.  This coarse directness did not fall on deaf ears, and Anwar was particularly attentive.  He had already found the views voiced by Harris at Jakarta about Malaysia’s leanings towards Beijing as “not right and grossly unfair”.

In remarks made during a joint press conference with Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese held at the current ASEAN summit, being hosted in Melbourne, Anwar expressed much irritation in being badgered by the United States and its allies on the subject of taking sides.  The virus of Sinophobia had been doing the rounds, causing sniffles and rumbles.  “[M]y reference to China-phobia is because the criticism levied against us for giving additional focus on China; my response is, trade investments is open and right now, China seems to be the leading investor and trade into Malaysia,” Anwar observed.  Malaysians, for the most part, “do not have a problem with China.”

Labouring, even flogging the “fiercely independent” standing of Malaysia, Anwar went on to state that his country remained “an important friend of the United States and Europe and here in Australia, they should not preclude us from being friendly to one of our important neighbours, precisely China.”

Nothing typifies this better than Malaysia’s policy towards the supply and manufacturing of semiconductors.  The emergence of a China Plus One Strategy, notably in the electronic supply chain, has seen companies diversify their risk through investing in alternative markets to mitigate risks.  Keep China on side but do so securely.  Anwar has established a task force dedicated to the subject, while also courting such entities as US chipmaker Micron Technology.  Last October, the company promised an investment of US$1 billion to expand its Penang operations, in addition to the previous allocation of $US1 billion to construct and fully equip its new facility.  In business, such promiscuity should be lauded.

Anwar’s concerns were solid statements of calculated principle, and inconceivable coming out of the mouth of an Australian politician.  Albanese, for his part, has tried to walk the middle road when it comes to security in the Indo-Pacific, even as China remains Australia’s largest trading partner.  He does so in wolf’s clothing supplied by Washington, with various garish labels such as “AUKUS” and “nuclear-powered submarines”.  For decades, Australia’s association with ASEAN has been ventriloquised, the voice emanating from the White House, Pentagon or US State Department.

Canberra’s middle road remains cluttered by one big power, replete with US road signs and tolls, accompanied by hearty welcomes from the US military industrial complex and its determination to turn Australia into a forward defensive position, a garrison playing war’s waiting game.  To his credit, Anwar has avoided the trap, exposing the inauthentic position of his Australian hosts with skill and undeniable charm.

This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Binoy Kampmark.

His whole fall from grace as deputy-prime minister was all the more revealing for being instigated by his politically insatiable mentor, Mahathir bin Mohammed, Southeast Asia’s wiliest, and most ruthless politician.  Eventually, that old, vengeful fox had to relent: his former protégé would have his day.

Anwar is in no mood to take sides on spats between the grumbly titans who seek their place in posterity’s sun.  And why should a country like Malaysia do so?  During last year’s visit to Beijing and the Boao Forum in Hainan, he secured a commitment from Chinese President Xi Jinping on foreign investment amounting to RM170.1 billion ($US35.6 billion) spanning 19 memoranda of understanding (MOU).  Greater participation in Malaysia’s 5G network plan by Chinese telecommunications behemoth Huawei was assured some weeks later.

In the Financial Times, the Malaysian PM levelled the charge against the United States that Sinophobia had become a problem, a fogging fixation.  Why should Malaysia, he asked, “pick a quarrel” with China, a country that had become its foremost trading partner?  “Why must I be tied to one interest?  I don’t buy into this strong prejudice against China, this China-phobia.”

Much of this middle-of-the-road daring was prompted by comments made by US Vice President Kamala Harris, who has been saddled with the task of padding out ties between Washington and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).  Rather than being diplomatic, the Veep has been irritatingly teacherly.

Last September, during her visit to the US-ASEAN summit in Jakarta, Harris beat the drum on the issue of promoting “a region that is open, interconnected, prosperous, secure, and resilient.”  Such openness was always going to be subordinate to Washington’s own interests.  “We have a shared commitment to international rules and norms and our partnership on pressing national and regional issues”.  An international campaign against “irresponsible behaviour in the disputed waters” would be commenced.

During her trip to the Philippines last November, Harris made the focus of concern clear to countries in the region.  “We must stand up for principles such as respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, unimpeded lawful commerce, the peaceful resolution of disputes, and the freedom of navigation and overflight in the South China Sea, and throughout the Indo-Pacific.”

The subtext for those listening was so obvious as to be scripted in bold font: Our values first; China’s a necessarily distant second.  This coarse directness did not fall on deaf ears, and Anwar was particularly attentive.  He had already found the views voiced by Harris at Jakarta about Malaysia’s leanings towards Beijing as “not right and grossly unfair”.

In remarks made during a joint press conference with Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese held at the current ASEAN summit, being hosted in Melbourne, Anwar expressed much irritation in being badgered by the United States and its allies on the subject of taking sides.  The virus of Sinophobia had been doing the rounds, causing sniffles and rumbles.  “[M]y reference to China-phobia is because the criticism levied against us for giving additional focus on China; my response is, trade investments is open and right now, China seems to be the leading investor and trade into Malaysia,” Anwar observed.  Malaysians, for the most part, “do not have a problem with China.”

Labouring, even flogging the “fiercely independent” standing of Malaysia, Anwar went on to state that his country remained “an important friend of the United States and Europe and here in Australia, they should not preclude us from being friendly to one of our important neighbours, precisely China.”

Nothing typifies this better than Malaysia’s policy towards the supply and manufacturing of semiconductors.  The emergence of a China Plus One Strategy, notably in the electronic supply chain, has seen companies diversify their risk through investing in alternative markets to mitigate risks.  Keep China on side but do so securely.  Anwar has established a task force dedicated to the subject, while also courting such entities as US chipmaker Micron Technology.  Last October, the company promised an investment of US$1 billion to expand its Penang operations, in addition to the previous allocation of $US1 billion to construct and fully equip its new facility.  In business, such promiscuity should be lauded.

Anwar’s concerns were solid statements of calculated principle, and inconceivable coming out of the mouth of an Australian politician.  Albanese, for his part, has tried to walk the middle road when it comes to security in the Indo-Pacific, even as China remains Australia’s largest trading partner.  He does so in wolf’s clothing supplied by Washington, with various garish labels such as “AUKUS” and “nuclear-powered submarines”.  For decades, Australia’s association with ASEAN has been ventriloquised, the voice emanating from the White House, Pentagon or US State Department.

Canberra’s middle road remains cluttered by one big power, replete with US road signs and tolls, accompanied by hearty welcomes from the US military industrial complex and its determination to turn Australia into a forward defensive position, a garrison playing war’s waiting game.  To his credit, Anwar has avoided the trap, exposing the inauthentic position of his Australian hosts with skill and undeniable charm.

This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Binoy Kampmark.

Canberra will invest $64 million Australian dollars (US$41.8 million) over the next four years, including A$40 million in new funding, to expand maritime cooperation with Southeast Asia, Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong said on Monday.

Wong made the pledge at a forum on the sidelines of the ASEAN-Australia Special Summit 2024 in Melbourne, which will celebrate 50 years of partnership between Australia and the regional bloc.

The summit is being held against a backdrop of increasingly assertive posturing by China in the South China Sea and the intensifying civil war in Myanmar, both of which are likely to be high on the agenda.

Wong said the new funds for maritime cooperation would contribute to security and prosperity within the region.

“What happens in the South China Sea, in the Taiwan Strait, in the Mekong subregion, across the Indo-Pacific, affects us all,” she said in her keynote address Monday.

She said the “region’s character” was under challenge and that no country must dominate.

“We face destabilizing, provocative and coercive actions, including unsafe conduct at sea and in the air and militarisation of disputed features,” Wong said, without singling out a specific nation.

China asserts sovereignty over almost all of the South China Sea, through which trillions of dollars in trade passes each year, putting it at odds with the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei, Vietnam, and Taiwan. 

In 2016, an international tribunal refuted the legal basis for nearly all of China’s expansive maritime and territorial claims in the waterway. It said that Beijing’s insistence on holding “historic rights” to the waters were inconsistent with the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, or UNCLOS.

Beijing has never recognized the 2016 arbitration or its outcome.

Speaking at the same forum, Philippines Secretary of Foreign Affairs Enrique Manalo said the rule of law and especially UNCLOS was the fundamental starting point for maritime cooperation in the region.

“The shared stewardship of the seas and oceans in the region behooves us to unite in preserving the primacy of international law so we can ensure equitable and sustainable outcomes for all,” he said.

“It also calls for us to stand firmly together in opposing actions that contradict or are inconsistent with international law.”

The Philippines under the presidency of Ferdinand Marcos Jr. has taken a stronger stance in dealing with Beijing on the South China Sea.

Marcos has also pursued warmer ties with the United States, a traditional ally, reversing the policies of his predecessor Rodrigo Duterte.

In recent months, tensions between Manila and Beijing have led to numerous run-ins, including the China Coast Guard’s alleged harassment of Filipino vessels delivering provisions to troops at its military outpost on Ayungin (Second Thomas) Shoal in the South China Sea.

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated online news organization.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Harry Pearl for BenarNews.

The four countries are regarded as Tokyo’s top priorities in terms of security, public broadcaster NHK said, adding that the move is designed to counter China's growing assertiveness in the disputed waters in the region.

The agency, known as JICA,  is expected to unveil a detailed plan by March, 2025.

The support plan will see Japan providing drones, radar systems and patrol boats, as well as other capacity building measures to each of the four countries, according to NHK.

Japanese officials and specialists are believed to have conducted studies and on-site surveys last month in the Philippines and Indonesia. They are scheduled for April in Malaysia and Vietnam.

A JICA delegation led by Director General Hiroo Tanaka visited Manila in January to identify maritime security cooperation projects in the country. 

During the visit of Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida to the Philippines in November last year, Manila and Tokyo signed an agreement on Japan’s grant of coastal surveillance radars to the Philippines worth 600 million yen (US$4 million).

Japan’s ASEAN partners

“Japan will continue to invest in helping build capacities in Southeast Asian countries through the provision of vessels, capabilities and training,” Stephen Nagy, professor at the International Christian University (ICU) in Tokyo, told Radio Free Asia.

“Expect more in the future as Japan's defense oriented self-defense approach and focus on the U.S.- Japan alliance means that Tokyo thinks it’s better to enhance the capabilities of each Southeast Asian states individually so they can have a stronger position in the South China Sea,” said Nagy, who also serves as the director of policy studies at the Yokosuka Council of Asia Pacific Studies.

In December 2023, ASEAN and Japan held a special summit to commemorate 50 years of friendship and bilateral cooperation. A major part of the event was dedicated to cooperation in maritime security.

On the sidelines of the summit, Kishida and his Malaysian counterpart Anwar Ibrahim signed a security assistance agreement worth 400 million yen (US$2.6 million) through which Tokyo will provide maritime equipment and rescue boats to Kuala Lumpur.

Malaysia-Japan bilateral relations were also upgraded to Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, the highest level of cooperation.

Separately, Japan and Indonesia also signed notes for the provision of a large Japan-built patrol vessel of up to 9.05 billion yen ($60.2 million) for the Indonesian Coast Guard .

Japan and Vietnam also elevated their bilateral relationship to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership last year. Before that, in 2020, Tokyo agreed to a US$348 million loan agreement for Vietnam to build six maritime patrol vessels.

“Japan, who is by far the most trusted partner of many ASEAN member states, is stepping up in playing a security role in the region,” said Huong Le Thu, Asia deputy director at the International Crisis Group .

Japan has territorial disputes with China over the sovereignty of the Senkaku islands – known as Diaoyu by the Chinese – in the East China Sea.

China and four ASEAN countries – Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam – hold contesting claims over parts of the South China Sea, but Beijing’s claim is by far the most expansive.

A U.N. tribunal in 2016 ruled against most of China’s claims in the South China Sea, but Beijing refused to accept the verdict.

Edited by Mike Firn and Elaine Chan.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Staff.

China and countries from the Southeast Asian grouping ASEAN have been negotiating a Code of Conduct (COC) after reaching an initial Declaration of Conduct (DOC) of Parties in the South China Sea in 2002. 

In 2018, ASEAN and Beijing managed to release the Single Draft Negotiating Text – or a draft agreement – and in July 2023 the two sides announced that they’d completed its second reading.

The third reading of the draft negotiating text is believed to have commenced in October 2023 and, according to a Chinese spokesperson, “the consultations on the COC are going smoothly.”

“Parties have adopted guidelines to accelerate consultations on the COC,” said Chinese foreign ministry spokeswoman Mao Ning at a recent news briefing. “The issue of the South China Sea is highly complex and faces external interference.”

“We hope ASEAN countries will work with us toward the set target and speed up consultations for the early adoption of the COC.”

Chinese officials, and state-sanctioned academics, regularly point at the so-called “external interference” – a thinly-veiled reference to the United States and allies - as the main source of discord between Beijing and ASEAN.

“The biggest trouble in the South China Sea does not come from countries within the region but from external forces’ disturbances, which attempt to turn the South China Sea into a sea of conflict and a sea of war,” Song Zhongping, a Chinese military expert and TV commentator, was quoted by the tabloid Global Times as saying recently.

Major obstacles

China has submitted a number of provisions of the COC negotiating text that are clearly designed to stem any ‘external interference’, explained Carlyle Thayer, an emeritus professor of politics at the School of Humanities and Social Sciences at the University of New South Wales Canberra.

One of China’s provisions says parties in the South China Sea “shall establish a notification mechanism on military activities, and to notify each other of major military activities if deemed necessary,” according to Thayer. 

“The parties shall not hold joint military exercises with countries from outside the region, unless the parties concerned are notified beforehand and express no objection,” the provision reads.

This provision would block any joint military exercises, bilateral or multilateral, between ASEAN countries and the U.S., as well as Japan and other regional powers, unless Beijing agrees to them.

ASEAN member Vietnam disagreed with this provision and submitted its own, asking for only a notification of any impending joint or combined military exercise to take place within the South China Sea. It said such notifications should be made 60 days before the commencement of such a military exercise, Thayer told Radio Free Asia.

Nguyen Hung Son, vice president of the Diplomatic Academy of Vietnam, said ASEAN “would never agree to such terms.”

“For instance, the Philippines and Singapore will voice protest,” Son said.

Another stumbling block is the exploration of natural resources in the South China Sea.

“China proposed that oil and gas exploration and development in disputed waters shall be carried out through coordination and cooperation among the littoral states to the South China Sea, and shall not be conducted in cooperation with companies from countries outside the region,” said Thayer.

“To that, Malaysia counter-proposed a provision saying that nothing in the COC shall affect the rights or obligations of Parties under international law, including the rights or ability to conduct activities with foreign countries or private entities of their choosing,” he added.

These two contentious issues alone could prove difficult, even impossible, to resolve.

“China seems to have inserted this provision [on oil exploration] in an attempt to coerce other countries into signing joint development agreements with Chinese companies,” regional analyst Ian Storey wrote in a publication by Singapore’s ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute.  

“The Southeast Asian claimants view this gambit as an egregious violation of their sovereign rights under UNCLOS,” he said, referring to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. 

“But it is hard to see how China would agree to drop this provision because to do so would fundamentally undermine its own jurisdictional claims.”

Blame game

In light of recent tensions in the South China Sea, especially between China and the Philippines over a couple of atolls that lie within the Philippines’ exclusive economic zone, Beijing seems to put the blame on Manila.

The Chinese Communist Party’s publication China Daily this week published an opinion article which slammed Manila’s efforts to resupply its military outpost on the Second Thomas Shoal, calling it a “dishonest approach” and a violation of international law.

“The Philippines’ choice is not only crucial to the comprehensive, effective and faithful implementation of the DOC, but will also have a long-term impact on the ongoing consultations on the Code of Conduct in the South China Sea and the effective application of the COC in the future,” reads the article.

The hawkish mouthpiece Global Times, for its part, alleged that “the Philippines has been calculating something new – it now believes that standing absolutely in line with ASEAN no longer brings itself maximum interest.”

“The Philippines wishes to strive for more interests for its own in the third reading of the COC text, by continuing to coordinate with the U.S. in its Indo-Pacific Strategy,” the paper said.

Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos indicated on several occasions that his country may seek to form bilateral codes of conduct with neighboring countries to prevent incidents at sea. Marcos recently visited Hanoi, where he and Vietnamese leaders agreed in principle on maritime cooperation.

Although Hanoi, due to its so-called “bamboo diplomacy,” would not want to be seen as taking sides in any dispute, the agreement will no doubt be deemed by Beijing as an attempt by Manila “to forge its own clique in the South China Sea,” the paper said.

With stark differences remaining on the most critical issues, it’s hard to see how the China-ASEAN COC negotiations are “going on the right track with its own pace” and  “the conclusion of the COC is not far away,” as claimed by Chinese officials.

“Back in July last year, ASEAN and China committed to concluding a COC within three years but I'm still skeptical,” said Bill Hayton, associate fellow in the Asia-Pacific Program at the think tank Chatham House in the United Kingdom.

“I think this is one of those efforts from China to try to talk up the COC and make it seem like it’s inevitable so as to roll over any opposition to the Chinese side's preferred version of the text,” Hayton added.

Edited by Mike Firn and Taejun Kang.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Staff.

Transparency International says the latest Corruption Perception Index shows another year of “little to no meaningful progress” towards curbing corruption in the Asia-Pacific region.

Transparency International has released its 2023 report, based on a points system, and Denmark, Finland and New Zealand top the list.

Other than New Zealand and Australia, Fiji is the highest-ranked Pacific country, coming in 53rd.

• READ MORE: Other Transparency International reports

Fiji has 53 points out of a possible 100.

Vanuatu is 61st (48 points) and Solomon Islands 70th (43 points).

Then it is a drop to Papua New Guinea in 133rd with 29 points.

Transparency International said the Asia-Pacific region showed long-term stagnation, although some countries historically at the top were backsliding.

‘Steady influx of . . .  incentives’
“While there’s a steady influx of economic, military or financial incentives to support development and climate goals, many Pacific countries have weak governance systems — which some donors overlook, exposing these substantial investments to high risk of corruption,” the organisation reported.

Transparency International said a 2020 survey in Asia showed that nearly one in seven people had been offered bribes in exchange for votes in a national, regional or local election in the past five years.

Meanwhile, in the Pacific region in 2021, approximately a quarter of respondents reported being offered a bribe for their votes.

“These findings show the serious implications for the ability of elections to bring in governments that can be trusted to control and curb corruption effectively.”

But the organisation said at the regional level, Pacific leaders continued to demonstrate some commitment to the fight against corruption, with the gradual implementation of the Teieniwa Vision — a set of collective anti-corruption priorities.

These were endorsed by the Pacific Islands Forum leaders in 2021.

“Progress has been slow and there has been limited involvement of regional civil society organisations around this initiative.

“ASEAN leaders should also continue to find common mechanisms to review their anti-corruption commitments under the ASEAN Political-Security Community Blueprint 2025, a ten-year plan aimed at instilling a culture of integrity and anti-corruption in the region.”

They should also continue strengthening their national and regional anti-corruption frameworks, and increasing joint efforts to address grand corruption, Transparency International said.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

“Laos is a reactive ASEAN chair and not a proactive one,” said Carlyle Thayer, a Southeast Asia regional specialist, noting that Laos and Myanmar were the only two ASEAN members who did not submit draft Codes of Conduct to make up the Single Draft Negotiating Text released in August 2018.

ASEAN and China have been negotiating a legally-binding Code of Conduct after reaching an initial Declaration of Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea in 2002. In 2018, the bloc and Beijing managed to release the Single Draft Negotiating Text – or a draft agreement – but progress has been stalled.

China claims historical rights to almost 90% of the South China Sea, an area roughly demarcated by the so-called ‘nine-dash line’. Other claimants, including ASEAN members Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam, have rejected those claims and a 2016 international arbitration tribunal ruled that they had no legal basis.

Meanwhile tension has been rising in recent months between Beijing and Manila over some atolls claimed by both countries.

In 2023, under Indonesia’s chairmanship, there were efforts to once again accelerate the negotiating process but with Laos in the hot seat this year it may stall again.

“Laos' indebtedness to China will impede any efforts to resume negotiations over competing maritime claims in the South China Sea,” said an assessment by Stratfor, a geopolitical intelligence firm.

Middle ground

The theme of Laos' 2024 ASEAN year is “ASEAN: Enhancing Connectivity and Resilience” and the focus will be “leading ASEAN to promote the community building and enhancing a connected and resilient ASEAN community,” said Lao Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Saleumxay Kommasith in an interview.

“Laos is unlikely to make progress on restarting talks over the Code of Conduct due to its weak negotiating position, as it owes China billions of dollars related to infrastructure projects and is in the midst of an economic crisis, and its neutral stake in the matter as a landlocked country beholden to both China and ASEAN,” said the Stratfor report.

Laos’ external debt was about U.S.$14.5 billion in 2022. The World Bank said in a country report in November 2023 that China accounted for about half of the external public debt stock in 2022 and for about half of external debt repayments scheduled for 2024–2027.

Vientiane also does not want to upset other ASEAN members, especially Vietnam, its immediate neighbor and traditional ally. Hanoi as a claimant in the South China Sea has been at odds with China over a number of issues, from artificial island building to the exploitation of natural resources.

Lao Prime Minister Sonexay Siphandone visited Hanoi in early January and during a meeting with his Vietnamese counterpart, “the two prime ministers emphasized the importance of maintaining peace, security and stability in the region, including maintaining ASEAN's solidarity, common stance and centrality in regional security and strategic issues, such as the East Sea [South China Sea] issue,” according to the Vietnamese government’s website.

“Vietnam is keen to lobby Laos on the South China Sea,” said Canberra-based Carlyle Thayer. 

“I was leaked the transcript of the ASEAN Ministerial retreat in 2012 when Cambodia was ASEAN Chair and quashed the joint statement because of its paragraphs on the South China Sea,” Thayer told RFA. “As ministers discussed the draft joint statement in alphabetical order, Laos said virtually nothing or on the South China Sea said it would accept whatever the other members decided.”

Yet  the previous time Laos was ASEAN chair in 2016, it orchestrated a generic joint communique on the South China Sea that said “maintaining peace and stability in the South China Sea region serves the fundamental interests of ASEAN member states and China, as well as the international community.”

While this could be seen as passing the South China Sea dilemma to the next chair, it was a step up from the failure to issue a joint communique in 2012 by Cambodia and Vientiane is likely to maintain this approach this year.

Edited by Mike Firn and Elaine Chan.

Links

ASEAN issues rare statement on recent tension in South China Sea

Beijing, Manila to hold consultation on South China Sea ‘soon’

Philippines, China accuse each other of ship ramming

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Staff.

Alounkeo Kittikhoun, vice minister of foreign affairs for Laos, assumed the office of the regional bloc’s special envoy to Myanmar after his country took on the rotating chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations for 2024.

He will attempt to deal with Myanmar’s ongoing post-coup crisis while working to ensure the junta does not hold ASEAN hostage in its dealings with the bloc.

Ahead of Alounkeo’s visit, Myanmar’s military regime invited seven of the country’s 10 ethnic armies that have signed a Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement, as well as the heads of the 45 registered political parties to attend talks with the envoy. 

While no dates have been officially announced, invitees said that the meeting with ethnic armies will take place on Wednesday in the capital Naypyidaw, while the meeting with political parties will occur on Friday in Yangon.

Colonel Saw Kyaw Nyunt, the General Secretary of the Karen National Liberation Army Peace Council, said that his group expects to discuss ways to end the country’s political crisis and facilitate humanitarian assistance amid widespread violence – a process that began during Indonesia’s chairmanship last year.

“We expect to find a potential way to overcome the three-year crisis during the visit of the new envoy,” he said, without providing details.

Aiming for an election

Of the 10 ethnic armies that have signed the ceasefire, three were not invited to this week’s meeting. The Karen National Union, the Chin National Front, and the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front are all signatories, but are currently engaged in fighting with the military.

Tin Swe, the deputy chairman of the Democratic Party, told RFA Burmese that his party will request assistance from Alounkeo to hold an immediate general election in Myanmar.

“Elections can only be held if there is an end to the ongoing armed conflict,” he said. “We hope ASEAN can assist in holding such an election.”

The junta and its supporters want to hold a general election to end a state of emergency that has been in place in Myanmar since the Feb. 1, 2021, coup d’etat, but observers say such a ballot would be neither free nor fair and would only serve to legitimize the military’s grasp on power.

The regime has ignored calls to allow all stakeholders, including the deposed National League for Democracy, the shadow National Unity Government, and various anti-junta forces, from meeting with visiting ASEAN officials. Critics say there can be no meaningful move towards a resolution of the crisis unless all parties have a seat at the table.

Key stakeholders missing

Kyaw Zaw, the spokesperson of the President’s Office under the National Unity Government, or NUG – made up of leaders of the former, ousted civilian government and other activists – said his administration welcomes the new ASEAN special envoy’s efforts to resolve the conflict.

But he called for the envoy to also meet with anti-junta groups such as the NUG, instead of only holding talks with stakeholders selected by the military.

“He should also meet with the NUG, which represents the people of Myanmar, the ethnic armed organizations which are benefiting ethnic groups, and other revolutionary forces,” he said, adding that he is holding out hope that such a sit-down might still take place.

RFA sent a request for comment on the pending visit to the Lao Embassy in Yangon, but had yet to receive a response by the time of publishing. Similarly, calls to junta Deputy Information Minister Major General Zaw Min Tun went unanswered Tuesday.

Aung Myo, a former military officer and political commentator, told RFA that Alounkeo will request a meeting with jailed National League for Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi during his visit, and that the junta would grant such a request under certain conditions.

“If the special envoy agrees not to release certain information during his press conference after meeting with Aung San Kuu Kyi, he would be allowed to meet with her,” he said.

The former State Councilor and former President Win Myint, who were arrested along with other senior members of the NLD in the aftermath of the coup remain incarcerated on lengthy prison sentences under various charges.

Tumultuous relations

ASEAN adopted a ‘five-point’ consensus in April 2021 to end violence in Myanmar and bring the country back to the path of democracy, but rotating ASEAN chairs Brunei, Cambodia and Indonesia have all failed to effectively address the crisis over the past three years.

The consensus – which was agreed to by the junta – called for an end to violence, the provision of humanitarian assistance, the appointment of an ASEAN special envoy, all-party dialogue, and mediation by the envoy.

Moreover, top junta officials, including junta chief Senior Gen.l Min Aung Hlaing, have been barred from attending ASEAN summits because of the regime’s failure to implement the consensus.

In addition to his role as the vice minister for foreign affairs, Alounkeo Kittikhoun has served as ambassador to the U.N. for the Lao government and is a veteran diplomat.

The first ASEAN special envoy to Myanmar after the military coup was Deputy Foreign Affairs Minister Erywan Yusof of Brunei during that country’s rotating chair of the bloc in 2021. He tried to visit Myanmar in October 2021, but his trip was canceled because the junta did not agree to some of his terms. 

During the 2022 term of the ASEAN rotating chair, Foreign Affairs Minister Prak Sokhonn of Cambodia served as the special envoy. He made two visits to Myanmar in one year, but his requests for a meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi were denied by the junta.

Indonesia chose an approach of “silent diplomacy,” during its term last year and sent no special envoy to Myanmar. Indonesian Foreign Affairs Minister Retno Marsudi said on Jan. 8 that his government held a total of 265 meetings with the junta to address the crisis in Myanmar, but made little progress.

Translated by Aung Naing. Edited by Joshua Lipes and Malcolm Foster.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Burmese.

Members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN, have issued the unprecedented stand-alone statement on the South China Sea, vowing a “peaceful resolution of disputes” in the area. 

“We closely follow with concern the recent developments in the South China Sea that may undermine peace, security, and stability in the region,” said the foreign ministers of the union, cited by a statement on Dec. 30, 2023.

“We recall and reaffirm our shared commitment to maintaining and promoting peace, security, and stability in the region, as well as to the peaceful resolution of disputes, including full respect for legal and diplomatic processes, without resorting to the threat or use of force.”

The rare statement comes amid some ASEAN members being embroiled in a long-standing maritime dispute over the area.

In recent months, for instance, China and the Philippines have had a spate of confrontations near some of the atolls that both countries claim but lie within Manila’s exclusive economic zone.

In early December, both of them accused each other of provoking conflict by conducting dangerous maneuvers.

China and five other parties including four ASEAN member states – Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam – hold competing claims in the South China Sea but the Chinese claims are the most expansive.

“The statement probably emerged from Indonesia and the Philippines’ diplomatic efforts,” Shahriman Lockman, a political scientist at the Institute of Strategic and International Studies (ISIS) in Malaysia, told Radio Free Asia.

Indonesia is the rotating chair of ASEAN in 2023.

“While it appears harmless and avoids making explicit reference to maritime confrontations between China and the Philippines, the very existence of the statement is meaningful and establishes a notable precedent,” said Lockman.

“It amplifies the expectation that ASEAN could and should issue declarations in response to escalating tensions in the South China Sea.”

ASEAN has relied greatly on the principles of consultation and consensus in its operations, and that explains why the statement did not mention China, neither the Philippines, when talking about “recent developments in the South China Sea,” according to Lockman. 

“I’m guessing that that’s what was needed to get the support of some of the other ASEAN member states that are a little more sensitive to China’s pressure,” said the analyst.

Principles of UNCLOS

The six-point statement referred to “international law, including the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS)” repeatedly, reiterating the importance of the international legal and diplomatic processes.

In 2016, in a case brought by the Philippines, an international arbitration tribunal ruled that China’s claim to “historic rights” over the South China Sea and the islands inside is unlawful. 

Beijing, however, refused to accept the ruling.

“We underscored the importance of the full and effective implementation of the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea (DOC) in its entirety and committed to working towards the early conclusion of an effective and substantive Code of Conduct in the South China Sea (COC) that is in accordance with international law, including the 1982 UNCLOS,” the statement said.

China and ASEAN agreed on a DOC in 2002, but progress on a legally binding COC has been slow going amid an increasing risk of conflict.

The ASEAN foreign ministers’ statement stopped short of calling out any separate country but said “We welcome the recent holding of a maritime dialogue between China and the United States in Beijing and the meeting between U.S. President Joe Biden and China President Xi Jinping on the margins of the APEC Leaders’ Meeting in California.”

The statement added: “We hope that such dialogues will continue to further ASEAN’s efforts to strengthen stability and cooperation in the region’s maritime sphere.”

Edited by Taejun Kang and Elaine Chan. 

Updated to correct to 2023 instead of 2024 for the year of Indonesia’s ASEAN chairmanship.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Staff.

Tokyo and the ASEAN bloc are holding a special summit (Dec. 16-18) to celebrate 50 years of friendship and bilateral cooperation. A significant part of the Joint Vision Statement and its implementation plan released at the summit is dedicated to cooperation in maritime security.

“We reaffirm our commitment to uphold international law, including the UN Charter and the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS),” the joint statement said.  

China and four ASEAN countries – Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam – hold contesting claims over parts of the South China Sea, but Beijing’s claim is by far the most expansive.

On the sidelines of the summit on Saturday, Japan’s Prime Minister Fumio Kishida and his Malaysian counterpart Anwar Ibrahim signed a security assistance agreement worth 400 million yen (US$2.8 million) through which Tokyo will provide maritime equipment and rescue boats to its Southeast Asian partner.

The countries also announced the elevation of Malaysia-Japan bilateral relations to Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, the highest level of cooperation.

In November, Japan selected four Asia-Pacific countries -- Bangladesh, Fiji, Malaysia and the Philippines -- to receive Tokyo’s official security assistance grant worth in total 2 billion yen ($13 million) in the fiscal year through March 2024.

Kishida and Anwar “also confirmed their intention to strengthen further cooperation between the Japan Coast Guard and the Malaysian Maritime Enforcement Agency,” said their joint statement.

Separately, Japan and Indonesia signed notes for the provision of a large Japan-built patrol vessel of up to 9.05 billion yen ($63.7 million) for the Indonesian Coast Guard (BAKAMLA).

“This is expected to strengthen the maritime law enforcement capability of BAKAMLA, thereby contributing to the improvement of BAKAMLA's ability to respond to the challenges of the Asian region and the international community through the enhancement of maritime safety in Indonesia,” the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement.

Concrete measures

Prime Minister Kishida, who has traveled 32 times to ASEAN countries since becoming foreign minister 11 years ago, proposed what he called “three concrete measures to take the ASEAN-Japan relations to new heights for the next 50 years.”

They are to build trust and a “heart-to-heart relationship” across generations; develop a robust economic partnership; and to bolster peace and security in the Indo-Pacific.

“Japan, who is by far the most trusted partner of many ASEAN member states, is stepping up in playing a security role in the region,” said Huong Le Thu, Asia Deputy Director at the International Crisis Group (ICG).

“Japan's new OSA (Official Security Assistance) program certainly raises such expectations,” she said. 

In November, during an official visit to the Philippines, Kishida and President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. agreed to start negotiations for a major defense pact that would allow troops from both countries to enter each other’s territory for joint military exercises.

Manila and Beijing have been embroiled in bitter disputes over several reefs in the South China Sea, with Chinese law enforcement vessels being accused of firing water cannons at and ramming Philippine ships.

“Japan also has [an] agreement to support maritime surveillance and monitoring capacity-building for the Philippines,” said Huong Le Thu. “Vietnam may be next [to receive maritime security assistance] after the two governments elevated their relationship to Comprehensive Strategic Partnership in November.”

“But the OSA can expand beyond Southeast Asia to include South Asia, like Bangladesh, or the South Pacific, such as Fiji,” said the Canberra-based analyst.

“So certainly, Japan is adding to much needed maritime capacity building in the region,” she added.

The Japan-ASEAN joint statement on Sunday did not mention China but during the summit, the leaders raised concerns over the “situation in East and South China Sea.”

A Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson, when asked about the Japan-ASEAN summit, said that “China believes that all cooperation should help enhance mutual trust between countries in the region, promote common development, and contribute to the region’s peace and stability.”

“No cooperation should target any third party,” spokeswoman Mao Ning told reporters at a regular press conference on Friday.

A U.N. tribunal in 2016 ruled against most of China’s claims in the South China Sea, but Beijing refused to accept the verdict.

Edited by Taejun Kang and Mike Firn. 

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Staff.

The conference took place from Sept. 13-15 led by junta Air Force chief Gen. Tun Aung. Air Force chiefs from Brunei, Cambodia, Vietnam, Laos and Thailand attended, while Singapore and the Philippines sent video messages. Malaysia and Indonesia boycotted the event.

Meanwhile the junta’s brutal air campaign continued with airstrikes on Sagaing region’s Indaw, Pale and Ayadaw townships. The air force also attacked Mogoke township in Mandalay region and Kyaukkyi township in eastern Bago region.

In Indaw, junta planes attacked a monastery in Kha Yan Sat Kone village on Friday, following up with a heavy artillery bombardment.

The 77-year-old abbot Rajinda and 42-year-old laybrother Win Thein died in the attack, according to a local who didn’t want to be named for fear of reprisals.

“The monastery was bombed by an airplane,” the local said.

“Seconds later, the junta fired a Howitzer at the same monastery killing the abbot …That’s why the whole village had to sleep outside the village on the night of September 15. 

“Now they have returned to the village as they have to cremate the abbot. The abbot’s head was split and the civilian was hit in the chest,” said the man, adding that there had been no fighting in the area before the attack. 

Three junta helicopters carried out 13 airstrikes on villages in Bago region’s Kyaukkyi township, according to a Karen National Union statement Friday.

More than 5,000 residents from six villages were forced to flee to escape the bombardement, the statement said.

A local resident, who didn’t want to be named for security reasons, told RFA that people are still unwilling to return to their homes because they are afraid of more airstrikes. They are staying in nearby villages and the forest.

On Friday night, a jet fighter fired on a village in Mandalay region's Mogoke township for 15 minutes, residents told RFA Burmese.

They said the junta launched the attack following a battle with the Ta’ang National Liberation Army.

A spokesperson for the ethnic armed group, Lt. Col. Mong Aik Kyaw, said the junta has stepped up its air campaign recently.

“We have seen more airstrikes from their side,” he said.

“Now they are attacking civilian targets. Last month, a jet fighter came and attacked Taung Gyaw hill where there was no fighting.”

He added that since July 23, there have been more than 40 clashes between the junta army and the TNLA.

Calls to junta Deputy Information Minister Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun went unanswered.

The Air Force chiefs who attended the ASEAN conference in Naypyitaw discussed regional security and cooperation in the fight against terrorism.

Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw spokesperson Sithu Maung said all ASEAN members should have boycotted the conference.

“Airstrikes targeting civilians, not military targets are war crimes and crimes against humanity,” said the representative of the committee which is made up of members of the National League for Democracy and other lawmakers ousted in the February 2021 coup.

“If they attended the conference knowing of this situation it would encourage violence.”

Translated by RFA Burmese. Edited by Mike Firn and Taejun Kang.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Burmese.

The annual ASEAN Air Chiefs Conference brings together the top air force officials from the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations, but Kuala Lumpur, Jakarta, and Manila will not send representatives, the Singapore-based Straits Times reported Sept. 7.

The newspaper reported on Aug. 7 that Singapore, Brunei and Vietnam have yet to respond regarding the conference, and the chief of defense of the Cambodian Air Force had declined to comment on the matter.  Thailand, meanwhile, plans to attend, the report said.

The conference, set to begin in Myanmar’s capital of Nay Pyi Taw on Tuesday and run through Friday, will be chaired by junta’s Air Force Chief Gen. Tun Aung, who has been sanctioned by the U.S. and U.K.

RFA contacted representatives of the three countries to confirm the reports that they would not take part.

“The Air Force commander will not attend the Air Chiefs Conference and will not be represented,” Indonesian Air Force spokesperson Agung Sasongko told BenarNews, an RFA-affiliated online news service.

Indonesia is this year’s ASEAN chair, and the bloc has banned representatives from the Myanmar junta from its meetings.

A spokesperson for Malaysian Air Force told BenarNews that the office of the Air Force Commander has not yet made a decision on whether to attend. 

BenarNews was not able to reach a representative from the government of the Philippines for comment.

Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines’ decision not to attend the conference shows that ASEAN's support for the Myanmar junta, officially known as the military council, is declining, said Yadanar Maung, a spokesperson for Justice For Myanmar, which investigates business and government corruption and exploitation. It has also called for boycott.

Maung Maung Swe, deputy defense secretary of Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government welcomed the boycott by the three countries, and said it reflects the increased isolation facing the junta.

“What this shows is that the military council, which has committed various war crimes, is in a political downfall in the international arena and that the international community is no longer willing to deal with them,” he said.

He also said that other ASEAN countries should be aware that their political reputation may be affected if they decide to attend the conference. 

 ASEAN countries that are close to the West will weigh their interests before deciding to attend the conference, said Myanmar-based political analyst Sai Kyi Zin Soe. 

“The countries that are close to the West will consider that their participation in the conference will bring other pressures on them and cause some impact on their interests as well,” he said. “But at the moment, it’s hard to see how it will directly affect the military council."

RFA called junta spokesman Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun, for comment, but his phone rang unanswered. 

Thein Tun Oo, executive director of the Thayninga Institute for Strategic Studies that is made up of former military officers, told RFA that there is no harm to Myanmar if some ASEAN countries do not attend the conference. 

“[The ASEAN countries] always talk about some issues regarding Myanmar and the ASEAN 5-Point Consensus,” he said, referring to an agreement made by member nations on restoring peace in Myanmar, which has been ignored by the junta.

“If some of them decide not to attend, just let them [not attend],” he said, adding that they would miss out on any information shared during the conference.

Attacking civilians

General Tun Aung, who will chair the conference, was appointed as the Myanmar Air Force chief by the junta in January 2022.

Since then, he has ordered and commanded more than 930 airstrikes on civilians, according to the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project, a project that systematically monitors and records military strikes. It said that nearly a thousand people were killed during those attacks.

Former Air Force Sergeant Zeya, who has joined the anti-junta civil disobedience movement, said that other ASEAN countries should not attend the conference to be held by the junta, which is attacking and killing its own people, including children.

"I am truly grateful to and welcome the decision of these three countries to boycott the Air Chiefs Conference to be held by the Myanmar junta which is brutally killing its own civilians and children,” he said. 

“Other ASEAN countries should follow suit, because they would downgrade themselves if they cooperate with such a murderous and unprofessional military.”

Additional reporting by  Pizaro Gozali Idrus and Iman Muttaqin Yusof for BenarNews. Translated by Myo Min Aung. Edited by Eugene Whong.
BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated news source.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Burmese.

Papua New Guinea Prime Minister James Marape has backtracked on his comments that PNG had “no right to comment” on human rights abuses in West Papua and has offered a clarification to “clear misconceptions and apprehension”.

Last week, Marape met Indonesian President Joko Widodo at the sidelines of the 43rd ASEAN summit in Jakarta.

According to a statement released by Marape’s office, he revealed that he “abstained” from supporting the West Papuan bid to join the Melanesian Spearhead Group Leaders’ Summit held in Port Vila, Vanuatu, last month because the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) “does not meet the requirements of a fully-fledged sovereign nation”.

• READ MORE: MSG throws away golden chance to reset peace and justice for West Papua
• Marape claims PNG has ‘no right’ to criticise abuses in West Papua
• Other West Papua reports

However, on Saturday, his office again released a statement, saying that the statement released two days earlier had been “released without consent” and that it “wrongfully” said that he had abstained on the West Papua issue.

“Papua New Guinea never abstained from West Papua matters at the MSG meeting,” he said.

He said PNG “offered solutions that affirmed Indonesian sovereignty over her territories”, adding that “at the same time [PNG] supported the collective MSG position to back the Pacific Islands Forum Resolution of 2019 on United Nations to assess if there are human right abuses in West Papua and Papua provinces of Indonesia.”

Marape said PNG stressed to President Widodo its respect for Indonesian sovereignty and their territorial rights.

Collective Melanesian, Pacific resolutions
“But on matters of human rights, I pointed out the collective Melanesian and Pacific resolutions for the United Nations to be allowed to ascertain [human rights] allegations.”

According to Marape the four MSG leaders have agreed to visit the Indonesian President “at his convenience to discuss this matter”.

“President Widodo responded that the MSG leaders are welcome to meet him and invited them to an October meeting subject on the availability of all leaders. He assured me that all is okay in the two Papuan provinces and invited other PNG leaders to visit these provinces.”

Pacific Media Watch reports that there are actually currently six provinces in the West Papua region, not two, under Indonesia’s divide-and-rule policies.

Since 30 June 2022, the region has been split into the following provinces – Papua (including the capital city of Jayapura), Central Papua, Highland Papua, South Papua, Southwest Papua and West Papua.

Marape has also said that his deputy John Rosso was also expected to lead a delegation to West Papua to “look into matters in respect to human rights”.

Meanwhile, he believes the presence of Indonesia on MSG as an associate member and ULMWP as observer at the MSG “is sufficient for the moment”.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

Papua New Guinea Prime Minister James Marape has told Indonesia’s President Joko Widodo that PNG has no right to criticise Jakarta over what he calls alleged human rights abuses in West Papua.

The two leaders spoke on the sidelines of the ASEAN summit in Jakarta, reaffirming commitments to maintain dialogue to build stronger and trustful relations that had been made when they met in Port Moresby in July.

Marape told Widodo he had abstained from supporting the West Papuan bid to join the Melanesian Spearhead Group at last month’s meeting in Port Vila because the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) “does not meet the requirements of a fully-fledged sovereign nation”.

• READ MORE:  MSG throws away golden chance to reset peace and justice for West Papua
• Other West Papua human rights reports

“Indonesia’s associate membership status, also as a Melanesian country to the MSG suffices, which cancels out West Papua ULM’s bid,” Marape said, referring to the ULMWP.

He said about the allegations of human rights issues in West Papua, that since PNG had its own challenges, it had no moral grounds to comment on human rights issues outside of its own jurisdiction.

The Indonesian president said PNG deputy Prime Pinister John Rosso would be invited to assess developments taking place in West Papua.

Widodo said Indonesia’s was committed to building trustful and cooperative relations with all Pacific countries and would extend an invitation to their leaders to attend the Archipelagic Island States (AIS) Forum next month in Indonesia.

Meanwhile, on the planned electrification project in PNG’s western provinces, the two leaders pledged to ensure this project would go ahead smoothly and is completed on time.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

Papua New Guinea Prime Minister James Marape has told Indonesia’s President Joko Widodo that PNG has no right to criticise Jakarta over what he calls alleged human rights abuses in West Papua.

The two leaders spoke on the sidelines of the ASEAN summit in Jakarta, reaffirming commitments to maintain dialogue to build stronger and trustful relations that had been made when they met in Port Moresby in July.

Marape told Widodo he had abstained from supporting the West Papuan bid to join the Melanesian Spearhead Group at last month’s meeting in Port Vila because the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) “does not meet the requirements of a fully-fledged sovereign nation”.

• READ MORE:  MSG throws away golden chance to reset peace and justice for West Papua
• Other West Papua human rights reports

“Indonesia’s associate membership status, also as a Melanesian country to the MSG suffices, which cancels out West Papua ULM’s bid,” Marape said, referring to the ULMWP.

He said about the allegations of human rights issues in West Papua, that since PNG had its own challenges, it had no moral grounds to comment on human rights issues outside of its own jurisdiction.

The Indonesian president said PNG deputy Prime Pinister John Rosso would be invited to assess developments taking place in West Papua.

Widodo said Indonesia’s was committed to building trustful and cooperative relations with all Pacific countries and would extend an invitation to their leaders to attend the Archipelagic Island States (AIS) Forum next month in Indonesia.

Meanwhile, on the planned electrification project in PNG’s western provinces, the two leaders pledged to ensure this project would go ahead smoothly and is completed on time.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

Papua New Guinea Prime Minister James Marape has told Indonesia’s President Joko Widodo that PNG has no right to criticise Jakarta over what he calls alleged human rights abuses in West Papua.

The two leaders spoke on the sidelines of the ASEAN summit in Jakarta, reaffirming commitments to maintain dialogue to build stronger and trustful relations that had been made when they met in Port Moresby in July.

Marape told Widodo he had abstained from supporting the West Papuan bid to join the Melanesian Spearhead Group at last month’s meeting in Port Vila because the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) “does not meet the requirements of a fully-fledged sovereign nation”.

• READ MORE:  MSG throws away golden chance to reset peace and justice for West Papua
• Other West Papua human rights reports

“Indonesia’s associate membership status, also as a Melanesian country to the MSG suffices, which cancels out West Papua ULM’s bid,” Marape said, referring to the ULMWP.

He said about the allegations of human rights issues in West Papua, that since PNG had its own challenges, it had no moral grounds to comment on human rights issues outside of its own jurisdiction.

The Indonesian president said PNG deputy Prime Pinister John Rosso would be invited to assess developments taking place in West Papua.

Widodo said Indonesia’s was committed to building trustful and cooperative relations with all Pacific countries and would extend an invitation to their leaders to attend the Archipelagic Island States (AIS) Forum next month in Indonesia.

Meanwhile, on the planned electrification project in PNG’s western provinces, the two leaders pledged to ensure this project would go ahead smoothly and is completed on time.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

Disagreements must be handled through dialogue, Li said, addressing the Association of Southeast Asian Nations leaders in Jakarta.

“We have preserved peace and tranquility in East Asia in a world caught with turbulence and change. In particular, we confronted the COVID-19 challenge by coming to each other’s aid in those difficult times,” Li said. “And that is a reflection of our brotherly ties in the face of adversity with concrete actions.”

Li avoided any mention of China’s new map, which was released last month and shows Beijing’s expansive claim over most of the South China Sea, including territories overlapping with the exclusive economic zones of ASEAN countries Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam. Those countries, India and Taiwan have objected to the map.

In a statement Wednesday, Indonesia, the ASEAN chair, did not mention the Chinese map, but said disputes over the South China Sea must be settled “in accordance with the universally recognized principles of international law, including the 1982 UNCLOS (the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea).”

The statement also did not specifically mention China Coast Guard firing water cannons at a Philippine Coast Guard ship in the disputed waters.

It did say that “some ASEAN member-states” expressed concern about “serious incidents in the area, including actions that put the safety of all persons at risk.”

A day earlier Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. in a meeting with his ASEAN counterparts did not name China but made strong statements about territorial integrity.

“We do not seek conflict; but it is our duty as citizens and as leaders to always rise to meet any challenge to our sovereignty, to our sovereign rights and our maritime jurisdictions in the South China Sea,” he said.

“No country would expect any less. No country would do any less.”

The Philippines, he said, calls upon all parties for self-restraint on activities that complicate South China Sea disputes.

“The Philippines firmly rejects misleading narratives that frame the disputes in the South China Sea solely through the lens of strategic competition between two powerful countries,” Marcos said.

“This not only denies us our independence and our agency, but it also disregards our own legitimate interests.”

The U.S. representative at the summit, Vice President Kamala Harris, pledged Washington’s support of ASEAN.

“ASEAN is at the center of America’s commitments to the Indo-Pacific. As the United States Indo-Pacific strategy makes clear we are committed to ASEAN centrality,” Harris said.

“Since President Biden and I took office we have expanded ASEAN ties. To that end, we have upgraded the relationship to a comprehensive strategic partnership. We invested in infrastructure and the digital economy. We launched major initiatives to address the climate crisis and health security.”

Myanmar discussions

ASEAN members also addressed the crisis in member-state Myanmar, where a military coup in February 2021 toppled the elected government and unleashed a brutal crackdown on protesters and civilians. 

More than 4,000 people have been killed and thousands more arrested by security forces since then, according to a monitoring group.

In a statement released Wednesday, the ASEAN leaders expressed grave concern over the lack of progress in implementing their five-point consensus on Myanmar adopted in April 2021. It calls for an immediate halt to violence and a dialogue among all parties.

The escalation of violence is “causing prolonged suffering for the people of Myanmar, humanitarian crisis, the destruction of houses and public facilities such as schools, hospitals, markets, churches and monasteries, and adverse impacts on regional stability, particularly along the border region,” the statement said.

Still, the leaders reiterated their position that the consensus plan remains ASEAN’s main reference to address the Myanmar situation.

Harris said the U.S. would continue efforts to return democracy to Myanmar.

“We have a shared commitment to international rules and norms and to our partnership on pressing national and regional issues such as the crisis in Myanmar,” Harris said.

She said the U.S. would “press the regime to end the horrific violence, to release all those unjustly detained, and to reestablish Myanmar’s path to inclusive democracy.”

In a separate meeting with leaders of ASEAN, South Korea and Japan, Li urged those leaders to find common ground, avoid a new “Cold War” and reject attempts to force countries to take sides.

China has accused Washington of a “cold war” mentality as it pushes back against perceived efforts to contain Beijing’s rise as a global superpower.

Beijing has also suggested that Washington, through its alliances and partnerships with other countries, seeks to isolate or pressure China on issues such as trade, technology and territorial disputes.

“To keep differences under control, what is essential now is to oppose picking sides, oppose bloc confrontation, and oppose a new Cold War and to ensure that disagreements and disputes among countries are properly handled,” Li said.

Away from ASEAN proceedings, Li joined Luhut Pandjaitan, Indonesia’s coordinating minister for maritime affairs and investment, for a trial run of the China-funded high-speed train connecting Jakarta with the city of Bandung. The two discussed potentially extending the $7.2 billion project, according to Reuters news service.

The rail project is the most high-profile of China’s Belt and Road Initiative projects in Indonesia, Southeast Asia’s largest economy. It has been touted by Indonesia and China as a symbol of the close ties between the two countries.

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated news service. Staff in Manila contributed to this report.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Tria Dianti for BenarNews.

Joko “Jokowi” Widodo, whose country holds the Southeast Asian bloc’s chair for 2023, was speaking on day one of its three-day summit in Jakarta, as observers questioned ASEAN’s cohesion and relevance in the face of regional challenges such as the post-coup situation in Myanmar and territorial disputes in the South China Sea.

“Lately, I’ve been hearing questions related to ASEAN: will ASEAN break up and not be able to unite? Can the ASEAN ship keep sailing?” Jokowi told his counterparts at the start of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations summit. 

“As a family member and as the chair of ASEAN, I want to affirm that ASEAN’s unity is still well maintained. Unity does not mean there is no difference of opinion,” he said, even after member-state Thailand broke ranks and engaged in talks with the Burmese junta.

And despite criticism about it being ineffective, Jokowi said a five-point plan that the bloc had agreed to with the Myanmar junta chief should remain the main guide for resolving the conflict there.

“We need more tactical and extraordinary efforts for the implementation of the five-point consensus,” he said, referring to the regional consensus that was struck within a few months after the Burmese military overthrew an elected government in February 2021.

The five-point plan includes ending violence, starting dialogue, providing humanitarian aid, appointing a special envoy, and the envoy visiting Myanmar.

The junta meanwhile has ignored the five-point consensus. Since the coup on Feb. 1, 2021, the military has cracked down on mass protests, killed more than 4,000 people and arrested tens of thousands more, human rights groups say.

Jokowi said Indonesia had achieved some trust building through engagements with stakeholders in Myanmar, “except with the military junta.” 

Retno Marsudi, the Indonesian foreign minister, said the Myanmar crisis was “very difficult, very complicated and not easy to solve.” There had been no significant progress in implementing the consensus despite Indonesia’s engagement efforts, she added.

However, ASEAN leaders had agreed to form a troika of current, previous and incoming chairs of the regional bloc to deal with the Myanmar crisis, she said. Such a troika would then include 2022 chair Cambodia, this year’s chair Indonesia, and upcoming chair Laos.

Hun Manet, who inherited power last month from Hun Sen, his strongman father, was among the heads of government attending the Jakarta summit. New Thai Prime Minister Srettha Thavisit was unable to join the others because his cabinet was being sworn in by the king on the same day.  

Meanwhile, the Philippines said Tuesday that it was ready to replace Myanmar as the rotating chair of the 10-nation bloc in 2026. 

“We will fortify the foundations of our community-building and navigate ASEAN as it embarks on a new chapter,” Philippines President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. said. 

Some media reports in mid-August cited unnamed diplomatic sources as saying that Myanmar was withdrawing from chairing ASEAN in 2026 because of the domestic crisis. 

Malaysia, a particular vocal critic of the Myanmar junta, is set to be ASEAN chair in 2025. On Monday, the country’s top diplomat expressed Malaysia’s frustration at the Burmese military’s reneging on the five-point consensus.

“Malaysia and other member countries gave their views that we cannot allow this to continue without strong and effective measures imposed on the junta,” Foreign Minister Zambry Abdul Kadir told reporters after ASEAN foreign ministers met in Jakarta on the summit’s eve.

Malaysian media quoted Zambry as also saying that ASEAN top diplomats would urge their leaders to review the five-point plan. Zambry’s predecessor, Saifuddin Abdullah, had called for abandoning the consensus outright and devising a new time-bound plan.

Many regional observers aren’t fans of the consensus either.

Indonesia lacked a clear strategy and had failed to make progress on the ASEAN five-point plan under its chairmanship, said Dinna Prapto Raharja, an international relations lecturer at Paramadina University in Jakarta.

“The five-point initiative has been rolling along without any direction or urgency,” she told BenarNews.

She also questioned Jokowi’s statement that ASEAN’s unity was still well maintained. 

“Anyone who follows foreign affairs issues can see that it is divided,” she added.

Another analyst wondered what Jokowi meant by calling for “extraordinary efforts” to implement the five-point consensus. 

“I have no idea what they are, but I assume they are more of a hope,” Muhammad Waffaa Kharisma, a researcher at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies in Jakarta, told BenarNews.

“If they are called extraordinary, they should be something that is out of the comfort zone.”

Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim raised the issue of the disputed South China Sea in his address to his ASEAN counterparts, saying it must be managed in a peaceful and rational way through dialogue in accordance with international law.

He was referring to the “2023 edition of the standard map of China,” which showed China’s claims over most of the South China Sea overlapping with those of ASEAN members including, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines and Vietnam.

These members as well as Taiwan objected to the map, which Beijing released last month amid tensions with the United States over Taiwan.

The 2023 map covers Taiwan and most of the West Philippine Sea, particularly the contested Spratly Islands.

China claims nearly the entire South China Sea, including waters within the exclusive economic zones of Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines, Vietnam and Taiwan. While Jakarta is not an active claimant in the South China Sea, it has been locked with China in tensions over the Natuna Islands.

The three-day ASEAN meetings include talks between the bloc and dialogue partners at the East Asia Summit. 

Among those scheduled to attend the talks are U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, Chinese Premier Li Qiang and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov.

Jason Gutierrez in Manila, Muzliza Mustafa in Kuala Lumpur, and Almira Wang in Jakarta contributed to the report.

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated news service.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Tria Dianti for BenarNews.

The question of how to handle the repressive and recalcitrant Burmese junta has divided the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) after member-state Thailand engaged with Myanmar’s military at least four times lately.

Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim told reporters that he and Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. discussed ASEAN and Myanmar at a bilateral meeting in Kuala Lumpur. 

“We did touch on Myanmar to strengthen the five-point consensus of ASEAN, but also give some flexibility, room and space for neighboring countries to engage on an informal basis,” Anwar said during a joint press conference with Marcos afterwards.

Anwar added that if this were to take place it must be done “without sacrificing the issues of human rights and the treatment of minorities, particularly Rohingya and other Burmese minorities in Myanmar.”

The Philippine president, who arrived in Kuala Lumpur on Tuesday afternoon for a two-day visit, did not mention Myanmar but, according to the Associated Press news agency, he said that in general ASEAN countries should be able to use bilateral means to solve problems.

“I think that this will be an important aspect to all the issues that ASEAN is presently facing and to all the issues that the member states are presently worrying about,” AP quoted him as saying.

ASEAN’s five-point consensus, a roadmap to restoring peace in Myanmar, has been ignored by the junta, which agreed to the plan two months after it toppled an elected government in February 2021. 

All along, the junta has cracked down on mass protests, killed nearly 4,000 people and arrested thousands more, according to human rights groups.

Aside from barring junta representatives from its meetings, ASEAN has been widely criticized for failing to make much headway in moving Myanmar towards peace. Malaysia’s former foreign minister, too, panned the consensus last year, saying it needed to be thrown out and that a new, time-bound plan with enforcement mechanisms should be formulated.

The Thai government, meanwhile, broke ranks with ASEAN and has engaged in talks with Myanmar’s military.

Earlier this month, in a shock announcement, Thailand’s foreign minister said he met secretly in prison with Burmese pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi who was jailed after the Feb. 1, 2021, military coup. The meeting, Thailand said, was approved by the Myanmar junta and the imprisoned leader.

Last month, Thailand also held another meeting with Myanmar’s junta-appointed foreign minister, representatives of India and China, as well as from ASEAN members Brunei, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam, and the Philippines. The Burmese and Thai militaries are said to be close, and the outgoing Thai PM is a former army chief.

Malaysia, Singapore and ASEAN 2023 chair Indonesia skipped that meeting.

The Malaysian Foreign Ministry said in a statement that its minister’s prior commitments were the reason he couldn’t attend. But it added that ASEAN’s five-point consensus remained the gold standard and bloc unity along with support for the ASEAN chair must be demonstrated.

Legitimacy for junta?

Anwar’s comments Wednesday about exploring individual member-states approaches to the Myanmar crisis, therefore, mark a change in Malaysia’s position.

His comments also followed a joint statement from ASEAN foreign ministers this month that reflected the divide within the bloc by noting that “a number of ASEAN member states” viewed the Thai meeting in June “as a positive development.”

Anwar’s rethink probably resulted from a realization that the situation seems to have become deadlocked, said Lee Pei May, a political expert at the International Islamic University Malaysia. 

“When the agreed-upon solution doesn’t yield the expected results, it’s essential to be open to exploring alternative approaches to find a resolution that benefits everyone involved,” she told BenarNews.

“This is one of the reasons why I believe Anwar has suggested that informal engagement with the Myanmar regime could be the way forward.”

An informal approach gives neighboring countries and the junta more flexibility to discuss and find common ground, May said.

“Thus, it is up to the wisdom of each country’s leader how they want to engage with Myanmar’s junta,” she added.

But another analyst, Chong Ja Ian, of the National University of Singapore, warned of the perils of informal approaches.

“[T]he issue is how much legitimacy do ASEAN or its members wish to extend to the junta. Will the junta use any contact or assistance to boost their legitimacy and the legitimacy of their actions, including on human rights abuses?” he told BenarNews.

“If there is engagement, what tangible outcomes do such engagement bring for the people of Myanmar or ASEAN? Or are they really photo opportunities for politicians?”

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated online news organization.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Iman Muttaqin Yusof for BenarNews.

Countries must persuade the Burmese military to follow through on the five-point plan, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken said as he met with his counterparts from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and other countries in Jakarta on Friday.

“In Myanmar, we must press the military regime to stop the violence, to implement ASEAN’s five-point consensus, to support a return to democratic governance,” Blinken said in a speech during a meeting with ASEAN ministers. 

The bloc, of which Myanmar is a member, has sought to mediate a resolution to the situation in that country, where the military toppled an elected government in February 2021 and threw civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi in prison. Nearly 3,800 people have been killed in post-coup violence, mostly by junta security forces.  

On Thursday, ASEAN issued a joint statement of its foreign ministers, but that was delayed by a day following a meeting of the region’s top diplomats Tuesday and Wednesday. Reports said the delay arose because they could not agree on what their joint statement would say about Myanmar.

The statement reflected the dissonance. 

Thailand had last month held another meeting with Myanmar’s junta-appointed foreign minister, representatives of ASEAN members Brunei, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam, and the Philippines, and India and China. The Burmese and Thai militaries are said to be close, and the outgoing Thai PM is a former army chief.

ASEAN 2023 chair Indonesia did not take kindly to that meeting, which it skipped along with Singapore and Malaysia.

And yet, the joint statement acknowledged that meeting, noting that “a number of ASEAN member states” viewed it “as a positive development.”

The statement went on to note, however, that efforts to solve the Myanmar crisis must support the five-point consensus and efforts by ASEAN chair Indonesia.

Thai Foreign Minister Don Pramudwinai defended the meeting, saying it was in line with an earlier ASEAN document that called for exploring other approaches for resolving the crisis.

In another shocker for the rest of ASEAN, and indeed, everyone else, the Thai foreign minister announced on Wednesday that he had met secretly over the weekend with Myanmar’s imprisoned civilian leader, Aung San Suu Kyi. The Thai foreign ministry said that she and the junta had approved the meeting with Don.

And not everyone is on board with the five-point consensus either, although they present a unified front, reports say.

The previous foreign minister of Malaysia, Saifuddin Abdullah, was an exception. He had said last July that it was time to junk the peace plan and devise a new one on a deadline that included enforcement mechanisms. 

ASEAN operates by consensus, which means any action it takes has to be approved by every member state. Divisions within the bloc have meant that not every member has approved of tougher action against Myanmar.

Therefore, other than shutting out the Burmese junta from all high-level ASEAN meetings for reneging on the consensus, little else has happened since February 2021.

Hunter Marston, a Southeast Asia researcher at the Australian National University, said the ASEAN top diplomats’ joint statement was largely in line with his expectations.

He would have liked to see “ASEAN invite the NUG as a way of imposing costs on the junta, but that won’t receive consensus,” Marston told BenarNews, referring to the National Unity Government, which is the shadow civilian administration.

He would have also liked to see “see a clearer acknowledgement of ASEAN’s frustration with the military junta.”

And the statement “still left room for Thailand’s rogue … diplomacy,” Marston said. 

Another analyst, Muhammad Waffaa Kharisma, from the Centre for Strategic and International Studies in Jakarta, said he had expected a little better from the joint statement.

“[N]ow I only hope that ASEAN does not accept back the junta without accountability,” he told BenarNews.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Tria Dianti for BenarNews.

The conversation between the two top diplomats on the margins of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations Foreign Ministers' Meeting “was part of ongoing efforts to maintain open channels of communication to clarify U.S. interests across a wide range of issues and to responsibly manage competition by reducing the risk of misperception and miscalculation,” said State Department Spokesperson Matthew Miller.

Blinken made clear to Wang in Jakarta that any action that targets the U.S. government, U.S. companies or American citizens “is of deep concern to us, and that we will take appropriate action to hold those responsible accountable,” according to a senior State Department official.

The intrusion by Chinese hackers into email accounts at the State Department and other agencies – including that of Commerce Secretary Gina Raimondo – is believed to have begun in May and been discovered just before Blinken visited Beijing in June.

Diplomats who attended the closed-door 90-minute exchange described the talks as more focused than the ones in Beijing, with both sides zeroing in on areas of interest.

On Blinken’s part, one key focus was fentanyl, a sometimes deadly painkiller behind what the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention calls an “opioid overdose epidemic.” In Beijing and again in Jakarta on Thursday Blinken pushed hard for China to crack down on the manufacture of “precursor chemicals” essential for making the drug.  

According to China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Wang reiterated China’s claims on Taiwan, called on Washington to cancel “unreasonable and illegal sanctions” against China and said the U.S. should “cease suppressing China’s economy and technology.”

Beijing suspended most formal lines of communication with the U.S. last August over a visit to Taiwan by then House speaker Nancy Pelosi. Further communications were cut off when the U.S. shot down a suspected spy balloon earlier this year.

The latest meeting came just hours after Xie Feng, China’s new ambassador to the U.S., held rare talks with a top U.S. defense official for Asia.

Ely Ratner, U.S. assistant secretary of defense for Indo-Pacific security affairs, stressed the importance of keeping lines of communication open with China.

Earlier in the month, U.S. Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen visited China, and climate envoy John F. Kerry is scheduled to visit from Sunday, with Beijing saying it is also open to a visit by U.S. Commerce Secretary Gina Raimondo.

Looming restrictions

U.S. diplomatic missions and reach-out to China may be undermined, however, as Washington pushes ahead with new restrictions on U.S. investments in Chinese companies involved in quantum computing, artificial intelligence and semiconductors, reported The New York Times.  

The new restrictions were a key focus of discussion between Yellen and senior Chinese officials during her four days in Beijing, which concluded last Sunday.

During her visit to Beijing, Yellen repeatedly highlighted the fact that the restrictions were limited to several highly strategic sectors that affect U.S. state security and should not be interpreted as a blockade that sought to hold China’s development back.

It’s a line China is clearly not buying and the tensions between the two superpowers were further highlighted by China’s official responses to U.S. hacking allegations.

The Microsoft-hosted U.S. government email servers that were breached by a Chinese hacking group were detected and fixed “fairly rapidly,” National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan said Wednesday, despite Microsoft saying that the breach was only discovered a month after it happened.

When questioned on Thursday regarding the allegations of the hack, China’s Foreign Ministry urged the U.S. to “account for its cyberattacks as soon as possible rather than spread false information and divert attention.”

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Wang Wenbin used his press briefing on Wednesday to accuse the U.S. government of overseeing “the world’s No. 1 hacking group” – the National Security Agency – but otherwise did not comment on the claims about the hack, known as Storm-0558.

Shaky ground

China is seeking to engage ASEAN’s 10 members, predominantly through trade, in a strategic push to undermine U.S. influence in the region and challenge the existing American-led world order.

However, China’s claim to almost all of the South China Sea limits its influence. Several ASEAN members, including Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei, and the Philippines, have overlapping claims and have welcomed the U.S. military’s presence in the region. China regards U.S. involvement as foreign interference.

Blinken continued to engage with ASEAN nations in a series of meetings on Friday.

Washington aims to work with Southeast Asian nations to “push back” against an “upward trend” in Beijing’s “unhelpful, coercive and irresponsible” actions in the South China Sea, a senior U.S. State Department official said last week, ahead of Blinken’s visit.

“It’s not a matter of getting countries on board with the US view,” said Daniel Kritenbrink, the US assistant secretary for East Asian and Pacific affairs. “It’s a matter of working with our ASEAN partners to advance our shared view and vision for the region.”

This would require pushing “back on behavior that runs counter to that vision and to those principles, including the many irresponsible acts that we’ve seen carried out by China over the last several years and in the last several weeks,” he said.

Edited by Mike Firn.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Chris Taylor for RFA.

The guidelines to accelerate negotiations on a code of conduct for the South China Sea represent a “milestone,” the Indonesian foreign minister said after diplomats from both sides adopted them at a meeting in Jakarta. 

No details were released, although the Associated Press news agency cited an unnamed Southeast Asian diplomat as saying that both sides agreed to conclude a pact before autumn 2026. 

The Jakarta meeting was attended by all foreign ministers of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) barring Myanmar, and Wang Yi, who heads the ruling Chinese Communist Party’s foreign affairs commission, the Indonesian Foreign Ministry said.

Indonesia’s top diplomat, Retno Marsudi, who co-chaired the meeting with Wang, said the agreement showed their commitment to maintaining peace and stability in the region.

“These achievements should continue to build a positive momentum to strengthen a partnership that advances the paradigm of inclusivity and openness, respects international law including UNCLOS 1982, and promotes a culture of dialogue and collaboration,” Retno said in a statement, referring to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.

Retno also welcomed the completion of the second reading of the draft code of conduct this year, after the completion of the first reading in 2019.

China “should be a trusted partner of ASEAN” in nurturing an open and inclusive regional architecture, she said. 

“Only in this way can we achieve win-win cooperation for the sake of peace, stability, and shared prosperity in the Indo-Pacific,” Retno added.

Wang, meanwhile, said Beijing supported ASEAN’s central role in the region, according to China’s Xinhua news agency.

China stands ready to continue to play a constructive role in its early conclusion, Xinhua quoted Wang as saying. 

China and ASEAN have been negotiating a code of conduct for the South China Sea since 2002, but progress has been slow amid disputes over the scope and legal status of the document.

China claims almost all of the strategic waterway, which is also contested by Taiwan and ASEAN members Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam. And stability in Southeast Asia has been threatened lately with alleged incursions by Chinese vessels in the exclusive economic zones of the Philippines and Malaysia in the South China Sea.

Indonesia does not have any territorial disputes with China, but it has repeatedly lodged protests against Chinese fishing boats and coast guard vessels entering its EEZ near the Natuna Islands.

In 2016, the Philippines won a landmark international ruling at the Permanent Court of Arbitration, which threw out China’s expansive claims in the South China Sea. Beijing, however, has ignored the verdict and carried on with its military expansionism in the strategic waterway, including building artificial islands.

The South China Sea has also become a theater for big-power rivalry, as the United States, which has vital interests in the region, has accused China of militarizing the area and undermining freedom of navigation.

For its part, Beijing calls Washington’s moves in the region interference and insists it has historical rights to the sea’s resources.

U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken is scheduled to meet with his ASEAN counterparts at a conference in Jakarta on Friday. 

‘Potential positive impact’

The guidelines agreed to by ASEAN members and China could be in the nature of technical agreements on how the preventive principles in the code can be implemented, said Vinsensio Dugis, the head of the ASEAN Studies Center at Airlangga University in Surabaya.

“If this is the case, this should be welcomed, because it reflects the intention of the parties that claim part or all of the South China Sea territory to reach an agreement on the implementation of the code of conduct,” he told BenarNews.

Additionally, one of the sticking points in the negotiation revolved around the involvement of countries outside China and ASEAN in the implementation of the code of conduct, Vinsensio said. 

“China does not want any involvement of other countries, while some ASEAN countries see the need for countries such as the U.S. to also be involved in the process. I think this has been a major obstacle to implementing the principles in the code of conduct,” he said.

Still, the agreement between ASEAN and China brings potential positive impact to Southeast Asia and the Asia-Pacific region. 

“This means that there is a possibility of stability in the region, which is very important for peace and development,” he said.

On trade, China has been an important partner for ASEAN in promoting economic growth and fighting the COVID-19 pandemic, Indonesia’s Retno said.

Their bilateral trade reached U.S. $975 billion last year, making China ASEAN’s largest trading partner, while China was also the fourth largest source of foreign investment in ASEAN with $13.8 billion, Retno said.

A day earlier, China’s Wang urged ASEAN to speed up negotiations on an upgraded free trade agreement that would boost economic ties and post-COVID-19 pandemic recovery.

“China and ASEAN should jointly safeguard the global free trading system, uphold the ASEAN centrality, and jointly maintain regional peace and development,” Wang said after talks with Singapore Foreign Minister Vivian Balakrishnan on Wednesday.

China and ASEAN have been operating a free trade area since 2010, which covers trade in goods, services and investment. It is the largest free trade area in terms of population and third largest in terms of nominal GDP. 

The two sides launched negotiations on an upgraded version of the free trade agreement in 2016, aiming to further liberalize and facilitate trade and investment. 

Wang said both sides should speed up the talks on the so-called FTA 3.0 to “inject new impetus into regional development.”

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Tria Dianti for BenarNews.

The crisis in Myanmar is expected to be one of the main topics at a series of ministerial-level meetings that Indonesia will host next week as the 2023 chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. The talks will involve ASEAN members and other countries, including the United States, China and Russia.

Jakarta has been communicating with all parties in Myanmar to persuade them to support implementing the consensus, Indonesian Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi said. 

“We have conducted 110 engagements, in the form of in-person meetings, virtual meetings, and phone calls, including my own face-to-face meetings with both the NUG and SAC foreign ministers on several occasions,” Retno told reporters, referring to the National Unity Government, the shadow civilian administration, and the junta, which calls itself the State Administration Council.

ASEAN leaders agreed on the consensus during an emergency summit in April 2021, but the Southeast Asian bloc has since been heavily criticized for inaction in pressing ahead with the five-point plan. 

It aims to reduce violence in Myanmar after the Burmese military toppled an elected government in February that year. The plan demands an immediate halt to violence, a constructive dialogue among all parties, the appointment of a special envoy, the delivery of humanitarian assistance and the visit of a delegation to Myanmar. 

The junta agreed to this consensus but reneged on it, prompting ASEAN to exclude any representative from the Myanmar junta from its meetings, starting in October 2021.

‘Most ASEAN states have no interest in democracy’

Meanwhile, a network of Burmese civil society groups, which calls itself Myanmar Spring’s young revolutionaries, said the exclusion was a mirage, because Indonesia, through its office of the special envoy, was engaging with the junta.

“[T]he Special Envoy’s official engagement with the illegal military junta is inconsistent with ASEAN’s decision and stance to exclude and ban members of the military junta from all high-level ASEAN meetings,” representatives of several civil society groups told Ngurah Swajaya, the head of the special envoy’s office, according to a statement issued Friday.

The groups’ representatives had met with Ngurah on Monday.

“[T]he representatives expressed their concern and frustration over the ineffectiveness and failure of ASEAN to stop the terrorist military junta’s violence and atrocities against Myanmar people over the past two years since the adoption of the Five-Point Consensus (5PC) on 24 April 2021,” the statement said.

They also conveyed to Ngurah that “the ineffective 5PC will only embolden the terrorist junta to commit further crimes and exacerbate the plight of the people of Myanmar.”

Indonesia’s president, too, acknowledged in May that there had been no progress in implementing the peace plan.

All along, Myanmar’s junta has cracked down on mass protests, killed more than 3,000 people and arrested thousands more, according to human rights groups. The United Nations said more than 1.8 million people had been forced to flee their homes in Myanmar because of violence since the coup.

And yet, ASEAN “continues to stick to a plan agreed in April 2021 that has palpably failed,” said CIVICUS Lens, a group that analyzes current events from a civil society perspective.

“A major challenge is that most ASEAN states have no interest in democracy. Half of them are outright authoritarian regimes, and the other half could be characterized as democracies with flaws – sometimes serious flaws,” the group wrote in an article in late June.

“Continuing emphasis on the 5PC as the baseline consensus, however, hasn’t masked divisions among ASEAN states. … But the fact that they’re formally sticking with it enables the wider international community to stand back and do little, on the basis of respecting regional leadership and giving the 5PC a chance.”

Of ASEAN’s 10 members, Brunei, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam are not democracies, and Thailand’s outgoing government first came to power much like the current Myanmar junta, via a military coup.

CIVICUS Lens also noted Thailand’s decision to break ranks with ASEAN and engage in talks with the Myanmar military.

Indonesia on Friday again dismissed the Thai meeting in June as not a formal one.

“Regarding the informal meeting in Thailand, once again it was an informal meeting of ASEAN and only the foreign minister of Laos attended. The 5PC is the main track for resolving the Myanmar issue,” Foreign Minister Retno said.

However, in addition to Thailand and Myanmar, representatives of ASEAN members Brunei, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam, and the Philippines – as well as India and China – attended the meeting in Pattaya.

Some experts say that ASEAN’s approach to Myanmar reflects its limitations as a consensus-based organization that prioritizes stability and non-interference in its members’ domestic affairs. 

Additionally, while Jakarta should be praised for holding so many meetings with different stakeholders, it was impossible to assess the progress of its diplomatic engagements as they were confidential, said Hunter Marston, a researcher at the Australian National University. 

“It’s also possible that the Indonesian government has underestimated the degree to which the current conflict is entrenched and the unwillingness of the warring sides to consider a peaceful settlement that does not include the complete eradication of the other side,” he told BenarNews.

He said that the outcome of Indonesia’s efforts remained uncertain. 

“If nothing materializes by the end of Indonesia’s chairmanship, however, then everyone will point and say, ‘See? There was never a chance of progress to begin with’,” he said. 

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated online news organization.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Tria Dianti for BenarNews.

The Indonesian military announced Wednesday a change of location for the Association of Southeast Asian Nations exercise, scheduled for Sept. 18-25. The non-combat drills were originally planned to take place in the North Natuna Sea, which lies within Indonesia’s exclusive economic zone (EEZ) but parts of which China claims. 

Indonesia is this year’s holder of the rotating ASEAN chairmanship.

The new ASEAN exercise locations “include Batam [near Singapore] and the waters of South Natuna that are part of Indonesia’s archipelagic sea lane,” military spokesman Col. Suhendro Oktosatrio said. He was referring to designated areas where foreign ships are allowed passage while transiting through those waters innocently.

These new locations were chosen because they were suitable for non-combat drills such as joint maritime patrols, medical evacuation and disaster relief, said another Indonesian military official, Rear Adm. Julius Widjojono.

“Priority is given to areas that are prone to [natural] disasters,” he said. 

Indonesia renamed the southern reaches of the South China Sea the North Natuna Sea in 2017, to emphasize its sovereignty over those waters, which encompass natural gas fields. 

Indonesia does not have any territorial disputes with China, but it has repeatedly lodged protests against Chinese fishing boats and coast guard vessels entering its EEZ near the Natuna Islands.

China has claimed “traditional rights” over fishing resources in the area. China claims nearly the entire South China Sea, including waters within the exclusive economic zones of Taiwan and ASEAN member-states Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam. 

In 2016, a U.N. arbitration court ruled that China’s nine-dash line, a boundary used by Beijing on Chinese maps to illustrate its claim, was invalid. But Beijing has rejected the ruling and insisted it has jurisdiction over all areas within the dashed line.

Chinese officials said back then that the nine dashes were “for security and order at sea.”

China has built artificial islands and military installations on some reefs and shoals in the South China Sea, raising concerns among other claimants and the United States.

The United States has regularly conducted “freedom of navigation” operations in the South China Sea to challenge China’s claims and has urged ASEAN countries to stand up to Beijing’s assertiveness. 

Indonesia’s military commander Adm. Yudo Margono, who proposed the ASEAN drill during a meeting of the bloc’s defense forces chiefs in Bali earlier this month, said the joint drills would enhance regional stability and “boost our countries’ economy.”

‘Afraid of clashing’

But Cambodia and Myanmar, two ASEAN members with strong ties to China, did not take part in an initial planning conference for the exercise on Monday, according to military spokesman Suhendro. It was not clear whether they would join the drills.

The Indonesian military said it sent official invitations for the planning meeting to the Cambodian and Burmese defense attachés in Jakarta but got no response.

Myanmar, which has been wracked by violence since the military ousted an elected government in 2021, is persona non grata at major ASEAN meetings.

Cambodia’s defense ministry said earlier this month it had not decided on participation in the ASEAN joint exercise, saying that it was still waiting for more information from Indonesia, according to media reports in that country.

Arie Afriansyah, an expert in international sea law at the University of Indonesia, said there could be many reasons for the change of the locations, such as safety and security considerations.

“Maybe they are afraid of clashing with other countries. If it is conducted in South Natuna, Indonesia has full control in that area,” Arie told BenarNews.

“It would be a shame if fear of China is the reason, because this exercise is a way for ASEAN countries to show their unity on the North Natuna and South China Sea issue, which Malaysia, Vietnam and the Philippines also support,” he said.

The joint ASEAN drill is planned as an effort to maintain regional stability, Khairul Fahmi, a military and security observer from the Institute for Security and Strategic Studies, told BenarNews.

“The message will not come across well if some ASEAN countries are not on board,” he said.

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated news organization.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Tria Dianti for BenarNews.

Thailand’s decision to hold talks with Myanmar’s military has again tested the unity of Southeast Asia’s main regional bloc, analysts said, questioning why the Thai government called the meeting especially after being trounced in last month’s election.

Key member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations that have criticized the Burmese junta – Malaysia, Singapore and current ASEAN chair Indonesia – snubbed the gathering, which Bangkok defended on Tuesday by saying it was held in Thailand’s best interests.

Thailand and Myanmar, along with five other ASEAN countries – Brunei, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam, and the Philippines – as well as India and China, attended the meeting in Pattaya on Monday, Thai Foreign Minister Don Pramudwinai said in a statement afterwards. 

Those officials who attended it included a mix of foreign ministers, envoys and representatives.

Cambodia and the Philippines, though, “signaled their discomfort” by not sending their top diplomats, according to Hunter S. Marston, a researcher on Asian affairs at the Australian National University.

“[Thailand] is actively undermining ASEAN centrality by forcing extremely uncomfortable choices on member countries who would rather not be exposed to such scrutiny for willingness to engage the junta,” Marston told BenarNews about Thailand’s efforts to engage with Myanmar’s military regime.

The meeting “risk[s] a dangerous diversion of diplomatic resources and attention away from the office of the special envoy in Jakarta,” he added.

Thailand’s approach was also at odds with Indonesia’s “quiet and more inclusive” diplomacy, Marston said.

“Singapore, Indonesia and Malaysia have taken a clear stance in opposition to the Thai approach,” he said.

Indonesia this year holds the rotating chairmanship of ASEAN. It has set up a special envoy’s office on Myanmar to deal with a crisis that erupted in that country after the military ousted an elected government on Feb. 1, 2021. 

Jakarta has also quietly engaged with the Burmese parallel civilian government and military administration, as well as China, India and Thailand, to solve Myanmar’s post-coup strife, Indonesian Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi revealed in May.

In October 2021, ASEAN as a bloc decided to exclude any representative from the Myanmar junta from its meetings after the military regime reneged on a five-point consensus for peace it had agreed to at an emergency summit of Southeast Asian leaders in April 2021.

The United Nations and human rights groups say the Myanmar junta’s security forces have killed thousands of civilians and the post-coup strife has displaced an estimated 1.5 million people.

Still, Thailand said on Tuesday it hosted the talks to complement ASEAN efforts and to protect its 2,400-kilometer (1,491-mile) border with the conflict-wracked country.

“Our ASEAN friends live far away and don’t have a connected border, so they are following their theory and they don’t see daily problems,” Thai foreign minister Don said. Cross-border crime primarily affected Thai citizens and businesses, he noted.

Participants found the meeting useful and wanted Thailand to hold it again, he added.

But Ngurah Swajaya, the Indonesian foreign ministry’s special advisor for regional diplomacy, on Monday evening reiterated Jakarta’s commitment to dealing with the crisis through formal ASEAN mechanisms. 

“If one country takes an initiative, that’s fine, that’s their right,” Ngurah said at a press conference.

“But if we talk about whether this is in the context of ASEAN, there are rules of the game, there is the five-point consensus, there are summit decisions, that’s what we have to pay attention to.”

This was not the first time Thailand had organized informal or “Track 1.5” dialogues with the Myanmar junta. 

In March, Thailand convened a meeting among countries that share frontiers with Myanmar such as Cambodia, Laos, Thailand and Vietnam, as well as Bangladesh, China, India and Japan to discuss border issues and approaches to the crisis. India hosted a similar round of alternative meetings a month later in New Delhi.

“There are ASEAN members that could identify with the military regime more than others,” said Joanne Lin, co-coordinator for the ASEAN Studies Centre at the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore.

“ASEAN countries that are bordering Myanmar will have their separate concerns including movements of refugees, trafficking in persons, drug trafficking, and, therefore, they may feel the need to engage with the [Burmese junta] to address these issues in a practical way.”

‘Preserving power’

Meanwhile, some analysts and observers raised questions about Thailand’s current administration holding such a meeting when it lost its mandate with Thai voters in the May 14 general election.

Analysts said the talks were likely an attempt by Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-o-cha’s caretaker government to maintain influence and close ties with the Myanmar military before a potential new government took office.

Foreign Minister Don said the decision to hold the meeting had already been in the works and the national polling body had only just (on Monday) certified the results of last month’s election. He did not see why Thailand’s interests needed to wait.

But the Move Forward Party, which won the most seats in Parliament’s lower house, on Tuesday, signaled its intention for a more active foreign policy, and a change in approach to Myanmar.

Party leader Pita Limjaroenrat reiterated his government’s “unwavering” commitment to ASEAN centrality on the issue of Myanmar.

“By prioritizing ASEAN centrality, promoting inclusive engagement, focusing on human security, and revamping our domestic approach, we aim to contribute to a stable and prosperous future for Thai and Myanmar people as well as the region as a whole,” Pita said in a statement.

Prayuth, a former army chief, became prime minister after leading a coup against the democratically elected government of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra in May 2014. He stayed on in office following his election by lawmakers after the 2019 general election. 

Salai Bawi, political scientist at Chiang Mai University, said it was clear the strategies of a potential Move Forward government would reset everything that Prayuth had established.

“Over the past nine years, the Thai military has formed significant relationships with the Myanmar military,” he told BenarNews.

“Therefore, preserving the power networks of the Thai military and the Myanmar government is crucial. … I believe this is an attempt by the [current] government to maintain its influential networks.”

A group of Southeast Asian lawmakers, meanwhile, called the Thai government’s move to hold the meeting with the Myanmar junta and others an “arrogant disregard for the unity of ASEAN, the human rights of the people of Myanmar, and even the will of its own citizens.”

The current Thai government was overwhelmingly defeated in the recent general election and no longer has a mandate from the people; initiating such talks in spite of this is a slap in the face of the Thai voters,” ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) Co-chair Charles Santiago said in a statement on Monday.

Tria Dianti and Ismira Lutfia Tisnadibrata in Jakarta, Wilawan Watcharasakwet in Bangkok, and Kunnawut Boonreak in Chiang Mai, Thailand contributed to this report.

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated news organization.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By BenarNews Staff.

The non-combat drills will take place near Indonesia’s Natuna Islands in September as a show of unity among the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Indonesian military officials said.

“All [ASEAN countries] have confirmed that they will attend,” Julius Widjojono, a spokesman for Indonesia’s armed forces, told BenarNews, adding the drill would be an annual event. However, there had been no confirmation from Myanmar on whether it would take part, Julius said. Strife-torn Myanmar is persona non grata at major ASEAN meetings.

China claims nearly the entire South China Sea, including waters within the exclusive economic zones of Taiwan and ASEAN member-states Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam. While Indonesia does not regard itself as a party to the South China Sea dispute, Beijing claims historic rights to parts of that sea overlapping Indonesia's exclusive economic zone in and around the Natunas.

Indonesia’s military commander Adm. Yudo Margono, who proposed the ASEAN drill during a meeting of the bloc’s defense forces chiefs on Wednesday in Bali, said the exercises would enhance regional stability.

“Indonesia will continue to promote a safe, peaceful and stable region free from any threats and disturbances that threaten the sovereignty of the states,” Yudo said in a statement Wednesday.

“A safe sea will automatically boost our countries’ economy.”

‘Strong message to the major powers’

The ASEAN drill, dubbed ASEAN Solidity Exercise, or Asec01N, will involve army, navy and air force units from the member-states, and Timor Leste, an observer state. The exercises will focus on maritime security and search-and-rescue operations.

Khairul Fahmi, a military and security analyst at the Jakarta-based Institute for Security and Strategic Studies, said the exercise was a good initiative by Indonesia.

“This is a concrete form of defense diplomacy to build trust, reduce concerns and misunderstandings between countries, especially ASEAN. Plus, there will be many challenges and threats to Indonesia’s national interests,” Fahmi said.

He said Indonesia’s initiative also affirmed its sovereign rights in the North Natuna Sea, which China claims as part of its historical rights marked by a nine-dash line that overlaps with other countries’ exclusive economic zones.

“This is part of ASEAN’s efforts to jointly play a more strategic role in maintaining regional stability,” Fahmi said.

“At the same time, it sends a strong message to the major powers that have interests in the region, especially in the North Natuna Sea, not to ignore ASEAN.”

China has built military installations on some of the islands and reefs it controls in the South China Sea. In 2016, an international tribunal ruled that China’s claims had no legal basis under the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), but Beijing rejected the ruling and continues to assert its presence.

Indonesia, Vietnam and Malaysia have accused China of disrupting their oil and gas exploration activities with frequent incursions by Chinese coast guard and maritime militia ships, leading to confrontations. ASEAN and China have been negotiating a code of conduct for years to manage disputes peacefully, but progress has been glacial.

The United States, which is not a claimant but is in a defense treaty with the Philippines, has challenged China’s claims by conducting “freedom of navigation” operations in the waterway.

While officials from some ASEAN states have expressed worry about the possibility of war breaking out between the superpowers over Taiwan, Washington and Manila earlier this year struck a deal to give U.S. forces expanded access to military bases in the Philippines – a move that angered China.

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated news organization.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Tria Dianti for BenarNews.

The meeting of government leaders from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations began in Labuan Bajo, a picturesque seaside town on the Indonesian island of Flores, as pressure mounted on the 10-nation bloc to take firm action on member-state Myanmar. The country has been ravaged by bloodshed since the military seized power from an elected government more than two years ago and unleashed a brutal crackdown on dissent.

In a joint statement, leaders of the regional bloc said they “condemned the attack” on a humanitarian convoy in Myanmar’s Shan state on Sunday and “underlined that the perpetrators must be held accountable.”

Indonesia President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo, this year’s chair of ASEAN, urged members of the bloc to unite in the face of challenges. 

“At the moment, the global economy has not fully recovered. Major power rivalries continue to sharpen. The global dynamic becomes more unpredictable,” he said in a speech to open the summit.

“Will ASEAN remain a spectator? Will ASEAN stay silent? Furthermore, will ASEAN be capable of being the engine for peace and economic growth?” he asked. “I am confident that we are certain ASEAN is capable, as long as we hold the key element: ASEAN unity.”

In their collective statement, the Southeast Asian leaders expressed support for efforts by Jakarta to push for the implementation of a five-point peace plan, which ASEAN and Myanmar’s military rulers had agreed to during an emergency summit in April 2021.

The five-point consensus called for an immediate cessation of violence in Myanmar, constructive dialogue among all parties, appointment of an ASEAN special envoy, provision of humanitarian assistance and a visit by an ASEAN delegation.

The junta has largely ignored the plan, prompting ASEAN to bar its leaders from attending the group’s summits.

ASEAN’s founding charter established the group’s principles of consensus and non-interference in its members’ affairs. This has led to criticism of ASEAN as being ineffective.

Among the critics is Anwar Ibrahim, the prime minister of Malaysia, who was at the summit in eastern Indonesia.

On Wednesday, he called for the five-point plan to be implemented in its entirety.

“Malaysia is disappointed that there continues to be a lack of meaningful and real progress in the implementation of the 5PC [five-point consensus],” Malaysian state media quoted Anwar as saying. 

Analysts: Deadlines, more intense pressure needed

The violent incident in Shan state took place as an ASEAN convoy was delivering humanitarian aid to Hsihseng township. Diplomats from Indonesia and Singapore were traveling with the convoy when it came under gunfire. 

There were no reports of injuries in the shooting, which the Myanmar military blamed on anti-junta forces. The opposition to the junta denied any involvement, according to reporting by Radio Free Asia, a news service affiliated with BenarNews.

Marina Ika Sari, a researcher at the ASEAN Studies Program of The Habibie Center, a think-tank in Jakarta, said the bloc should set a timetable to make the five-point peace plan work.

“What is needed is a practical plan – short-term, medium-term, long-term, with targets and timelines,” she told BenarNews.

She also said that ASEAN should discuss how to protect foreign diplomats and aid workers who are at risk in Myanmar.

“The security protection of civilians such as foreign diplomats and humanitarian workers in Myanmar is an important issue to be discussed after the attack,” she said.

Muhammad Waffaa Kharisma, an ASEAN researcher at the Jakarta-based Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), said the situation in Myanmar was no longer only a domestic political issue.

“It has degenerated into a civil war, with spillover effects such as refugees and transnational crimes,” he told BenarNews.

Kharisma acknowledged that the consensus system limits ASEAN in what the bloc can do. In his opinion, barring Burmese military leaders from summits is not enough to change their behavior.

“More varied and intense pressure is needed,” he said.

Myanmar’s military has faced widespread resistance from pro-democracy protesters, ethnic armed groups and other anti-coup forces since seizing power in February 2021.

The ASEAN summit was also expected to address issues such as a roadmap to Timor Leste’s full membership in the bloc, the South China Sea disputes and maritime security as well as the promotion of human rights and democracy in the region.

In his opening remarks, Jokowi said ASEAN, which has a combined population of about 650 million and a gross domestic product of about U.S.$3 trillion, had major assets as the “epicenter of growth,” such as a fast-growing economy, a young and dynamic workforce and a stable political environment.

He urged the leaders to work together to strengthen economic integration, inclusive cooperation, regional health architecture, food security, energy resilience and financial stability.

Tria Dianti in Jakarta and Iman Muttaqin Yusof in Kuala Lumpur contributed to this report. BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated news service.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Ahmad Syamsudin for BenarNews.

HRW said it reviewed photos and videos of the victims and the site, and concluded that the initial strike was conducted with a large, air-dropped “enhanced-blast” type munition, which is often called “thermobaric” or a “vapor-cloud explosive.” 

“The Myanmar military’s use of a weapon designed to cause maximum deaths on an area crowded with civilians shows flagrant disregard for human life,” said Elaine Pearson, HRW Asia director. “Foreign governments need to cut off the junta’s funding, arms and jet fuel to deter further atrocities.”

The attack targeted a gathering of about 300 residents from Kantbalu township who were opening an opposition-controlled administrative office. The military claimed it was aiming at members of an anti-junta militia and that the casualties were caused by explosions of stored explosives and landmines.

‘Quiet diplomacy strategy has not worked’

ASEAN has been under pressure to take a more active role in resolving the crisis in Myanmar that is seen as threatening regional stability and security. 

In April 2021, ASEAN leaders held a special summit on Myanmar and issued a five-point consensus. It included calls for an immediate cessation of violence, constructive dialogue among all parties, a special envoy to facilitate mediation and humanitarian assistance. 

The consensus has not been implemented because of the junta’s lack of cooperation and continued repression.

The junta also rejected calls for dialogue with the National Unity Government (NUG), a shadow government formed by ousted lawmakers and anti-coup activists. 

Retno said last week that she had met with stakeholders from Myanmar and other countries that have leverage over the junta as part of what she described as “non-megaphone diplomacy.” 

But rights activists and some observers accused ASEAN of being too lenient with the junta. 

“ASEAN’s quiet diplomacy strategy has not worked. We do not see any reduction of violence there, but rather more civilians have been killed in air strikes,” Debbie Stothard, coordinator of Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma (ALTSEAN), said in an online discussion last week. 

Sidharto Suryodipuro, director general of ASEAN cooperation at Indonesia’s foreign ministry, defended the lack of publicity, saying some issues were too sensitive to be revealed to the public. 

“If everything is opened up, there will be no successful negotiations,” he said last week.

On Monday, Indonesian President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo condemned an attack on a diplomatic convoy delivering humanitarian relief to displaced people in Myanmar the previous day. The convoy included members of the ASEAN disaster management agency and diplomats from Indonesia and Singapore. 

Jokowi said the attack would not deter Indonesia and ASEAN from helping Myanmar restore democracy and peace. 

“Stop the violence because it will only hurt civilians and benefit no one. Let us sit together and start a dialogue,” the president said. 

This week’s ASEAN summit is also expected to address other issues such as the South China Sea disputes and maritime security as well as the promotion of human rights and democracy in the region. 

Indonesia expects the summit to conclude with initiatives on human trafficking, migrant workers, fisheries, health, rural development, electric vehicles and payment connectivity. 

Officials also hope the summit will showcase Labuan Bajo as a premium tourism destination. The town is known for its natural beauty and proximity to Komodo National Park, home to the endangered Komodo dragons.

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated news service.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Ahmad Syamsudin for BenarNews.

A fighter-jet dropped two bombs on Pa Zi Gyi, a village in Kanbalu Township, and two Mi-35 attack helicopters strafed the crowd with gunfire, continuously cutting people to ribbons, eyewitnesses said, after hundreds of villagers had gathered for an office opening ceremony on Tuesday.

Women and children were among the dead. It was one of the most lethal strikes by the junta on civilians since the Burmese military seized power in a February 2021 coup. 

Indonesia, the 2023 holder of the ASEAN chair, issued the statement on the Southeast Asian bloc’s behalf two days after the United Nations and United States came out with statements deploring the attack.

“ASEAN strongly condemns the reported recent air strikes carried out by the Myanmar Armed Forces in Pa Zi Gyi Village, Kanbalu Township, Sagaing Region of Myanmar, that claimed the lives of at least dozens of civilians,” the ASEAN chair said.

“All forms of violence must end immediately, particularly the use of force against civilians,” it added. “This would be the only way to create a conducive environment for an inclusive national dialogue to find a sustainable peaceful solution in Myanmar.”

The 10-member bloc, whose members include Myanmar and which operates largely by consensus, has been widely criticized for failing to take strong action against the Burmese junta. The military has carried on with attacks amid nationwide turmoil in the nearly two years since the junta chief agreed to follow a five-point peace framework that ASEAN leaders agreed to during an emergency summit on post-coup Myanmar.

In Jakarta on Thursday, an aide to Indonesian President Joko Widodo declined to comment in response to a query from BenarNews about the ASEAN statement. Indonesia’s foreign ministry spokesman and director-general for ASEAN matters did not immediately respond to questions on whether the regional bloc would back up its strongly worded statement with punitive action against Naypyidaw.

In Sagaing, witnesses said it was hard to tell how many people were killed in Tuesday’s aerial attack because the bodies were so badly mangled by the bombs and machine-gun fire.

As of Thursday, the death toll had risen to 130 people, according to a report by RFA Burmese that cited information from a rescue team of volunteers in the village.

Amid the carnage, the military had deployed a surveillance helicopter and stationed troops on the outskirts of Pa Zi Gyi, impeding efforts to collect body parts and bring the wounded for medical treatment, residents said.

The Burmese military confirmed in a statement on Tuesday evening that it had carried out a “precision” attack on Pa Zi Gyi because, it said, members of the anti-junta People Defense Force paramilitary group had gathered there and “committed terrorist acts” in the area.

Junta Deputy Information Minister Major Gen. Zaw Min Tun told the military-controlled broadcast channel MRTV that those killed in the strike were members of the PDF – not civilians – and that the large number of casualties was the result of a rebel weapons cache exploding during the operation.

But a rescue worker who spoke on condition of anonymity, citing security concerns, said this was false. The attack on the site was deliberate and thorough, beginning with a fighter-jet bombing run followed by the helicopters strafing the area, the source told RFA.

Myanmar has been in turmoil since the military ousted the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi in February 2021, provoking mass protests and armed resistance. More than 3,200 civilians have been killed by the military since then, according to U.N. estimates.

Since April 2021, Myanmar’s military rulers have ignored a blueprint for peace agreed to by Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, the Burmese junta chief, and leaders of ASEAN member-states at the emergency summit in Jakarta. Among its provisions, the five-point consensus, called for an end to violence, dialogue with all parties and humanitarian assistance.

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated news organization.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Pizaro Gozali Idrus for BenarNews.

Consensus-based decision making should not devolve into silence on violations of the bloc’s core principles of respect for democratic values, human rights and fundamental freedoms, he said during a lecture at the University of the Philippines in Metro Manila.

Anwar, who is on an official visit to the Philippines, spoke to President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. a day earlier about Myanmar, suggesting the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) should explore new approaches to resolving the post-coup crisis there.

Myanmar’s military, which toppled an elected government on Feb. 1, 2021, reneged on a five-point consensus – a roadmap to restore peace and democracy – it “agreed to” with other ASEAN members in April that year.

But aside from barring the junta’s representatives from the ASEAN summit and top ministerial meetings, the regional bloc has done little else to penalize the Myanmar military for going back on its word.

Analysts have said that’s because there is a schism within ASEAN’s member-states – Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Singapore are strongly opposed to the Myanmar junta, while the other member-states, especially Thailand, not so much.

In such a scenario, critics have said, decision-making by consensus has greatly hamstrung ASEAN, and yet, Anwar said, it remains the bloc’s central tenet.

“This, however, does not mean that ASEAN should remain silent over developments in member states that affect the wider region, or particularly egregious violations of the ASEAN Charter by its own members,” he said.

“In all honesty, I believe that non-interference is not a license for indifference,” Anwar said during his lecture after receiving an honorary doctorate degree from the university.

‘The cause of justice’

On Wednesday, the Malaysian PM told reporters in Manila that the unrest in Myanmar – where more than 3,000 people have been killed since the coup – was adversely affecting his country, “due to the huge number of refugees exceeding 200,000 people now in Malaysia.”

He said the Myanmar issue “cannot be considered as purely internal because it’s affecting the security and welfare of the region.”

Last month, on an official visit to Thailand, Anwar went so far as to say, “we should carve Myanmar out for now,” news media reported. He did not elaborate at the time.

On Thursday he again referred to the phrase.

“[W]hen I mentioned in Bangkok recently about the need to temporarily carve out Myanmar, on account of the blatant human rights violations, it was said in the larger context of the imperative to stay true to one of the key ideals of ASEAN, which is nothing less than to stand for the cause of justice and the rule of law,” Anwar said.

Back in February, Anwar also told his Thai counterpart Prayuth Chan-o-cha, who has close ties with the Burmese military, that the Thai PM is “in a better position to express many of our concerns that the internal issue in Myanmar has to be resolved internally,” media reported.

Malaysia has been among the most vocal ASEAN members pushing the regional bloc to devise new approaches and take strong action against a willful Myanmar military.

Before Anwar’s government took office in November, Myanmar’s parallel civilian government had former Malaysian Foreign Minister Saifuddin Abdullah as one of its most prominent allies.

Following Myanmar’s coup, Saifuddin was the first ASEAN foreign minister to contact the parallel National Unity Government, publicly meet with its foreign minister and push for the regional bloc to actively engage with it.

Saifuddin also was the first ASEAN foreign minister to broach the idea of scrapping the five-point consensus.

Current ASEAN chair Indonesia is steadfastly holding on to the five-point consensus as the plan to work in accordance with.

Much was expected of Indonesia when it took over as rotating chair of ASEAN in January, especially in resolving the Myanmar crisis.

The country is a founding member of ASEAN, Southeast Asia largest, the world’s third-largest democracy and has experience in transitioning from a dictatorship to a democracy.

Jakarta has, however, been dialing down these expectations, saying it won’t resort to megaphone diplomacy, while adding that it was impossible to resolve the Myanmar crisis during its term as ASEAN chair.

Anwar, meanwhile, quoted Philippine hero Jose Rizal to note that “Justice is the foremost virtue of the civilizing races.

“It subdues the barbarous nations, while injustice arouses the weakest.”

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated news service

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Muzliza Mustafa and Shailaja Neelakantan for BenarNews.

The Indonesian government would urge Myanmar’s military rulers to take steps to allow the Southeast Asian bloc to facilitate a national dialogue to end violence that has followed the military coup, Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi said in parliament. 

“We know the history of Myanmar, the complexities that Myanmar is facing, so it’s impossible to expect everything to be completed this year,” Retno told House members at a hearing on plans and priorities during Jakarta’s 2023 chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.

The second anniversary of the coup falls on Wednesday, two days before Retno hosts a retreat of foreign ministers from ASEAN states at the bloc’s headquarters in Jakarta on Feb. 3-4 – the first meeting on the bloc’s calendar under Indonesia’s leadership. The country is one of the founding members of the 55-year-old regional bloc, which operates on the core principle of consensus. 

Retno said ASEAN could facilitate an inclusive national dialogue, but that would require a situation conducive to one. And such a situation, she said, could only be created if the violence ended and if the community could get humanitarian assistance.  

“Each party needs space to move, think and act. For this reason, Indonesia will not use a diplomatic megaphone in conducting engagements, especially at the beginning of the leadership,” she added.

Indonesia will work in accordance with the ASEAN five-point consensus, which its members agreed to in April 2021 for putting Myanmar back on a path to peace, Retno said. She added that Indonesia was pushing for an inclusive approach to resolving the conflict in Myanmar through dialogue. 

Still, Indonesia would have a lot to contribute, President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo said on Sunday as he officially kicked off Indonesia’s ASEAN chairmanship.

“I believe that ASEAN is still important for the people, the region, and the world,” Jokowi said.

He noted that Indonesia took over as ASEAN chair amid a difficult global situation, with an economic, energy, and food crisis, due to the war in Ukraine.

“ASEAN will keep contributing to peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific. ASEAN will continue to maintain economic growth,” Jokowi said. 

Retno’s latest statements mark a departure from Indonesia’s earlier stance, in which Jakarta criticized the Burmese junta for not implementing the five-point consensus. 

The consensus called for an end to violence, the provision of humanitarian assistance, the appointment of an ASEAN special envoy, dialogue between all stakeholders and mediation by the envoy.

Myanmar’s military, which toppled an elected government on Feb. 1, 2021, reneged on the consensus that it had “agreed to” in April that year. The agreement was meant to be a roadmap to restore peace and democracy in Myanmar.

Since the coup, the Burmese junta has carried out a widespread campaign of torture, arbitrary arrests and attacks targeting civilians, the United Nations and human rights groups have said.

Close to 3,000 people have been killed and more than 17,000 have been arrested in the nearly two years since, according to the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.

Many regional observers and analysts, as well as the previous foreign minister of Malaysia, had said it was time to junk the consensus and devise a new plan on a deadline that included enforcement mechanisms.

‘Soft diplomacy’

Meanwhile, Anis Hidayah, a commissioner at the Indonesian Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM), said that because the Myanmar issue was complex and sensitive, the government needed to tread carefully, especially given that Indonesia was not a party to the 1951 Refugee Convention.

“We really have to use soft diplomacy on how to raise humanitarian issues in Myanmar, for example regarding the Rohingya,” Anis told RFA-affiliate BenarNews.

She was referring to the increase in Myanmar refugees fleeing to Indonesia – with soft diplomacy Jakarta might be able to persuade the Myanmar junta to reduce violence to prevent people from fleeing. 

However, many of the Rohingya arriving in Indonesia reportedly flee from Bangladesh’s squalid refugee camps as well.

Indonesia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said this month that arrivals of Rohingya refugees in Aceh had surged last year to 574 people. By comparison, between 2020 and 2022, officials recorded the arrival of 1,155 Rohingya refugees in Aceh. 

“However, I agree that our ASEAN chairmanship this year must raise human rights issues in general in the region,” Anis said.

One legislator, Sukamta, reminded Minister Retno during the hearing that if Indonesia failed to make headway on the Myanmar issue, it would affect ASEAN stability. 

“We have a big obstacle related to Myanmar ... this is a challenge for ASEAN to become an engine of peace. Because it’s a challenge for ASEAN’s growth when Myanmar is no longer stable,” Sukamta said.

“As the junta gets more brutal, refugees run rampant. Now refugees have become a commodity for people smuggling, and Indonesia has become one of the smuggling routes. This is a big challenge for Indonesia’s chairmanship,” Sukamta said in the House.

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated news service

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Dandy Koswaraputra and Pizaro Gozali Idrus for BenarNews.

Indonesia’s Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi at a press conference on Wednesday pledged that as ASEAN chair his nation would work according to the five-point consensus, referring to the bloc’s plan for putting Myanmar back on a democratic path, which analysts have termed a failure. 

In a press release, the junta’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs responded by saying that it would implement the five-point consensus “in line with the fundamental principles of upholding its national interest, sovereignty and non-interferences of the internal affairs of the member states.”

The junta also warned ASEAN not to “engage with any terrorist groups and unlawful associations [recognized] by the Government of Myanmar,” but did not mention any particular group in the release.

Myanmar’s military, which toppled an elected government on Feb. 1, 2021, reneged on the consensus that it had “agreed to” in April that year. The agreement was meant to be a roadmap that would restore peace and democracy in Myanmar.

The consensus called for an end to violence, the provision of humanitarian assistance,  the appointment of an ASEAN special envoy, dialogue between all stakeholders, and mediation by the envoy.

Since the coup, the Burmese junta has carried out a widespread campaign of torture, arbitrary arrests and attacks targeting civilians, the United Nations and human rights groups have said.

More than 2,700 people have been killed and more than 17,000 have been arrested in the nearly two years since, according to the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.

Many regional observers and analysts, as well as the previous foreign minister of Malaysia, have said it is time to junk the consensus and devise a new plan on a deadline that includes enforcement mechanisms.

However on Monday, Indonesian President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo and Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim reversed course and said the five-point consensus remains the best route to resolving the crisis in Myanmar.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Burmese.

As holder of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ chairmanship for 2023, Indonesia will work according to the five-point consensus, she said, referring to the bloc’s plan for putting Myanmar back on a democratic path, but that analysts have called a failure.

“An Office of Special Envoy will be formed and headed by the Minister of Foreign Affairs,” Retno said in a statement. 

“[As] chair and in accordance with the mandate of the 5PC [five-point consensus], Indonesia will make every effort to help Myanmar out of the political crisis. … Only through engagement with all stakeholders, can the 5PC mandate regarding facilitation for the creation of a national dialogue be carried out.”

Indonesia will take steps based on the fundamental principles and values of the ASEAN Charter, including adherence to the rule of law, good governance, as well as the principles of democracy and constitutional government, Retno said. 

The Myanmar military, which toppled an elected government on Feb. 1, 2021, reneged on the consensus that it had “agreed to” in April that year. The agreement was meant to be a roadmap that would take Myanmar back to peace and democracy.

The consensus called for an end to violence, the provision of humanitarian assistance,  the appointment of an ASEAN special envoy, all-party dialogue, and mediation by the envoy.

Many regional observers and analysts, as well as the previous foreign minister of Malaysia, have said it was time to junk the consensus and devise a new plan that was time-bound and included enforcement mechanisms.

However on Monday, Indonesian President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo and Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim said the five-point consensus was the best route to resolving the crisis in Myanmar.

“I and the President [Jokowi] agree that the ASEAN-approved process, especially the implementation of the 5PC, is the best place to seek a peaceful settlement in Myanmar,” Anwar said during a meeting with the Indonesian leader in Bogor.

Since the coup, the Burmese junta has carried out a widespread campaign of torture, arbitrary arrests and attacks that target civilians, the United Nations and human rights groups have said.

More than 2,700 people have been killed and More than 17,000 have been arrested in Myanmar, according to the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.

Meanwhile, much is expected from Indonesia as ASEAN chair, especially in resolving the crisis in Myanmar, but analysts say that little will change unless Jakarta spearheads a hardline collective stance against the Burmese junta.

Indonesia is aware of the burden on the 10-member bloc, especially over the situation in Myanmar, and acknowledges that little progress has been made in implementing the five-point consensus.

“ASEAN is disappointed,” Retno said.

“Despite all the efforts of the chair and all ASEAN member countries, the implementation of the 5PC by the Myanmar military junta has not made significant progress.”

But Indonesia, which is ASEAN’s largest member, would not let that define the regional bloc, Retno noted.

“Indonesia’s chairmanship will also ensure that building the ASEAN community will remain a key focus,” she said.

“The issue of Myanmar will not be allowed to hold hostage the process of strengthening the ASEAN community development.”

A stable Indo-Pacific

Peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific will be another area of focus for Indonesia as this year’s ASEAN chair, Retno said.

In September, she signaled that ASEAN would not be a pawn in a “new Cold War,” referring to tensions between the United States and China, whose rivalry is playing out in the Southeast Asian region. 

“Many countries have an Indo-Pacific concept. This is where a synergy is needed, so that the various concepts will not exacerbate the rivalry,” Retno said.

“Indonesia will continue to emphasize that the Indo-Pacific must be approached not only from a security aspect, but also from an inclusive economic development aspect.”

The centrality of ASEAN must be strengthened in order to be able to maintain peace, stability, prosperity in Southeast Asia and the Indo-Pacific, Retno said.

“For this reason, the implementation of AOIP will be a big step in implementing the priorities of the Indonesian chair,” Retno said, referring to the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific.

“A peaceful and stable Indo-Pacific region, respect for international law, and inclusive cooperation are the keys for ASEAN to become the epicentrum of growth.”

BenarNews is an RFA_affiliated news service

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Pizaro Gozali Idrus and Dandy Koswaraputra for BenarNews.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations has a large role in ensuring peace in the region, Foreign Affairs Secretary Enrique Manalo said according to official transcripts of a televised interview with CNBC.

“We, the countries surrounding the region, we’re growing into middle powers, middle-income countries and we have a very important role to play, especially in the context of ASEAN centrality,” Manalo said during the interview.

“ASEAN has a very big role to play in trying to ensure that the region maintains a modicum of peace and stability and so that we can all develop and promote economic growth.” 

He gave the interview a day after the Philippine Supreme Court declared that a South China Sea oil exploration deal struck between Manila, Beijing and Hanoi in 2005 was unconstitutional.

The Joint Seismic Marine Undertaking deal was illegal because it went against a constitutional provision that sought to safeguard the Philippines’ natural resources, the court ruled.

The pact, which covered about 80% of Philippine territorial waters, was designed to allow for seismic exploration in an area encompassing nearly 150,000 square km (57,900 square miles) of the waterway west of Palawan island.

“[T]here’s been no official response yet. In fact, we are still waiting for the official feedback from the Supreme Court. But of course, we are aware of this decision,” Manalo told CNBC, referring to the Chinese response to the ruling.

He noted that President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. returned to Manila with a host of agreements after his state visit to Beijing last week. Those agreements included deals on agriculture, renewable energy and infrastructure.  

“[T]here was a general understanding that we would resume talks in oil and gas development. But of course, there were no details,” Manalo said. “So we’ll have to see how this fans out with respect to oil and gas development.” 

‘Competition’

Despite a geopolitical rivalry between the two superpowers, the foreign secretary stressed that the Philippines seeks to gain from its ties with China, which Manila sees as an economic benefactor, as well as with the United States, its longtime main military and defense ally. 

“[T]he competition between the United States and China affects not only the Philippines, but I suppose every other country in the region,” he said. “But I suppose competition is much better than conflict.

“And in the case of the Philippines, we, of course, are a very close partner of the United States, we have traditional ties with them. And at the same time, we have equally close relations with China, especially in the economic field, so these are areas which we are seeking to exploit,” he said.

China claims nearly all of the South China Sea on historical grounds, including territories within the exclusive economic zones of Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines, Vietnam and Taiwan. It also claims historic rights to areas of the waterway that overlap Indonesia’s EEZ as well. 

Beijing has continued to ignore an international arbitration court’s 2016 ruling for the Philippines that invalidated China’s claims to the sea region. 

Marcos brought up the issue when meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping during the state visit, resulting in the leaders agreeing to set up a direct hotline to avert miscommunication in the South China Sea.

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated news service

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Basilio Sepe and Jeoffrey Maitem for BenarNews.

Navigating geopolitical rivalries between superpowers will pose another challenge, say analysts. Some predict that Indonesia will likely focus its 2023 chairmanship on regional connectivity, economic recovery, and preventing the Association of Southeast Asian Nations from being used as a pawn in the U.S.-China tug-of-war.

Last month, Indonesian President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo said that the situation in Myanmar should not define the regional bloc. But how ASEAN deals with the issue will show whether it is an effective regional institution and problem solver, said Shofwan Al Banna Choiruzzad, an international relations lecturer at the University of Indonesia.

“ASEAN is still clinging to the five-point consensus. It needs to be more aggressive in pushing for conflict resolution, such as temporarily freezing Myanmar’s membership if the violence continues,” he told BenarNews.

The Myanmar junta “agreed to” a five-point consensus with ASEAN in April 2021, more than two months after the Burmese generals toppled an elected government. The aim was to restore peace and democracy to Myanmar.

However that country has since descended into a bloody civil conflict, with many analysts saying the violence only increased in the second half of 2022. Nearly 2,700 people have been killed and close to 17,000 have been arrested in Myanmar, according to the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.

Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, the coup leader, has reneged on almost every point of the consensus. Still, Myanmar remains a member of ASEAN and all the bloc has done is to exclude any representative from the Myanmar junta from its official meetings.

Indonesia, as the ASEAN chair, needs to be more assertive in dealing with the junta after nearly two years of zero progress, said Yose Rizal Damuri, executive director at the Jakarta-based Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS).

“All this time ASEAN has been restricted to the non-interference principle, therefore ASEAN must have a clearer proposal, whether that means putting more pressure on Myanmar … or, if necessary, expel Myanmar from ASEAN,” he told BenarNews.

He was referring to one of the bloc’s core operating principles: that member-states do not interfere in each other’s domestic affairs.

Analysts may be indulging in some wishful thinking when talking about ASEAN expelling Myanmar.

The 10-member bloc also famously operates by consensus. And critics have said that close ties between some of ASEAN’s more authoritarian member-states and Myanmar’s military have prevented stronger action.

Just this month, the Thai government hosted a meeting on the Myanmar crisis that included the Burmese junta’s foreign minister. Analysts saw this as a deliberate attempt to deepen a schism within ASEAN between its more authoritarian governments and its more democratic ones.

Those members opposed to the Burmese junta – Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Singapore – were notably absent from the Bangkok meeting.

As Southeast Asia’s largest nation and the world’s third-largest democracy, Indonesia can be a strong leader of ASEAN, according to Abdul Ghafur Hamid, a law professor at the International Islamic University Malaysia.

President Jokowi is taking the helm of the 10-member bloc after having served this past year as president of the Group of Twenty, which was divided over Russia’s invasion and war in Ukraine.

“[I]ndonesia was once under military rule and successfully transitioned to a democratic state,” he wrote in an opinion piece in the Jakarta Post on Thursday.

“Indonesia’s vast experience with this strategic transition will definitely help President Jokowi and the new Indonesian special envoy for Myanmar to be able to overcome the challenges ahead.”

Indonesia’s chairmanship could lead to Myanmar being persuaded to hold an election next year, like the junta promised, said Andi Widjajanto, the governor of the National Resilience Institute, a government agency.

In September, Min Aung Hlaing had indicated in an interview to Russian news agency RIA that the proposed August 2023 election may be delayed, Thai news site The Irrawaddy reported.

Of course, there is the question of the legitimacy of junta-held elections. Many believe they will be a sham, much like the reason given for justifying the coup – that the November 2020 polls were rigged.

Besides, “how many times do they have to hold elections to become a mature democracy?” Andi told BenarNews.

Jokowi and Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi are well aware of the challenges that Indonesia faces as ASEAN chair.

“We will hold the chairmanship in the midst of a global situation that is not getting any better. And at home, the situation in Myanmar has posed its own challenge for ASEAN,” Retno told reporters last month.

“For this reason, Indonesia wants to make ASEAN remain important and relevant – ASEAN matters,” Retno said.

ASEAN ‘will not be a proxy (for) any powers’

Meanwhile, another “formidable challenge” to Indonesia’s chairmanship of ASEAN is that Southeast Asia has become a theater for the rivalry between the United States and China, said analyst Shofwan of the University of Indonesia.

“Managing and maintaining ASEAN centrality in the region will be critical to managing these tensions,” he said.

The tensions go beyond a competition between the superpowers for influence in Southeast Asia.

Five ASEAN countries – Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam – have territorial claims or maritime boundaries in the South China Sea that overlap with China’s sweeping claims. While Indonesia does not regard itself as a party to the South China Sea dispute, Beijing claims historic rights to parts of that sea overlapping Indonesia's exclusive economic zone.

ASEAN and China have been negotiating a code for years but without success.

Indonesia’s chairmanship may try to focus on regional connectivity to avoid falling into the pit of great-power competition, Teesta Prakash and Gatra Priyandita, analysts at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI), wrote on the think-tank’s website last week.

“Indonesia is aware that a unified ASEAN bloc, and indeed a cohesive Southeast Asia, would be the best deterrent against an assertive rising China, and that will be its single most important challenge – to bring cohesion to the region, economically as well as strategically,” they wrote.

“Its success will be measured by how it bridges the strategic and economic dissonance in 2023.”

They also wrote that Timor-Leste’s imminent inclusion as ASEAN’s eleventh member is “driven by the strategic vision that no country in Southeast Asia should fall under any one power’s influence.”

The tiny nation of 1.3 million people, formerly known as East Timor, voted to break away from Indonesian rule in 1999, 24 years after the Indonesian forces invaded and occupied the former Portuguese colony.

Timor Leste is expected to become ASEAN’s 11th member next year at a yet-unspecified date. Some analysts say that Timor-Leste’s alleged closeness to China is a cause of concern for Western allies in the Indo-Pacific, such as Australia.

“Given the potential for Timor-Leste to fall under China’s economic influence, its inclusion in ASEAN could ensure that it diversifies its economy and integrates with the region, lessening its dependence on China,” the ASPI article said.

Jokowi and his foreign minister have emphasized that ASEAN cannot be a pawn in what minister Retno, during a speech before the U.N. General Assembly in September, called a “new Cold War.”

Speaking after being handed the ceremonial ASEAN chairmanship gavel by Cambodia last month, Jokowi said: “ASEAN must become a peaceful region and anchor for global stability, consistently uphold international law and not be a proxy (for) any powers.”

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Tria Dianti and Pizaro Gozali Idrus for BenarNews.

In an open letter addressing the summit, the five European and five Southeast Asian current and former parliamentarians recommended human rights cooperation between the two regional blocs and highlighted several ways that countries in ASEAN are not living up to international standards, particularly in ensuring the safety of human rights defenders.

The letter requested that ASEAN take steps to protect rights defenders, including by immediately releasing and dropping charges against “all human rights defenders arbitrarily imprisoned for their legitimate human rights work, including Tran Huynh Duy Thuc, Pham Doan Trang and Nguyen Lan Thang in Viet Nam; Victor Yeimo in Indonesia; Houayheuang Xayabouly, Lodkham Thammavong, Soukane Chaithad and Somphone Phimmasone in Lao PDR.”

It also asked ASEAN countries to publicly acknowledge the importance of rights defenders, refrain from smear campaigns intended to stigmatize them and to ensure that rights organizations are able to function “independently and effectively.” 

The three prominent Vietnamese human rights defenders mentioned in the letter are among more than 200 human rights activists who are being held in prison, according to domestic and international rights organizations' statistics. 

Tran Huynh Duy Thuc, a former businessman, is arguably the most famous human rights activist in Vietnam, known for blogging about economic and social reform. He was arrested in 2009 on the charge of "carrying out activities to overthrow the people's government" and then sentenced to 16 years in prison. 

Pham Doan Trang is an internationally acclaimed human rights activist and political journalist who was arrested on the charge of "propagandizing against the State" in October 2020 and sentenced to nine years in prison in December 2021. She had been accused of speaking with foreign media, including Radio Free Asia and the BBC, allegedly to defame the government with “fake news.”

Nguyen Lan Thang was a contributor to RFA’s Vietnamese Service since 2013 until his arrest in early July 2022 on the charge of "conducting propaganda against the State" and is likely to receive a jail term of seven to 12 years if convicted. 

The parliamentarians' open letter will have a positive impact on the summit, said former prisoner of conscience Nguyen Van Dai, who was set free in 2018 after Hanoi received many calls for his release from EU and German politicians and currently lives in exile in Germany.

“If the EU leaders raise their voices, it will greatly impact the freedom of the activists from Vietnam, Thailand, and Myanmar," he said.

Almost all Vietnamese political prisoners are human rights defenders jailed for exercising their rights, Phil Robertson, deputy director of New York-based Human Rights Watch’s Asia Division, told RFA.   

"They have been hit with a rights abusing, so-called 'national security' law that has nothing to do with improving national life and everything to do with protecting the ruling Communist Party's hold on power,” said Robertson.

He said dubious charges for rights defenders, such as tax evasion, were part of Vietnam’s attempt to fool the international community into thinking the detentions were legitimate.

“But as can be seen from this letter, it's clear that people have caught on already and realize the rights abusing game the Vietnam government is playing here," he said.

Translated by Anna Vu. Written in English by Eugene Whong.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Vietnamese.

Critics countered that the money would have been better spent on helping Cambodia’s people.  

Hun Sen commissioned a total of 25 tourbillon watches from Prince Group, Cambodia’s fastest growing conglomerate, as gifts to VIP attendees of the Association for Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN, Summit in Phnom Penh last weekend. 

Each cost about $20,000, he said during a press conference at the conclusion of the summits on Sunday.

The timepieces were meant to show the world what “Khmers can do,” he said.

“We want to show Cambodia’s ability to produce watches,” Hun Sen said, while raising one for the media to get a good look.

Luxury watch collection

A luxury watch aficionado himself, the Cambodian leader owns a collection of watches worth at least $13 million, an apparent discrepancy with his $2,500-a-month salary, according to his detractors. 

He vowed to wear the commemorative watch to future ASEAN summit meetings and noted that some of the other ASEAN leaders were already wearing theirs.

“I’m sure my grandkids will demand this watch from me. But I will not give it to them because it is a souvenir of my 3rd ASEAN Chairmanship,” he said. Hun Sen has ruled Cambodia since 1985 and Cambodia has chaired the Southeast Asian bloc twice before, in 2002 and 2012. 

The 70-year-old leader said he would likely not chair for a fourth time because of his advanced age.

Pricey swag

The government should have given gifts that reflect Cambodia’s national identity, rather than wasting money on lavish trinkets, Ly Chandaravuth of the Mother Nature Cambodia environmentalist group told RFA’s Khmer Service.

“Many Cambodians are living under the poverty line,” he said. “So I think by showing off wealth and pride by giving these watches as souvenirs is not something that I should be proud of if I were the leader.”

“The real pride should be when our people  are able to live in happiness with genuine peace—free from fear or from any social insecurity,” he said.

Cambodia’s minimum monthly wage is the equivalent of about $200 per month.

The expensive gifts were not necessary, especially when the government is underfunded, said Yong Kim Eng, president of the local People’s Center for Development and Peace NGO.

“Some of our local authorities always complain about lacking budget … to provide necessary services to their citizens,” said Yong Kim Eng. 

“At the same time, some people living in rural areas flock to neighboring countries to become migrant workers due to their difficulties and suffering,” he said. “They become over indebted just to make ends meet.” 

RFA was not able to contact government spokesperson Phay Siphan for comment as of Monday.

Translated by Sovannarith Keo. Written in English by Eugene Whong.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Khmer.

U.S. President Joe Biden offered rare praise for Cambodia’s authoritarian premier as he encouraged diplomatic support for ending the war in Ukraine and bringing peace to Myanmar at a summit with Southeast Asian leaders on Saturday.

Although the control of U.S. Congress lies in the balance back in Washington, Biden signaled commitment to the region by attending an annual gathering of leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.

His appearance in Phnom Penh, a day after attending a climate change conference in Egypt, serves as a prelude to the first face-to-face meeting of his presidency with Chinese leader Xi Jinping, which will take place in Bali, Indonesia, on Monday. The U.S. and China vie for influence in Southeast Asia.

Although Cambodia has faced some stiff criticism from the U.S. over its suppression of democracy, Prime Minister Hun Sen welcomed the president saying the meeting showed the Biden administration’s commitment to “ASEAN centrality and a rule-based regional architecture to maintain peace and stability in the region.”

“We support the engagement of the U.S in our ASEAN community building process as truly important, especially in the context of bolstering ASEAN’s recovery from the COVID-19 crisis, promoting regional resilience as well as addressing many pressing issues such as climate change, food and energy security,” he said, adding that ASEAN planned to extend relations with the U.S. to a comprehensive strategic partnership. That will put the U.S. on level-pegging with China, which already has that status.

Cambodia is hosting the summit as it holds the rotating chairmanship of the 10-nation ASEAN bloc. Indonesia takes the chair after this week’s summits.

Biden stressed the importance of the partnership, saying the U.S administration would build on the past year’s U.S. $250 million in new initiatives with ASEAN by requesting a further $850 million for the next 12 months. He said it would pay for more Southeast Asian projects such as an integrated electric vehicle ecosystem and clean energy infrastructure to reduce carbon emissions.

“Together we will tackle the biggest issues of our time from climate to health security, defend against significant threats to rule-based order, and to threats to the rule of law, and to build an Indo-Pacific that’s free and open, stable and prosperous, resilient and secure,” Biden said. 

The linchpin of the U.S. push in Southeast Asia is the Indo-Pacific Economic Partnership (IPEF) that is intended to intensify America’s economic engagement in the region. ASEAN is America’s fourth-largest trading partner.

Whether the members of ASEAN will be impressed by what the U.S. has to offer is another matter.

"I don’t think ASEAN states are much sold on IPEF. It contains parts that are anathema to them and yet isn't really a trade deal, and does little to actually further regional economic integration. It's a fairly weak package overall," said Joshua Kurlantzick, senior fellow for Southeast Asia at the Council on Foreign Relations.

"China is already by far the region's dominant economy and trade partner and the U.S. isn't going to materially change that. Southeast Asian states are stuck with China as their dominant economic partner.

“For some Southeast Asian states [there is] a desire to build closer strategic ties with the U.S, but the U.S. is not going to now replace China as the region's dominant trade partner."

In a comment that would have raised some eyebrows among critics of the Cambodian government’s human rights record, Biden on Saturday thanked Hun Sen – for critical remarks about the war in Ukraine and for co-sponsoring U.N resolutions. 

Earlier this week, Hun Sen met with the Ukrainian foreign minister. He’s also expressed concern about recent attacks on Ukrainian cities and civilian casualties.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has skipped the ASEAN summit and sent Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov in his place.

However, Biden did call for transparency over Chinese military activities at Ream Naval base on Cambodia’s southern coast, and urged Hun Sen “to reopen civic and political space ahead of 2023 elections,” and release Theary Seng, an imprisoned U.S.-Cambodian lawyer and activist.

The other conflict that Biden mentioned in his public comments to ASEAN leaders was Myanmar, whose military leader was not invited to the summit. Biden said he looked forward to the return of democracy there.

Human rights groups have assailed the Southeast Asian bloc for its failure to put more pressure on Myanmar to end the civil war that followed a February 2021 military coup against an elected government.

On Friday, ASEAN leaders took a marginally tougher stand, calling for measurable progress toward the goals of its Five Point Consensus that include restoring democracy and delivering humanitarian aid.

On Saturday Antonio Guterres voiced his support for the plan, saying “the systematic violation of human rights are absolutely unacceptable and causing enormous suffering to the Myanmarese people.”

Cambodia, which has jailed opposition politicians and environmentalists, was not spared criticism by the U.N. secretary general.

“My appeal in a country like Cambodia is for the public space to be open and for human rights defenders and climate activists to be protected,” he said.

Biden attends the East Asia Summit on Sunday, also hosted by Cambodia, where he plans once again to discuss ways to end the Russian invasion of Ukraine and limit the global impact of the war in terms of fuel and grain shortages that are fueling global inflation.   

The U.S. president is also holding talks with Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida and South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol expected to focus on North Korea’s recent barrage of missiles fired into the seas off the Korean peninsula -- including one that passed over Japan. North Korea is also reported to be planning a nuclear test.

Biden then heads to the Indonesian island of Bali to attend the Group of 20 leaders’ summit.

Ahead of the G20, on Monday Biden will meet with China’s leader Xi. It will be their first face-to-face talks since Biden took office nearly two years ago.

Biden will tell Xi that if North Korea continues on its current path, it will lead to an enhanced U.S. military presence in the region, National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan told reporters on their way to Cambodia.

The meeting between the two leaders comes as Xi begins a third term in office after consolidating his domination of the ruling Chinese Communist Party at a National Congress despite mounting domestic problems inside China.

For his part, Biden is entering this Asian summit season after his Democrat party’s slim grip on the U.S. Congress slipped after midterm elections.

Analysts say the meeting with Xi is likely to focus on keeping open lines of communication and finding areas to cooperate, as well addressing contentious issues such as both countries’ war games in the region, Taiwan and North Korea.

This story has been updated to correct the name of Theary Seng and clarify Biden's concerns about Ream Naval Base.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Staff.

Meeting at an Association of Southeast Asian Nations summit in Cambodia, the group reaffirmed their commitment to the Five Point Consensus which was agreed in April 2021 and aims to bring peace and restore democracy to Myanmar following a military coup against an elected government that has spawned a deepening civil conflict.

A statement emerging from the summit in Phnom Penh called on ASEAN Foreign Ministers to establish a specific timeline for implementation of a plan which includes “concrete, practical and measurable indicators” of progress. ASEAN reserved the right to review Myanmar’s representation at its meetings. 

The call for tangible progress comes as human rights groups assail ASEAN’s failure to pressure the Myanmar junta which has largely ignored the Five Point Consensus and resisted dialogue with representatives of the civilian administration it ousted. Instead, the military has dubbed many of its key political opponents as terrorists or outlaws, and waged a scorched earth campaign in the Burmese heartland.

Earlier Friday, Indonesia’s president Joko Widodo expressed “deep disappointment” about the worsening situation in Myanmar. Indonesia is set to take over the rotating chairmanship of ASEAN from Cambodia, which is nearing the end of its 12-month stint.

Myanmar’s coup leader Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing was excluded from the summit, and Widodo told reporters he wanted to extend a ban on Myanmar junta representatives, who are barred from meetings of ASEAN leaders and foreign ministers, The Associated Press reported. 

Friday’s statement, however, stopped short of barring the junta from attending other ASEAN meetings.

“Indonesia is deeply disappointed the situation in Myanmar is worsening,” Widodo said. “We must not allow the situation in Myanmar to define ASEAN.”

Philippines President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. also called on Myanmar to abide by and implement the Five Point Consensus.

Analysts say there are clear fault lines among ASEAN’s 10 members on how to deal with the Myanmar crisis – with Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore reportedly taking a tougher line than nations such as Thailand, Cambodia and Laos.

Nevertheless, as Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen kicked off Friday’s proceedings, he asserted: “Our Motto ‘ASEAN: One Vision, One Identity, One Community’ still holds true to its values today.”  

He was speaking at the opening ceremony of what were actually two summits in one day. ASEAN is required to hold two leaders’ meetings a year but countries that don’t have the cash to pay for separate meetings are allowed to hold them back-to-back.

Also on the agenda were security issues, regional growth and geopolitics.

Marcos seemed to urge caution over global powers gaining further influence in the region. Leaders of strategic rivals the U.S. and China – President Joe Biden and Prime Minister Li Keqiang – are joining summit meetings in Phnom Penh this week.

"It is imperative that we reassert ASEAN Centrality. This in the face of geopolitical dynamics and tensions in the region and the proliferation of Indo-Pacific engagements, including the requests of our dialogue partners for closer partnerships,” he said.

Marcos’ comments came a day after top U.S. diplomat for East Asia, Daniel Kritenbrink, said Saturday’s ASEAN-U.S. Summit would try to promote the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, whose signatories include the Philippines. That framework is widely seen as Washington’s effort to counter China’s investment in infrastructure and industry in Southeast Asia and beyond.

“ASEAN is clearly at the center of the region’s architecture, and the U.S.’s strategic partnership with ASEAN is at the heart of our Indo-Pacific strategy,” Kritenbrink said.

The 10 ASEAN members will still need international trade and investment partners as the world recovers from the impact of COVID-19. Hun Sen was cautious about expectations of a strong post-pandemic recovery.

“While we are now enjoying the fruits of our efforts and moving towards sustainable growth we should always be vigilant as the current socio-economic situation in ASEAN as well as in the whole world remains fragile and divided,” he said.

But he cited forecasts that economic growth in ASEAN would reach 5.3% this year and 4.2% in 2023, which he called “impressive compared to the rest of the world.”

ASEAN leaders also held talks Friday with China, South Korea and the United Nations. On Saturday they meet with India, Australia, Japan, Canada and the U.S. Next week, there will be further summits of leaders of the G-20 in Indonesia, and APEC in Thailand.

Indonesia is next to take the ASEAN chair and it may be hosting an 11th member. Leaders issued a statement Friday saying they agreed in principle to East Timor joining the bloc.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Staff.

Even before the ASEAN summit that opens on Friday, marking the closure of Cambodia’s tenure as the annual chair of the 10-nation bloc, Hun Sen is staring at another setback in his efforts to mediate in an international conflict.

First it was over the civil conflict in Myanmar, and now Cambodia’s offer to broker a meeting between Russia and Ukraine on the sidelines of the summit in Phnom Penh appears to have drawn a blank, with neither leader from the warring countries set to attend, according to media reports.

In January, Hun Sen drew criticism from human rights groups for making a personal visit to Myanmar, where he met with junta chief Min Aung Hlaing who seized power in a February 2021 coup. He then sent Cambodian Foreign Minister Prak Sokhon to Myanmar twice as ASEAN’s special envoy – failing both times to make Myanmar’s military commit to honoring a five-point consensus on the future of the country that it agreed to at an ASEAN leaders meeting in Jakarta in April 2021.

Instead, there has been an escalation rather than an end to violence in Myanmar. The junta has not held talks with the country’s former civilian leaders and ousted State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi has been sentenced to 26 years in prison on what most independent observers say are politically motivated charges. Humanitarian groups complain that they have been unable to get aid to the more than 1 million displaced people that the UN says have been forced from their homes by junta attacks and the burning of their villages.

“Cambodia’s critics assert that Hun Sen gave legitimacy to the military junta by visiting that country,” said Carl Thayer, emeritus professor at the University of New South Wales at the Australian Defence Force Academy. He added that Hun Sen also overreached by sending Prak Sokhon twice “with nothing to show for his diplomatic intervention.” 

“Finally, critics rounded on Hun Sen for issuing a statement on recent mass killings in Myanmar without naming the guilty party,” he said referring to the junta’s bombing of a concert in Kachin State, killing more than 60 people. 

“Critics argue now is the time to make contact with the National Unity Government, the main opposition group to the military,” Thayer said. 

Hun Sen will not get the opportunity to push the junta leader in person since Min Aung Hlaing was not invited to the summit and requests by ASEAN for a non-military representative to come in his place were ignored.

Sarah Cliffe, executive director of the Center on International Cooperation at New York University, said the final leaders’ communique at the ASEAN summit may echo the comments of ASEAN foreign ministers who in October expressed impatience with the lack of progress on the five-point consensus.

“ASEAN has an opportunity to lead on Myanmar – with the kind of regional leadership it took in persuading the then military junta to grant humanitarian access after Cyclone Narghis in 2008 – but the time is running short to show that the ‘ASEAN way’ can deliver results," she said.

Cambodia will pass the baton of the ASEAN chairmanship to Indonesia, amid speculation that Jakarta may take a tougher line with the junta, by setting a timetable for achieving the five-point consensus and pushing for direct talks with the shadow National Unity Government, Nikkei Asia has reported.

Meanwhile, Hun Sen has turned Cambodia’s diplomatic focus as summit host to the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The Cambodian Foreign Ministry said the prime minister was willing to broker talks between the warring parties.

But Russian President Vladimir Putin decided not to attend the ASEAN summit and some leaders objected to plans for a video address by Ukrainian Prime Minister Volodymyr Zelenskyy, which was cancelled this week, according to Cambodia's Khmer Times. Putin is being represented in Phnom Penh by Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, Ukraine by his counterpart Dmytro Kuleba.

While there appeared little prospect of diplomatic progress between Russia and Ukraine, as ASEAN foreign ministers met ahead of the summit on Thursday, Ukraine was accepted as a signatory to ASEAN’s Treaty of Amity and Cooperation – a peace treaty established in 1976 that covers principles such as mutual respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and national identity of signatories. That might be viewed as a diplomatic consolation of sorts for Ukraine as it resists the Russian invasion.

The conflicts in Myanmar and Ukraine are still likely to be among the main talking points in the ASEAN leaders' summit that takes place on Friday – ahead of additional summit meetings with leaders from the United States, China and other regional powers such as Australia, India, Japan, New Zealand and South Korea.

Officials and analysts say other items on the agenda will be post-COVID economic recovery in the face of soaring inflation and supply chain disruptions; inter-ASEAN, regional and global trade; climate change; and regional security and territorial disputes, including in the South China Sea.

The series of meetings wraps up on Sunday with the official handover of the ASEAN chair from Cambodia to Indonesia, followed by a closing news conference from the Cambodian leader.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Staff.

“This watch is assembled entirely by Khmer technicians as part of our scientific advances and Cambodian technique,” the world’s longest-serving prime minister wrote on his Facebook page in a post boasting images of a beautiful wrist watch.

“It is to let them know that Cambodia now can produce watches and I will present them as gifts to the leaders and I will wear the watch as we host the summit,” the Cambodian leader said in October when announcing the plan to produce 25 watches as commemorative gifts to foreign dignitaries.

Cambodia is the 2022 chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the prime minister sees the summit as the pinnacle of a successful year of chairmanship for Phnom Penh.

Leaders of the ten member states of ASEAN, its partner countries and heads of prominent international organizations are invited to the summit.

“This gift is very much in line with Hun Sen's personal tastes, given his own well-documented collection of luxury watches,” said Sebastian Strangio, a regional political analyst and author of the book “Hun Sen’s Cambodia.”

“It should be seen as part of the diplomatic pageantry that surrounds ASEAN meetings, though, without more information, it is hard to say how much these gifts will cost the Cambodian government,” Strangio said.

Excellent craftsmanship

The Made-in-Cambodia watches immediately attracted attention from horologists and watch aficionados.   

“The dial side is very simple, with a champagne gold dial with Dauphine hands, and dagger applique markers. The watch features a sunken subsidiary seconds hand with the engraving of what looks like the Cambodian national flower Romduol,” enthused an article in ‘Deployant’, an online magazine specializing in watches and luxury gadgets.

“And the pièce de résistance is the tourbillon,” the story said, referring to the special mechanism that helps improve accuracy in high-end watches.

The tourbillon of the ASEAN watch appears gold or gold-plated and is adorned with 25 ruby-colored “jewels.” It is unclear how much the watch costs. 

While noting that it looks worthy of a Swiss or German high end manufacture label, “the watch is made in Cambodia, which makes it even more impressive,” the magazine said. 

Hun Sen’s post received tens of thousands likes and was shared nearly 7,000 times on Facebook. 

Most commentators complimented what they saw as the excellent craftsmanship by Cambodian watchmakers, as well as Hun Sen’s leadership.

The former military commander has served as the Kingdom’s prime minister since 1985.

Lack of cultural identity

Hun Sen’s choice of present however was met with some criticism. Political analyst Em Sovannara told RFA’s Khmer Service in an earlier interview that the leader should instead have opted for something that highlights Cambodia's cultural identity, such as the Apsara temples or other cultural properties.

Cambodia’s Angkor temples are world famous and the Angkor Wat complex is depicted on the national flag.

Critics say buying foreign-made spare parts to assemble in Cambodia and call the watches “Cambodian” is a waste of the national budget and does little to raise the country’s profile, especially when the tenure of the current ASEAN chairmanship has left many issues unaddressed.

Government spokesman Sok Ey San rejected Em Sovannara's criticism as “nonsense.”

“The watches are made for heads of states, presidents,” he said, adding that “these are not cheap replicas worth 20 to 30 dollars.”

Another analyst, Kim Sok, told RFA Khmer that “a country’s image does not depend on the provision of watches, it depends on the ability of the government to lead.” 

Back in 2020 Prime Minister Hun Sen came under fire after being seen flaunting a collection of million dollar watches.

One of these, a Patek Philippe watch distinguished by white gold engravings and a blue leather strap, is valued at U.S. $1.2 million.

Reports criticizing Hun Sen’s choice of watches are driven only by envy, Sok Ey San said at the time to RFA’s Khmer Service.

“The point here is that it was legally purchased. It was not trafficked or bought with ‘black money’,” Sok Ey San said.

Cambodia ranked close to the bottom, at 162 out of 198 countries, in Transparency International’s 2019 Corruption Perceptions Index.

An estimated 2.8 million people live below the poverty line in Cambodia and Hun Sen himself, as the head of the government, earns a modest salary of $2,500 per month.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Staff.

Theary Seng was sentenced to six years in prison in June on treason charges, prompting condemnation from rights groups and the U.S. government. The lawyer, who holds dual Cambodian and U.S. citizenship, was sentenced on June 14 along with 50 other activists for their association with the banned Cambodia National Rescue Party, once the main opposition in the country before it was dissolved by the Supreme Court in 2017.

On Monday, six Khmer Thavrak youth activists – including former political prisoners Hun Vannak and Chhoeun Daravy – began their protest at Tikheak Kiri Salavoan Temple in Preah Vihear province’s remote Tbeng Meanchey district. The group plans to continue their hunger strike in front of Preah Vihear Prison, where Theary Seng is being held, on Wednesday, before concluding the weeklong protest at Freedom Park on the outskirts of Phnom Penh.

Speaking to RFA Khmer, members of the group said they hope to draw attention to what they call the unjust jailings of Theary Seng and other political prisoners ahead of the Nov. 10 summit in Cambodia, which holds the regional bloc’s rotating chair this year.

“We will try not to eat or drink and only meditate,” Hun Vannak said, adding that the group will also pray for Theary Seng’s well-being in prison.

“This is to show the injustice of the government jailing innocent people, particularly Theary Seng. If the government doesn’t set her free, we will press on with other activities,” he said.

The protest is also a show of solidarity with Theary Seng who began her own weeklong hunger strike on Monday after the government refused to grant her an unconditional release. 

Theary Seng had vowed to do so in a letter written from inside of Preah Vihear Prison and obtained by RFA on Oct. 14, adding that, even if freed from prison, she would continue her activism in Cambodia until the country undergoes a peaceful and democratic leadership change.

Attempts by RFA to reach Nuth Savana, the Interior Ministry’s spokesperson for the Department of Prisons, went unanswered Monday, but he has previously said that the country’s courts would not be pressured to overturn her sentence.

Chhem Sreykea, another member of the Khmer Thavrak youth, told RFA that her group wants to send a message to the government that the arrest and jailing of innocent human rights and political activists is an abuse of power.

“The jailing of Theary Seng is a grave injustice, as she has devoted her life to making Cambodia a better place,” she said. “I hope there will be a resolution of this case and that Theary Seng is set free following the ASEAN Summit.”

Am Sam Ath, the deputy director of local rights group Licadho, said he stands with the Khmer Thavrak youth group and Theary Seng in their pursuit of justice, but expressed concern for their well-being if they decide to extend the hunger strikes beyond seven days.

“Hunger strikes are a kind of advocacy which the Khmer Thavrak youth employ to seek social justice and the release of human rights, environmental and political activists jailed under dubious charges and whose fundamental freedoms have been violated,” he said.

He urged the government to release Theary Seng and other political prisoners to avoid condemnation from the international community during the ASEAN Summit.

Also on Monday, Jared Genser, the pro bono lawyer representing Theary Seng, issued a statement calling on U.S. President Joe Biden to “press [Cambodian Prime Minister] Hun Sen for Theary’s freedom — and freedom for all the political prisoners’ of Cambodia.”

Biden plans to attend the Nov. 12-14 U.S.-ASEAN Summit in Phnom Penh, where he is expected to meet with Hun Sen.

Monday’s statement confirmed that Theary Seng had begun her hunger strike, in part to demand that authorities transfer her back to Prey Sar Prison in Phnom Penh, following her clandestine relocation in June to Preah Vihear Prison – a six-hour drive from the capital, where her family, counsel, and supporters are based.

During her time in Preah Vihear, prison authorities have repeatedly denied Theary Seng’s demand for the same rights afforded to other prisoners, including having weekly access to church services and the ability to make regular phone calls, the statement said.

Theary Seng was imprisoned during the bloody Khmer Rouge regime after authorities killed her parents, but she escaped and fled to the U.S., where she obtained a law degree before returning to Cambodia in 2004 to found two NGOs promoting human rights and civic engagement.

U.S. officials including State Department Spokesperson Ned Price, Under Secretary of State Uzra Zeya, USAID Administrator Samatha Power, and Ambassador W. Patrick Murphy have all called for her immediate and unconditional release. Secretary of State Antony Blinken pressed Hun Sen to free her and other activists held on politically motivated charges during a visit to Phnom Penh in August.

Capital security tightened

Meanwhile, Cambodia’s government said it is tightening up security in Phnom Penh, deploying more than 10,000 security forces to the capital to quell any unrest ahead of the ASEAN Summit.

On Monday, more than 100 laid off workers from the NagaWorld casino in the capital who have been striking for the past eight months defied warnings from authorities to continue their protest seeking government intervention to reinstate them to their jobs.

Mam Sowathin, a NagaWorld striker, told RFA that protests that include the beating drums and sounding of whistles in front of their former place of work would continue during the ASEAN Summit if the government and NagaWorld management offer no resolution in their labor dispute.

“If the government does not want to see our protest [during the summit], it should find a workable solution for us,” she said. “The [government] has only blamed our side, but they haven’t condemned NagaWorld’s owner [for unjustly laying us off].”

Monday’s protest dispersed peacefully, despite previous scuffles with police. In August, authorities violently clashed with around 100 of the mostly female workers as they sought to protest at the casino, injuring several of them. The group’s petitions to the government for assistance have largely gone unanswered.

RFA was unable to reach Meth Meas Pheakdey, the spokesperson for Phnom Penh City Hall, for comment on the continued protests.

Translated by Sovannarith Keo. Written in English by Joshua Lipes.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Khmer.

The Final Report by the International Parliamentary Inquiry, or IPI, into the Global Response to the Crisis in Myanmar, which was released in Bangkok on Wednesday, specifically took aim at the Association of Southeast Asian Nations ahead of the regional bloc’s summit later this month.

“The struggle of the Myanmar people for democracy is also the struggle of all people who love democracy and justice everywhere,” the ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights, or APHR, said in the report, according to BenarNews, an RFA-affiliated online news service.

ASEAN’s five-point consensus reached with Myanmar junta leader Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing in April 2021 has been “an utter failure,” Charles Santiago, a Malaysian lawmaker and chairman of the APHR, said in a news release announcing the 52-page report.

Myanmar is one of the 10 members of ASEAN.

“Gen. Min Aung Hlaing has shown an absolute contempt for the agreement he signed and for ASEAN’s member states, and the regional group has been unable to adopt a stance to put pressure on the junta,” Santiago said in a press release accompanying the statement.

“Meanwhile, most of the international community has hidden behind ASEAN in order to avoid doing anything meaningful. It is past time that ASEAN ditches the five-point consensus and urgently rethinks its approach to the crisis in Myanmar,” he said.

The consensus called for an immediate end to violence; a dialogue among all concerned parties; mediation of the dialogue process by an ASEAN special envoy; provision of humanitarian aid through ASEAN channels; and a visit to Myanmar by the bloc’s special envoy to meet all concerned parties.

“A common theme often repeated by our witnesses has been that, in the face of such a horrible tragedy, the countries and international institutions that claim to support democracy in Myanmar have reacted with a timidity that puts in serious doubt their alleged commitment to the country,” the report said.

In its recommendations, the report called for ASEAN to negotiate a new agreement with Myanmar’s opposition National Unity Government, or NUG, making sure the new accord has enforcement mechanisms.

As recently as last week, ASEAN leaders announced they would continue efforts to implement the 18-month-old consensus.

The ministers “reaffirmed the importance and relevance” of the consensus, “and underscored the need to further strengthen its implementation through concrete, practical and time-bound actions,” Cambodian Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn said in a statement after the Oct. 27 meeting. Cambodia, which chairs ASEAN this year, will host the summit in Phnom Penh from Nov. 10 to 13.

While some ASEAN members, including Malaysia, have sought to hold the Burmese junta accountable, members such as Cambodia and Thailand are among the nations who “have persisted as junta enablers,” the report said.

And because ASEAN makes its decisions consensually, some analysts don’t foresee much progress being made at the summit in Phnom Penh.

Against Myanmar participation

Meanwhile, Malaysia’s outgoing top diplomat has put forward a proposal to prohibit the Myanmar junta from all ASEAN ministerial-level meetings.

“All ASEAN ministerial meetings should not have Myanmar political representation. That is Malaysia’s position,” caretaker Foreign Minister Saifuddin Abdullah told The Australian Financial Review on Wednesday.

“We know two more countries share this view, and we are very hopeful it will be considered at the leaders’ summit next week.”

Saifuddin is a caretaker minister because Malaysian leader Ismail Sabri Yaakob dissolved parliament when he announced a general election, which will be held later this month. The first ASEAN foreign minister to publicly meet with the NUG’s foreign minister, Saifuddin is seen as one of the shadow government’s biggest allies.

IPI said that throughout its hearings while compiling the report “participants, even those that also expressed a level of criticism toward the NUG, overwhelmingly called for the international community to recognize it as the legitimate government of Myanmar and engage with it instead of the junta.”

The IPI held six public hearings along with several private hearings and received dozens of written submissions. Malaysia’s Santiago and Indonesian House member Chriesty Barends traveled to the Thai-Myanmar border in August to gather information.

The IPI investigation team included officials from African countries, the Americas and Europe. Heidi Hautala, vice president of the European Parliament, served a chairwoman, and United States Rep. Ilhan Omar served as a member. Thai MP Nitipon Piwmow served on the team as well.

The report blamed the international community for encouraging “a sense of impunity within the Myanmar military,” the news release said. It pointed to an October airstrike at a Kachin music festival that killed at least 60 civilians.

“Myanmar is suffering a tragedy words cannot describe. The global community should urgently step up the delivery of humanitarian assistance and it should work with local civil society organizations that know the terrain well, have ample experience and are trusted by the population,” Barends said.

“Millions of Myanmar citizens suffering the most grievous hardships cannot wait for long. International actors should leave politics aside and help the Myanmar people immediately.”

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated news service.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By BenarNews.

The ministers emphasized the need to ensure the time-bound implementation of a five-point consensus agreed to with the Burmese junta in April 2021, ASEAN chair Cambodia said after a special meeting in Jakarta of top diplomats from the regional bloc’s member-states.

The ministers “reaffirmed the importance and relevance” of the consensus, “and underscored the need to further strengthen its implementation through concrete, practical and time-bound actions,” Cambodian Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn said in a statement after the meeting.

The consensus calls for an immediate end to violence; a dialogue among all concerned parties; mediation of the dialogue process by an ASEAN special envoy; provision of humanitarian aid through ASEAN channels; and a visit to Myanmar by the bloc’s special envoy to meet all concerned parties.

Retno Marsudi, Indonesia’s top diplomat, acknowledged that the foreign ministers from member-states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations were disappointed with the lack of significant progress in implementing the five-point consensus, with some expressing their frustration.

“Instead of progressing, the situation was even described as worsening,” Retno said.

“The approach of sweeping problems under the rug should no longer be an option.”

But, as chair Cambodia’s statement said, the foreign ministers, “agreed that ASEAN should not be discouraged, but even more determined to help Myanmar to bring about a peaceful solution the soonest possible.”

Myanmar’s expulsion from ASEAN was never on the table, according to Sidharto Suryodipuro, director general of ASEAN cooperation at the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

“Discussions on the situation in Myanmar have always been based on the assumption that Myanmar remains part of ASEAN,” Sidharto told reporters.

The special meeting in Jakarta was held to prepare recommendations to be submitted to ASEAN leaders at the summit of the 10-nation bloc in Cambodia next month.

Discontent has been growing among some ASEAN members about the junta reneging on the consensus it had agreed to, and amid the relentless violence, especially the execution of four political prisoners in July.

The violence has only increased since.

At least 63 people were killed after Myanmar military jets Sunday dropped munitions on a crowd attending a concert celebrating the 62nd anniversary of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO)’s founding. It was believed to be the deadliest single airstrike since the military seized power in a February 2021 coup.

Saifuddin Abdullah, Malaysia’s outspoken top diplomat, in July had raised the prospect of junking the five-point consensus. Last month in New York, he had questioned its validity, because the junta had been blithely ignoring it.

But Saifuddin, who has consistently taken the lead on post-coup Myanmar issues at ASEAN, was absent from the special meeting in Jakarta, because his government is now a caretaker administration after the announcement of a general election next month in Malaysia.  

Seven ASEAN foreign ministers attended the talks in Jakarta in person.

As in several previous meetings, Myanmar was not represented, Prak said.

Vietnam’s foreign minister was busy preparing for a visit by the head of the Vietnamese communist party to China next week, according to an ASEAN diplomatic source.

‘Junta has shown its contempt for ASEAN’

Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director for Human Rights Watch, minced no words in expressing his dismay about the outcome of Thursday’s meeting in Jakarta.

“ASEAN has reached a make or break point on Myanmar, but the Special Foreign Ministers meeting statement reflected just more business as usual, and that’s a huge disappointment. It’s hard to see how the Five Point Consensus can be saved when the SAC military junta has failed to implement one word of what Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing promised in Jakarta last year,” he said in a statement, referring to the Burmese military chief.

“Instead of the kind of wishy-washy language contained in the [ASEAN] chairperson’s statement today, ASEAN needs to get tough by establishing clear, time bound human rights benchmarks on Myanmar that include the release of political prisoners, a cessation of attacks on civilians, and steps towards dissolving the junta to allow for the establishment of civilian democratic rule,” Robertson added.

“Those benchmarks should be accompanied by clear penalties should Myanmar fail to meet them,” he added.

ASEAN will have to do more than repeat calls for an end to violence and the need for dialogue and negotiation, said Hunter S. Marston, a researcher on Asia at the Australian National University.

“Those conditions are unrealistic at this point, and the junta has shown its contempt for ASEAN and its diplomatic efforts,” he told BenarNews, an RFA-affiliated online news service.

ASEAN will never expel Myanmar, but it should include representatives from the opposition National Unity Government (NUG) to promote dialogue, he said.

For its part, the NUG said the benefit of ASEAN holding on to the five-point consensus was questionable.

“ASEAN leaders know all too well what Myanmar people want and need. We have just heard Ms. Noeleen Heyzer, the United Nations envoy to Myanmar, say the other day that Myanmar’s people can never accept the military junta,” Kyaw Zaw, spokesman for the NUG’s president office told the Burmese Service of Radio Free Asia (RFA), an online news service affiliated with BenarNews.

“If ASEAN believes the same, I think they should have direct dialogue with the NUG, the real government that represents the wish of Myanmar people and the national ethnic groups to put an end to all these crises,” Kyaw Zaw added.

Based on the outcome of Thursday’s meeting and because ASEAN makes its decisions consensually, one Burmese analyst, Sai Kyi Zin Soe, did not foresee much progress being made at the ASEAN summit in Phnom Penh next month.

“ASEAN member countries seem to be split into two: the west leaning and the pro-China, and they are not sure of their stand between the two either. Some member countries favor the idea that the NUG should be invited as the west suggested whereas the others still hold the belief that the Myanmar military junta can be further reasoned with for the progress,” Sai Kyi Zin Soe told RFA.

“Because of these different views among ASEAN countries, the summit, in my opinion, might not be able to make a common decision that Myanmar people desire, or a common decision that leads to effective changes for Myanmar people.”

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated News Service.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Ismira Lutfia Tisnadibrata for BenarNews.

Marcos said the time has come to strengthen the Association of Southeast Asian Nations – of which the Philippines is a founding member – and make it a significant force in an Indo-Pacific region roiled by international tensions. As examples, he cited tensions over North Korean missile tests, the Rohingya issue in Myanmar, and the “push and pull” between rival superpowers the United States and China over Taiwan.

“So we have a very important part to play in that because we have a great interest. It must be a subject of central concern in our foreign policy and in the defense of the nation in the Philippines,” Marcos said.

He made the remarks while fielding questions after a speech at the Manila Overseas Press Club on Wednesday night. A transcript from the event was made available Thursday.

“So I do not think we have a choice. We must play a leadership role because it is in our interest. And if we do not do it, we are not doing our jobs as the protectors of our country, of our state, of our territory, of our people, if we do not take that leadership role,” said Marcos, the namesake son of the late Philippine dictator Ferdinand E. Marcos who led the Philippines from 1965 until 1986, when he was ousted in a people-power revolt.

Since taking office on June 30, the younger Marcos has vowed to pursue an independent foreign policy “where the country is a friend to all, enemy to none.”

“I think ASEAN can do more than it has done thus far,” Marcos said of the 10-member regional bloc.

“I think we should continue … to move that united front forward so that we can say that ASEAN as a political, geopolitical aggrupation, economic aggrupation, has certainly shown that it has a function to do in the normal scheme of the geopolitics. But when crisis comes, that they come to the fore,” Marcos said.

This was a similar refrain during his state visit to Indonesia in September, where the Philippine president and Indonesian counterpart Joko “Jokowi” Widodo called on ASEAN to lead the way in bringing peace in the region.

In his remarks, however, Marcos did not mention territorial disputes in the South China Sea, which is known here as the West Philippine Sea. The Philippines and several of its neighbors in ASEAN as well as Taiwan and China have contending claims in the strategic waterway.

Marcos said he would propose “concrete” steps in the upcoming ASEAN summit in November on how to bring Myanmar’s military government to the table and discuss the Rohingya crisis.

“I intend to propose several actions that ASEAN can take specific to the different conflicts that we are seeing in our region,” he said. “And if the Philippines can play a part, then that would certainly be a good thing.”

ASEAN has been widely criticized for its failure to compel the Burmese military to live up to a five-point consensus for bringing peace to post-coup Myanmar that the junta chief agreed to during an emergency summit of Southeast Asian leaders in April 2021. Since then, the Burmese military has largely carried on unchecked in bloodily crushing the political opposition while fighting various insurgencies.

The 55-year-old regional bloc, which operates by consensus, has been seen as failing repeatedly to issue a strong stance against perceived Chinese aggression in the disputed South China Sea, the Mekong River dams, and the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated news service.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Camille Elemia for BenarNews.

Bruneian Lim Jock Hoi, the bloc’s current secretary-general, said at a recent event at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Washington D.C., that while the U.S.’s presence in the ASEAN region is important, it “should complement existing regional architecture that is open and inclusive.”

Its most senior official took part in a special discussion about the U.S-ASEAN partnership, hosted by the CSIS on Monday as its “inaugural” ASEAN Leadership Forum. 

ASEAN is marking the 45th anniversary of its relationship with Washington this year. 

“Peace and stability has always been a primordial concern of ASEAN since it was founded in 1967,” Lim emphasized.

U.S.-led initiatives such as the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) could provide opportunities to ASEAN countries, he said, but they “have to be in line with ASEAN’s outlook [on the] Indo-Pacific.” 

“We stress, among others, ASEAN centrality, openness, transparency, inclusivity, making sure that all relevant actors in the region are included,” Lim said.

U.S. President Joe Biden announced in May the launch of the IPEF which comprises 13 nations but not China and which has been criticized by Beijing as a U.S. tool “to coerce regional countries.”

The U.S. continues to be the largest source of foreign direct investment in ASEAN and the second largest trading partner, with bilateral trade reaching U.S.$364 billion last year. 

China’s has remained ASEAN’s number one trading partner for 13 consecutive years, according to the Chinese government’s Information Office. Trade between China and ASEAN reached U.S. $544.9 billion in the first seven months of this year.

“We see both are important for ASEAN. We hope that both major powers discuss constructively in order to make the region more conducive to trade and investment and create opportunity for all of us,” the senior official said.

ASEAN’s neutrality

ASEAN’s leadership so far has been careful not to take sides in the U.S.-China rivalry in their backyard, said Kasit Piromya, former foreign minister of Thailand who has been active in ASEAN political circles.

“ASEAN should continue to maintain dialogue partnerships with both, reflecting that ASEAN is friendly and cooperative with all,” he said.

Officials from both ASEAN and the U.S. are working on the establishment of a so-called Comprehensive Strategic Partnership later this year. It is unclear how far-reaching the new form of partnership will become but the U.S. “needs to think more and do more” in terms of working with ASEAN, in Kasit Piromya’s opinion.

“I don't think that the U.S.-ASEAN relations have matured because there is no common base or foundation as such, unlike the U.S. relations with Japan, South Korea and Taiwan which are based on democracy,” he said.

“There seems to be no sense of real purpose and enthusiasm on the part of the U.S. side to really forge a more intensive and robust relationship with ASEAN in spite of the Indo-Pacific strategy and IPEF,” the former top Thai diplomat said. 

Critics say that the ASEAN’s centrality was overlooked and bypassed when the U.S. put more efforts into other regional groupings such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, or the Quad, that also includes Australia, India and Japan. 

ASEAN was also not alerted or informed in advance of the setting up of AUKUS, the trilateral security pact between Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States.

These Indo-Pacific security groupings are widely seen as countering China’s rising influence and assertiveness in the region.

“The U.S. has not fully utilized the inherent belief and desires of many of the ASEAN member states for its continued presence in the region,” Kasit said, adding: “Washington cannot fail to realize that all the countries in the region are afraid of China.” 

South China Sea disputes

The U.S. has provided over U.S. $12.1 billion in development, economic, health, and security assistance to Southeast Asian allies and partners, including the members of ASEAN, since 2002, according to a U.S. State Department fact sheet. 

“The United States supports the international rules-based order in the South China Sea, and in close cooperation with our allies and partners, the United States promotes a free and open Indo-Pacific in which the freedoms of navigation and overflight are enjoyed and respected by all states in accordance with international law,” the fact sheet reads.

China and several ASEAN member states hold conflicting claims over parts of the South China Sea but Beijing’s claims are the most expansive, up to 90% of the sea.

There was only a brief reference to the South China Sea disputes in the ASEAN secretary-general’s speech at CSIS on Monday, when Lim Jock Hoi listed maritime security as one of the challenges that the region has been facing “for the longest time.”

“Efforts towards the conclusion of the Code of Conduct on South China Sea, one [that] is mutually acceptable to all parties concerned, [have] effectively and consistently been pursued,” said Lim without mentioning the United States.

Some analysts believe that policy differences between ASEAN members in dealing with South China Sea issues led to a divisive approach to the role the U.S. could play.

The U.S. Navy, and maritime forces from the ten ASEAN countries held the first ASEAN-U.S. Maritime Exercise in Thailand in 2019 but the drills have not occurred again.

China has been warning against what it sees as “interference by external actors” in South China Sea disputes.

“Sometimes, the U.S. has come across as a little too keen to help, prompting concern among some claimants that it might inadvertently trigger an escalation of tensions or an unwanted incident in the South China Sea that Southeast Asian countries will have to bear the brunt of,” said Elina Noor, Director of Political-Security Affairs at the Asia Society Policy Institute in Washington D.C.

Noor said that the U.S. side could try to “have more effective communication and coordination with Southeast Asian partners so that their presence and shows of force don’t trigger misunderstanding.”

“ASEAN does not have common foreign policy goals, so member states have their own say regarding maritime cooperation,” said Nguyen The Phuong, a Vietnamese defense analyst.

“Some want more cooperation [with the U.S.], some want less.”

“There are also opinions that those countries which wish to cooperate more with the U.S. in the field of maritime security could set up a smaller group, unofficial of course, within ASEAN to bolster their cooperation,” he said.

In May, President Biden announced a new Indo-Pacific Partnership for Maritime Domain Awareness (IPMDA) that would provide better access to space-based, maritime domain awareness to countries across the region.

“It’s new, but a rising cooperation area,” said the Vietnamese analyst.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Staff.

During her speech at the United Nations General Assembly, Indonesian Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi spoke twice about how “the fundamental principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity are non-negotiable” but did not mention Russia’s war in Ukraine or territorial tensions in the South China Sea.

As she stood in for Indonesian President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo, who was conspicuously absent from the most visible podium on the international diplomatic stage, Retno also criticized many post-war “mini-lateral groupings,” saying they had “become part of a proxy war between major powers.”

“This is not what regional architecture should be. It must serve as the building block for peace and stability rather than undermining them,” she said.

One such regional grouping, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), was formed to advance peace in the region, she said.

“ASEAN was built exactly for this purpose. We refuse to be a pawn in a new Cold War,” Retno said.

“Instead, we actively promote the paradigm of collaboration with all countries. This paradigm will also guide Indonesia’s Chairmanship in ASEAN next year.”

Indonesia, Southeast Asia’s largest and most populous country, is a founding member of the regional bloc and Jakarta serves as the headquarters of the ASEAN Secretariat. It will take over as ASEAN chair from Cambodia next year, during a tumultuous time for the grouping, when it is dealing with a post-coup crisis in member-state Myanmar.

ASEAN has been roundly criticized for its inaction in Myanmar and for the failure of a five-point consensus that the Burmese military agreed to at an emergency meeting last year. Washington, too, has been pushing ASEAN to take stronger steps against the Burmese junta led by Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing.

The 10-member regional bloc famously operates by consensus. And critics have said that some of the member-states’ close ties with China have prevented stronger action by ASEAN against the Myanmar military.

However, Retno said, Indonesia was very concerned about the Myanmar military’s inaction on the five-point roadmap to return the country to democracy, a roadmap that fellow member-state Malaysia has said should be scrapped in favor of a new approach.

Similarly, ASEAN has not condemned the Russian invasion of Ukraine, analysts say, because several countries, including Indonesia, rely on Moscow for their weapons needs.

Indonesia, too, did not directly condemn Russia for the invasion, although it did vote for a U.N. General Assembly resolution in March that “deplored” Russia’s aggression against Ukraine.   

‘World is pinning their hope on G20’

Still, Jakarta is caught betwixt and between, because as G20 president this year it has to balance the ire of the United States, the United Kingdom and the European Union, on the one hand, and Russia’s defense of its actions and Beijing’s support of Moscow, on the other.

In March, U.S. President Joe Biden, who is expected to attend the G20 summit in Bali in November, urged President Jokowi to invite Ukraine as a guest if Russia was not expelled from the group. Jokowi did invite Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, but it is not yet certain if Russian President Putin will attend the summit.

In her speech on Monday, Retno said there was no option but for the G20 summit to produce some solutions for the struggling post-pandemic world.

“The whole world is pinning their hope on G20 to be a catalyst of global economic recovery, especially for developing countries,” Retno said.

“G20 must not fail. We cannot let global recovery fall at the mercy of geopolitics,” she told the General Assembly.

Ukraine and Russia provide 30 percent of the world’s wheat and barley, a fifth of its maize and more than half of its sunflower oil. The two countries are also major producers and suppliers of fertilizers. In addition, Russia is the world’s largest natural gas exporter and second largest oil exporter.

For almost six months after Russia invaded Ukraine on Feb. 24, it blocked all of the latter’s Black Sea ports and cut off access to almost all of that country’s exports, especially of grain, several news services have reported. Those moves sparked fears of a global food crisis.

Russia has since lifted the blockade under a U.N.-backed deal in July, the Black Sea Grain Initiative, but the spillover effect of the months-long halt of grain exports has led to food inflation in many parts of the world. The rise in food prices comes on top of sky-high fuel prices, amid Western sanctions on Russian oil.

“We must act urgently to address food and energy crises and prevent a fertilizer crisis from happening. Otherwise, billions more people would be at risk, particularly in developing countries,” Retno said.

In such a situation, Retno said, “peaceful solution is the only option to settle any conflicts.”

“My president conveyed these messages of peace in his visits to Kyiv and Moscow last June,” the Indonesian foreign minister said, referring to Jokowi’s so-called peace mission to Ukraine and Russia.

“A habit of dialogue and cooperation would nurture strategic trust,” Retno said.

“These are the rules of the game that we must maintain if we truly want peace.”

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated news service.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Shailaja Neelakantan for BenarNews.

By November the bloc will need to decide whether the consensus its leaders had agreed on with Myanmar in April 2021 should be junked, said Malaysia’s outspoken top diplomat, who has consistently taken the lead on post-coup Myanmar issues at the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.

Saifuddin spoke to reporters as part of a panel after he met with Burmese opposition members in New York. Monday’s meeting took place amid reports that the junta forces had fired on a village school in Myanmar’s Sagaing region, killing at least seven children, in what appeared to be the deadliest incident involving children since last year’s military coup.

Saifuddin questioned the validity of the consensus.

“Between now and November ASEAN must seriously review if the 5-point consensus is still relevant and decide if it is still relevant. By the time we meet in November, we must ask hard questions and have an answer,” Saifuddin said as he addressed reporters afterwards at Malaysia’s diplomatic mission to the United Nations.

“If it is not working we have to decide what’s next. We cannot go in November and then start talking about it. We have to do the groundwork now.”

The Myanmar military meanwhile has blithely ignored the five-point consensus it agreed to with ASEAN last year, one of the main points of which was an end to violence. Its forces have also killed more nearly 2,300 people since the generals seized power by toppling an elected government on Feb. 1, 2021.

In July, Saifuddin had raised the prospect of scrapping the consensus to resolve Myanmar’s post-coup crisis, after the Burmese junta “made a mockery” of it by executing four political prisoners.

The consensus had called for an end to violence; constructive dialogue among all parties; the mediation of such talks by a special ASEAN envoy; the provision of ASEAN-coordinated humanitarian assistance and a visit to Myanmar by an ASEAN delegation to meet with all parties.

Activists and analysts have lambasted the Southeast Asian bloc for the failed five-point plan to restore democracy to Myanmar, because the junta and its leader, Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, have ignored every point they agreed to 17 months ago at an emergency ASEAN summit in Jakarta.

On Monday, the ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights called the five-point consensus an “unmitigated failure.”

“We have to develop a new model, the way forward is the NUG should be a part of this,” said APHR Chairperson and Malaysian MP Charles Santiago, who attended the press briefing with Saifuddin.

“The NUG has no role to play in the existing model, but now the NUG should be part of the rebuilding of Myanmar,” Santiago added.

The NUG, or the National Unity Government, is the parallel civilian government of Myanmar.

On Monday, Saifuddin also expressed his disappointment with the extent of ASEAN’s dialogue with the Myanmar opposition, namely the NUG and the NUCC, a body of opposition stakeholders.

“Malaysia is not satisfied with the engagement [of ASEAN with the NUG and NUCC] because we have made this call months ago that ASEAN should engage with the NUG and NUCC,” he said.

“There must be consultation between ASEAN and stakeholders, with a clear endgame and the endgame is return to democracy in Myanmar.”

Malaysia was the first ASEAN member to officially contact Myanmar’s shadow, civilian government.

Saifuddin said the NUG in recent months had worked to bring together all the ethnic communities of Myanmar.

“In the past few months, the NUG has done a wonderful job of confidence building in all stakeholders. We have probably not seen such unity among all stakeholders ever,” he said.

“ASEAN must engage with the NUG, and this is something we will again bring up on the 22nd,” he said.

ASEAN foreign ministers are scheduled to meet informally Sept. 22 on the sidelines of the U.N. General Assembly.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Shailaja Neelakantan for BenarNews.

Two days after being elected as Prime Minister again in Papua New Guinea, James Marape took his first official trip as the country’s leader while hitting the ground running in groundbreaking clean green energy projects he has been championing over the past two years.

He met with leaders of Fortescue Future Industries (FFI) in Singapore yesterday to progress the talks further.

After numerous questions on the trip to Singapore taken by Marape on Friday afternoon a statement was released about midnight through other social media platforms.

• READ MORE: Other reports on the PNG elections

In the morning, the PM’s Department released the statement at 7.30 am after the country became aware of Marape’s trip to Singapore.

The Prime Minister flew to Singapore to continue important trade and investment conversations, including those on Papua LNG, Pasca LNG, Pn’yang LNG and also to get Porgera and Wafi-Golpu sanctioned.

He said from Singapore that FFI had voiced its intention to partner with Papua New Guinea in a big way to harvest clean green energy from both hydro and geothermal sources and to move into solar and wind energy production.

Currently, FFI has identified and set up project sites in Gulf Province for hydro and West New Britain Province for geothermal work and has been working in these areas since the signing of two important agreements since 2021.

Clean green energy way of future
Marape said from Singapore: “With global consciousness of fossil fuel-induced global warming, clean green energy is the way to move into the future and this meeting follows on the head agreement PNG has signed with FFI to progress investment in this energy sector.”

The Prime Minister also visited the PNG High Commission in Singapore with a view to strengthening it further as a trade and investment office while getting the PNG government to increase trade and investment with the ASEAN and APEC countries.

He said: “The Singapore office will be given more support in that context in partnership with Investment Promotion Authority, the Kumul companies, National Fisheries and Forestry authorities, and our Agriculture and Livestock departments so that it coordinates export and trade into the lucrative Asian market of over 2 billion people who need food and energy, and products PNG can mass produce into the future as we are planning under my government.”

Republished with permission.

This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

At a May 6 meeting in Cambodia’s capital Phnom Penh, the ASEAN Coordinating Center for Humanitarian Assistance (AHA) agreed to deliver aid to Myanmar under the supervision of the military regime, which would distribute it to those in need.

However, aid workers in northwest Myanmar’s Sagaing region told RFA Burmese that as of Monday none of the promised aid had been delivered there or other regions with refugees in need, including Chin, Kayah and Kayin states.

“ASEAN’s help hasn’t made it to Sagaing yet,” said Thet Oo, who is assisting victims of conflict with the People-to-People Program in the region’s Yinmarbin and Salingyi townships.

“It's been three months since their meeting, but nothing has come to Yinmarbin district at all.”

Thet Oo warned ASEAN not to trust the junta’s promises.

“The junta, which is terrorizing us, will never provide the aid or assistance they agreed to with ASEAN,” he said.

The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs announced on Aug. 3 that 866,000 people had joined the ranks of Myanmar’s refugees since the military’s Feb. 1, 2021 coup, bringing the total number to more than 1.2 million, or more than 2% of the country’s population of 54.4 million.

Of the new refugees, some 470,000 were forced to flee their homes in Sagaing, where clashes between junta troops and the armed opposition are among the deadliest and most frequent in the nation.

Thet Oo said his organization is struggling to provide assistance with only donations to rely on.

Meanwhile, the military is carrying out a scorched earth offensive in the region, conducting raids on villages and setting them on fire, and creating new refugees each day, he said.

In neighboring Chin state, where fierce fighting is also a daily occurrence, refugees are also facing severe shortages, aid workers told RFA.

“The need for food and medicine is still very great. There isn’t enough food in the mountains. No NGOs have yet come here,” a spokesman for the Mindat Township Refugee Camps Management Committee said, speaking on condition of anonymity.

“Since the beginning, when we heard ASEAN would be providing assistance through the junta, we have been skeptical. It was clear that Chin state would not be included in the distribution program. Sure enough, no aid has reached the refugees in Mindat township to date.”

Repeated calls by RFA seeking comment from junta Deputy Information Minister Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun on the status of the ASEAN aid distribution went unanswered.

Agreement panned

ASEAN’s decision to deliver assistance to Myanmar’s refugees through the junta was slammed by the country’s shadow National Unity Government (NUG), as well as the Karen National Union (KNU), Karenni National Progressive Party and Chin National Front ethnic parties as “unacceptable” in a joint statement on May 30.

The groups, which the junta says are terrorist organizations, were not extended an invitation by ASEAN to the May 6 meeting in Phnom Penh at the request of the military regime, nor was the U.N. secretary general’s special representative to Myanmar, Nolin Heza.

Win Myat Aye, NUG minister for Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management, told RFA this week that ASEAN’s plan to provide aid through the junta will not do anything for the people who are suffering the most in Myanmar.

“What ASEAN is doing …  is impractical. It hasn’t been successful because it never reached those who really need it for more than three months now,” he said.

“NUG is now already working to meet the actual needs on the ground. We are working in cooperation with international organizations, so the information we act on will be true and we can provide the necessary help. … In order to be successful, we need to help with real action, not just words."

Win Myat Aye noted that the NUG disaster ministry had been providing shelter and medicine to refugees for the last 18 months since the coup.

Aid workers helping refugees in Chin, Kayah and Kayin states, as well as some townships in Sagaing and Magway regions, told RFA that even if the junta is working to deliver assistance from ASEAN, it only controls Myanmar’s cities and its administration is broken in rural areas.

KNU spokesman Pado Saw Tawney said that the junta is incapable of reaching all of the country’s refugees on its own.

“There are over a million [refugees] according to available statistics. But in fact, what we believe is that there may be 2 million or more,” he said.

“This situation has become a problem that cannot be solved internally. It requires cooperation with the international community. … That's the bottom line. Nothing will happen if it is carried out by the junta alone.”

The U.N. humanitarian affairs office said in its statement on Aug. 3 that the security and humanitarian aid situations in Myanmar have worsened significantly as fighting continues throughout the country. The agency said efforts to deliver assistance to refugees have been hamstrung by military restrictions on the transportation of essential goods, including food and medical supplies.

Reports of the worsening refugee situation in Myanmar came as the country’s opposition groups and analysts called on ASEAN to adopt stronger measures in its dealing with the junta following the bloc’s 55th Foreign Ministers’ Meeting in Phnom Penh from July 31 to Aug. 6.

During the gathering, most ASEAN member states criticized the junta for failing to implement the bloc’s agreements and for its July 25 execution of four democracy activists, including former student leader Ko Jimmy and a former lawmaker from Myanmar’s deposed National League for Democracy party.

However, the wording of a statement issued at the end of the meeting was toned down due to the objection of the Myanmar delegation. The decision regarding Myanmar will be taken at the annual ASEAN Summit in November after studying and evaluating the extent to which the bloc’s 2021 Consensus is implemented by the junta.

Kyaw Zaw, spokesman for the NUG presidential office, said it is no longer enough for ASEAN to simply make criticisms. Instead, he said, the bloc should undertake “practical measures,” noting that there is no resolution in sight for Myanmar’s political crisis more than 18 months after the takeover.

“The 5-Point Consensus (5PC) has been disregarded and is still being ignored and it has been almost a year and a half since the coup,” he said, referring to an agreement between the junta and ASEAN to end violence in Myanmar during an emergency meeting held by the bloc in April 2021.

“We’re thankful that they expressed their concern and they said they condemn the Myanmar issue. But I'd like to reiterate that now is the time to talk less and take action more.”

Kyaw Zaw said he welcomed the ASEAN foreign ministers’ decisions not to allow high-ranking representatives of the junta to attend the bloc’s ministerial-level meetings in the future, set a precise time frame for the implementation of the ASEAN Consensus, and to hold formal discussions with the NUG.

Zero implementation

Under the 5PC, the junta agreed to end to violence in the country, facilitate constructive dialogue among all parties, and allow the mediation of such talks by a special ASEAN envoy. The 5PC also calls for the provision of ASEAN-coordinated humanitarian assistance and a visit to Myanmar by an ASEAN delegation to meet with all parties.

Even regime leader Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing acknowledged that the junta had failed to hold up its end of the bargain on the consensus in a televised speech earlier this month in which he announced that the junta was extending by six months the state of emergency it declared following last year’s coup. He blamed the coronavirus pandemic and “political instability” for the failure and said he will implement “what we can” from the 5PC this year, provided it does not “jeopardize the country’s sovereignty.”

The junta’s failure to abide by the 5PC drew criticism last week from U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken, who told Voice of America’s Khmer service that if the agreement is not met, ASEAN should adopt new measures, including suspending Myanmar’s membership in the bloc.

Calls to junta spokesman Zaw Min Tun on ASEAN’s criticism went unanswered.

The junta’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement that inviting a lower-level delegate from Myanmar to the ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Meeting and related meetings was a violation of the bloc’s charter.

Thein Tun Oo, executive director of the pro-military Thayninga Strategic Studies Institute, warned that ASEAN would become weaker if Myanmar were to be suspended.

“Currently, it’s not easy to suspend Myanmar straight away. But even if they were to make such a decision, Myanmar's special interests would not be affected,” he said.

“We think ASEAN would become weakened and break up because of the [suspension.]"

Sai Kyi Zin Soe, a political analyst, said removing Myanmar from the bloc would only lower the pressure on the junta.

“ASEAN doesn’t have much leverage now. Expelling Myanmar would be the worst case scenario. It is within the bounds of what they can do, but I don't think they will go that far,” he said.

“If they cut Myanmar off like that, it will be more difficult to engage ... so, it’s unlikely.”

ASEAN Special Envoy for Myanmar Prak Sokhonn is scheduled to make his third official visit to the country in September.

During his last visit in July, the envoy did not meet with any armed ethnic groups that are opposed to the junta’s coup, nor the NLD, which won Myanmar’s 2020 election in a landslide victory before being deposed in last year’s putsch.

Observers said Sokhonn’s failure to meet the opposition or other anti-junta stakeholders during his visit would only serve to legitimize military rule.

Translated by Khin Maung Nyane. Written in English by Joshua Lipes.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Burmese.

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi – who was in Cambodia’s capital for meetings with counterparts from ASEAN states and other nations – called the unprecedented live-fire drills “reasonable and legitimate steps to safeguard its sovereignty and territorial integrity,” as China kept venting its fury over Pelosi’s stop in Taipei.

More than 100 aircraft and more than 10 warships took part on Thursday in the first day of live-fire exercises that will go until Sunday, Chinese state media reported. China began the exercises a day after Pelosi left Taiwan after becoming the highest ranking American official to visit the island in 25 years.

The Taiwan Defense Ministry responded by scrambling jets to warn away 22 Chinese aircraft that crossed into its air defense zone and also fired flares to drive away four drones involved in the exercises, according to Reuters.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations, whose foreign ministers are meeting in Phnom Penh this week along with the top diplomats from China, the United States and other powers, came out with a rare collective statement expressing worry about the tensions in the Taiwan Strait.

Without naming China or the U.S., they said ASEAN was concerned about volatility that “could destabilize the region and eventually could lead to miscalculation, serious confrontation, open conflicts and unpredictable consequences among major powers.”

“ASEAN calls for maximum restraint” and for the powers to “refrain from provocative action,” according to excerpts from their statement.

“We should act together and ASEAN stands ready to play a constructive role in facilitating peaceful dialogue between all parties including through utilizing ASEAN-led mechanisms to de-escalate tension, to safeguard peace, security and development in our region,” the Southeast Asian foreign ministers said.

U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken, who was in Phnom Penh on Thursday, said he did not want China to manufacture a crisis to increase military activity in the region and that the United States opposed “any unilateral efforts to change the status quo” on Taiwan.

Retno Marsudi, the foreign minister of ASEAN member Indonesia, said her nation was “worried about the increasing rivalry between the big powers.”

“And if this rivalry is not managed properly, it will lead to an open conflict that will surely threaten peace and stability, including in the Taiwan Strait,” she warned.

In Manila, the Philippine Department of Foreign Affairs joined the chorus of regional concern about tensions around Taiwan.

“Diplomacy and dialogue must prevail,” it said.

The United States also holds this policy, but maintains close unofficial ties with Taiwan and is obligated by law to provide defense support. Washington only acknowledges China’s sovereignty claim over Taiwan rather than endorsing it.

For its part, Cambodia said it considered issues related to Taiwan along with Hong Kong, Tibet and Xinjiang as being “under the sovereign rights of the People’s Republic of China.”

Wang: Pelosi ‘irresponsible’

Wang, meanwhile, took a hardline stance on what he saw as efforts against Beijing. He lashed out at Pelosi for visiting Taiwan, saying it was a “manic, irresponsible and highly irrational” act, CCTV, the Chinese state broadcaster, reported.

China’s foreign minister also rejected a statement from leaders of the Group of Seven (G7) nations on Wednesday, where they expressed concern about the proposed live-fire exercises.

“There is no justification to use a visit as pretext for aggressive military activity in the Taiwan Strait. It is normal and routine for legislators from our countries to travel internationally. The PRC’s escalatory response risks increasing tensions and destabilizing the region,” the G7 said.

Wang accused the G7 – which includes the United States and Japan – of ignoring the negative effects of Pelosi’s visit.

“It groundlessly criticizes China for taking such measures, which are reasonable and legitimate steps to safeguard its sovereignty and territorial integrity,” China’s foreign ministry quoted Wang as saying in response to the G7.

Wang also challenged the U.S. to get on board with Beijing’s plan.

“The United States should not dream of obstructing China’s reunification. Taiwan is a part of China. The complete reunification of China is the trend of the times and an inevitability of history,” he said.

‘Abiding interest in peace’

On Thursday, Washington’s top diplomat reiterated the American government’s support for Taiwan while remaining committed to the One China policy.

“The United States continues to have an abiding interest in peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait,” Antony Blinken said in an opening statement at the ASEAN meeting where Retno Marsudi joined him.

“We oppose any unilateral efforts to change the status quo, especially by force,” he said. “And I want to emphasize [that] nothing has changed about our position.”

He also said that he did not want China to “manufacture a crisis or seek a pretext to increase its aggressive military activity,” according to a transcript from his joint press conference with Retno.

“We, and countries around the world believe that escalation serves no one and could have unintended consequences that serve no one’s interest including ASEAN members and including China.”

Blinken said U.S. officials had reached out to their Chinese counterparts over the last several days to convey this message.

“Maintaining cross-strait stability is in the interests of all countries in the region, including all of our colleagues within ASEAN,” he said.

Jason Gutierrez in Manila contributed to this report

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By John Bechtel for BenarNews.

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi – who was in Cambodia’s capital for meetings with counterparts from ASEAN states and other nations – called the unprecedented live-fire drills “reasonable and legitimate steps to safeguard its sovereignty and territorial integrity,” as China kept venting its fury over Pelosi’s stop in Taipei.

More than 100 aircraft and more than 10 warships took part on Thursday in the first day of live-fire exercises that will go until Sunday, Chinese state media reported. China began the exercises a day after Pelosi left Taiwan after becoming the highest ranking American official to visit the island in 25 years.

The Taiwan Defense Ministry responded by scrambling jets to warn away 22 Chinese aircraft that crossed into its air defense zone and also fired flares to drive away four drones involved in the exercises, according to Reuters.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations, whose foreign ministers are meeting in Phnom Penh this week along with the top diplomats from China, the United States and other powers, came out with a rare collective statement expressing worry about the tensions in the Taiwan Strait.

Without naming China or the U.S., they said ASEAN was concerned about volatility that “could destabilize the region and eventually could lead to miscalculation, serious confrontation, open conflicts and unpredictable consequences among major powers.”

“ASEAN calls for maximum restraint” and for the powers to “refrain from provocative action,” according to excerpts from their statement.

“We should act together and ASEAN stands ready to play a constructive role in facilitating peaceful dialogue between all parties including through utilizing ASEAN-led mechanisms to de-escalate tension, to safeguard peace, security and development in our region,” the Southeast Asian foreign ministers said.

U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken, who was in Phnom Penh on Thursday, said he did not want China to manufacture a crisis to increase military activity in the region and that the United States opposed “any unilateral efforts to change the status quo” on Taiwan.

Retno Marsudi, the foreign minister of ASEAN member Indonesia, said her nation was “worried about the increasing rivalry between the big powers.”

“And if this rivalry is not managed properly, it will lead to an open conflict that will surely threaten peace and stability, including in the Taiwan Strait,” she warned.

In Manila, the Philippine Department of Foreign Affairs joined the chorus of regional concern about tensions around Taiwan.

“Diplomacy and dialogue must prevail,” it said.

The United States also holds this policy, but maintains close unofficial ties with Taiwan and is obligated by law to provide defense support. Washington only acknowledges China’s sovereignty claim over Taiwan rather than endorsing it.

For its part, Cambodia said it considered issues related to Taiwan along with Hong Kong, Tibet and Xinjiang as being “under the sovereign rights of the People’s Republic of China.”

Wang: Pelosi ‘irresponsible’

Wang, meanwhile, took a hardline stance on what he saw as efforts against Beijing. He lashed out at Pelosi for visiting Taiwan, saying it was a “manic, irresponsible and highly irrational” act, CCTV, the Chinese state broadcaster, reported.

China’s foreign minister also rejected a statement from leaders of the Group of Seven (G7) nations on Wednesday, where they expressed concern about the proposed live-fire exercises.

“There is no justification to use a visit as pretext for aggressive military activity in the Taiwan Strait. It is normal and routine for legislators from our countries to travel internationally. The PRC’s escalatory response risks increasing tensions and destabilizing the region,” the G7 said.

Wang accused the G7 – which includes the United States and Japan – of ignoring the negative effects of Pelosi’s visit.

“It groundlessly criticizes China for taking such measures, which are reasonable and legitimate steps to safeguard its sovereignty and territorial integrity,” China’s foreign ministry quoted Wang as saying in response to the G7.

Wang also challenged the U.S. to get on board with Beijing’s plan.

“The United States should not dream of obstructing China’s reunification. Taiwan is a part of China. The complete reunification of China is the trend of the times and an inevitability of history,” he said.

‘Abiding interest in peace’

On Thursday, Washington’s top diplomat reiterated the American government’s support for Taiwan while remaining committed to the One China policy.

“The United States continues to have an abiding interest in peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait,” Antony Blinken said in an opening statement at the ASEAN meeting where Retno Marsudi joined him.

“We oppose any unilateral efforts to change the status quo, especially by force,” he said. “And I want to emphasize [that] nothing has changed about our position.”

He also said that he did not want China to “manufacture a crisis or seek a pretext to increase its aggressive military activity,” according to a transcript from his joint press conference with Retno.

“We, and countries around the world believe that escalation serves no one and could have unintended consequences that serve no one’s interest including ASEAN members and including China.”

Blinken said U.S. officials had reached out to their Chinese counterparts over the last several days to convey this message.

“Maintaining cross-strait stability is in the interests of all countries in the region, including all of our colleagues within ASEAN,” he said.

Jason Gutierrez in Manila contributed to this report

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By John Bechtel for BenarNews.

In a speech delivered at the opening ceremony of the 55th ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting in Phnom Penh on Wednesday, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, whose nation holds the rotating chair of the bloc, acknowledged that no progress has been made on Myanmar’s political crisis, despite junta chief Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing’s pledge to end violence in April last year.

Hun Sen said that if the junta continues to execute its political opponents he would be forced to “reconsider ASEAN’s role” in mediating Myanmar’s conflict.

“The situation is now very volatile with the execution of the four opposition activists, and can be said to be worse than before the Five-Point Consensus (5PC),” he said, referring to the agreement Min Aung Hlaing made with ASEAN in April 2021 during an emergency meeting on the situation in Myanmar.

“ASEAN is deeply shocked and horrified by the execution of these opposition activists.”

ASEAN’s 5PC called for an end to violence, constructive dialogue among all parties, the mediation of such talks by a special ASEAN envoy, the provision of ASEAN-coordinated humanitarian assistance and a visit to Myanmar by an ASEAN delegation to meet with all parties.

Even Min Aung Hlaing acknowledged that the junta had failed to hold up its end of the bargain on the consensus in a televised speech on Monday in which he announced that the junta was extending by six months the state of emergency it declared following its Feb. 1, 2021 coup. He blamed the coronavirus pandemic and “political instability” for the failure and said he will implement “what we can” from the 5PC this year, provided it does not “jeopardize the country’s sovereignty.”

Frustration with the junta boiled over last week after it put to death veteran democracy activist Ko Jimmy and former opposition lawmaker Phyo Zeya Thaw, as well as activists Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw, despite a direct appeal from Hun Sen to Min Aung Hlaing. The executions prompted protests in Myanmar and condemnation abroad, including from outspoken ASEAN member-state Malaysia, which said “no Myanmar military regime representative” should be allowed at any meeting of the bloc, including this week’s gathering of foreign ministers from ASEAN countries and nearly 40 ASEAN partner nations.

Wednesday’s comments sounded a different tune for Hun Sen who, on assuming the ASEAN chair earlier this year, predicted that he would use his skill as a negotiator to resolve the situation in Myanmar. 

Hun Sen’s decision in January to become the first foreign leader to visit Myanmar following the coup was widely panned by the international community as conferring legitimacy on the junta and he has since remained relatively quiet while the crisis has worsened.

Call for stronger measures

Speaking to RFA Khmer, observers said ASEAN stakeholders should not remain silent on the junta and suggested that the bloc call on the United Nations to intervene in Myanmar if it is unable to resolve the crisis on its own.

Cambodian political analyst Em Sovannara said that refusing the junta a seat at the table for ASEAN gatherings doesn’t go far enough.

“For example, the ASEAN Chair should start talking to Myanmar’s [shadow] National Unity Government (NUG), not the military government,” he said.

Similarly, Soeung Senkaruna, spokesman for the Cambodian rights group Adhoc, said ASEAN should review its 5PC and, if unable to resolve the crisis, seek assistance from the U.N.

“There should be strong measures in place to punish the abuse and killing of innocent people,” he said.

“We think that with no such measures, Myanmar’s dictatorial leaders will continue to persecute their opponents in any way they see fit.”

Attempts by RFA to reach Cambodian Foreign Ministry spokesman Chum Sontory for comment on the situation in Myanmar went unanswered on Wednesday.

While many Western governments have sought to punish Myanmar’s junta for killing what rights groups say is at least 2,148 civilians over the past 18 months, Russia has continued to support the regime both diplomatically and militarily.

Moscow reiterated that support on Wednesday when, ahead of attending the ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting in Phnom Penh, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov visited Naypyidaw and met with Min Aung Hlaing and junta Minister of Foreign Affairs Wunna Maung Lwin.

Details of the meetings remain unknown, but in a post on Twitter Russia’s foreign ministry cited Lavrov as saying that Moscow “appreciate[s] the traditionally friendly nature of our partnership, which is not affected by any opportunistic processes,” apparently in reference to efforts by the international community to sanction the junta.

The junta’s foreign ministry said Lavrov and Wunna Maung Lwin “cordially exchanged views on promotion of bilateral relations and cooperation and reaffirmed their commitment to enhance cooperation between the two countries in the multilateral arena based on mutual trust and understanding.”

RFA Burmese was unable to reach junta Deputy Information Minister Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun for further comment on the meetings Wednesday.

Lavrov’s visit comes two weeks after Min Aung Hlaing traveled to Russia on an unofficial trip, which political analyst Ye Tun described as part of the junta’s bid to secure weapons from Moscow.

“The frequent back-and-forth visits between the leaders and the Russian foreign minister’s current visit all point to expanded economic ties between Russia and Myanmar and the effort to obtain military assistance – especially military equipment – from Russia,” he said.

Lavrov said in a press release on Tuesday that his trip sought not only to promote bilateral relations, but also strengthen economic cooperation and defense and security ties.

Amid the uptick in cooperation between Russia and Myanmar since the coup, the two countries’ relationship has become increasingly complex.

Complex relationship

Myanmar-based political analyst Than Soe Naing said the junta is relying more than ever on Russia to uplift the country’s economy, which is in shambles due to Western sanctions.

“Myanmar's economic situation is already in a serious state … as international oil companies, like Total, are withdrawing from the country,” he said.

“I believe that the junta is embracing Russia so that Russia can help the country in the face of an economic crisis – especially a fuel shortage.”

Thein Tun Oo, executive director of the Thaningha Strategic Studies Group, a think tank of former military officers, said the junta has become closer to Russia as a strategic partner in order to reduce its dependence on neighboring China for economic and military assistance.

“It may be a disadvantage to be dependent on a single country, so it’s not uncommon to find another strategic partner with whom you can have a really close relationship,” he said.

“It’s mainly for this reason that [Myanmar is] now looking at Russia as a strategic partner.”

Observers also suggested that junta leaders are more impressed with Russia than China when it comes to military technology.

Four months after last year’s coup, during his June 2021 visit to Russia, Min Aung Hlaing told Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu that he was grateful to Moscow for making Myanmar’s army one of the strongest in the region. That same month, the U.N. General Assembly adopted a resolution to prevent the flow of military equipment to Myanmar, but Russia abstained.

Observers said Russia might see Myanmar as an important country if it hopes to expand its economic influence in East Asia.

The website Global Firepower, which tracks the development of military forces from around the world, said last month that Myanmar maintains a fleet of 280 aircraft, including fighter jets and attack helicopters, 664 tanks, and 155 warships, including one submarine.

Translated by Khin Maung Nyane. Written in English by Joshua Lipes.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Burmese.

Malaysian Foreign Minister Saifuddin Abdullah, who has been the most vocal Southeast Asian government official to date to demand that Naypyidaw’s military regime follow through on the consensus, said the 10-member regional bloc had a “big decision” to make about the pact at its summit in November.

“Until today, there has been no real progress on the 5PC. The violence continues, and in fact [has] gotten worse. … It shows the junta is making a mockery of the 5PC [five-point consensus,” Saifuddin wrote on Facebook.

“T]he ASEAN Summit this November will need to make a big decision. Will the 5PC be continued? Can it be improved? Or to create something new?"

To worldwide shock and condemnation, the generals who rule Myanmar put to death veteran democracy activist Ko Jimmy (whose real name is Kyaw Min Yu), former National League for Democracy lawmaker Phyo Zeya Thaw, and activists Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw, likely on July 23.

A military court had convicted them for “terrorist” acts and they lost appeals against their death sentences. The junta had also rejected the possibility of a pardon for the condemned men.

The regime executed the four in defiance of an appeal made directly to Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, the junta chief, by Hun Sen, the prime minister of Cambodia – this year’s holder of the ASEAN chair – that the military government reconsider their deaths sentences.

On Tuesday, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations harshly criticized the executions, calling them “highly reprehensible.”

The next day, the United Nations Security Council voted unanimously to condemn the executions carried out by Myanmar. The vote was unusual because China, which is friendly with the Burmese military, had often used its veto power on the council to block international efforts to sanction the junta over post-coup violence and mass killings. 

The executions of the four dissidents marked a setback, Cambodia said as ASEAN chair, “in expediting progress on the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus (5PC), namely in building trust and confidence to engender a dialogue among all parties concerned, in order to end violence and alleviate the suffering of the innocent people.”

The junta has reneged on the five-point plan that it agreed to with ASEAN in April 2021 to put the country back on a democratic path.

The consensus called for an end to violence; constructive dialogue among all parties; the mediation of such talks by a special ASEAN envoy; the provision of ASEAN-coordinated humanitarian assistance and a visit to Myanmar by an ASEAN delegation to meet with all parties.

Saifuddin, Malaysia's soft-spoken foreign minister, believes it cannot be business as usual at ASEAN.

Through his diplomacy, Malaysia became the first member-state of the regional bloc to officially contact Myanmar’s shadow, civilian National Unity Government (NUG).

More than ever, in the wake of the executions, ASEAN needs to meet that government’s representatives as soon as possible, Saifuddin said.

“Now is the time for this meeting to be hastened and [for] its progress [to be] made public,” Foreign Minister Saifuddin wrote.

“I am of the opinion that ASEAN needs to have a framework that has an end game and lay out the matters/processes required to achieve that end game. … In this context, ASEAN needs to have accurate and up-to-date information about what is actually happening by obtaining it directly from the involved parties.”

The end-game, he said, is a “democratic, inclusive and just, peaceful and harmonious, prosperous Myanmar whose civil and political rights are guaranteed by the constitution.

Saifuddin reiterated that Myanmar military regime representatives should “not be allowed” at any meeting of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, including the next ASEAN foreign ministers’ gathering, scheduled for Aug. 3 in Phnom Penh.

Mahbubul Haque, a scholar who is an expert on Myanmar, said he never had much hope for the five-point consensus on Myanmar – nor was he very optimistic about a potential new plan either.

“To make a consensus among the member-states will be difficult. Myanmar did not respect the international community’s decision,” the senior lecturer in international relations at the Universiti Sultan Zainal Abidin in Malaysia told BenarNews.

“It will be highly appreciated if Malaysia can take a consistently strong political stand to restore democracy in Myanmar,” he added.

Nisha David in Kuala Lumpur contributed to this report.

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated news service.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Shailaja Neelakantan for BenarNews.

Meanwhile on Wednesday, Indonesian Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi echoed her Malaysian counterpart in calling for a special discussion on Myanmar at a ministerial-level meeting of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations scheduled for next week.

On Tuesday, the 10-member association issued its harshest criticism of the Burmese junta to date, calling the executions of the four dissidents “highly reprehensible,” while Malaysian Foreign Minister Saifuddin Abdullah branded the hangings as a “crime against humanity.”

But political commentators across the region are saying that ASEAN, which operates by consensus, needs to follow up on its tough words by taking stricter action against the military-ruled member-state for violating a five-point consensus struck in April 2021 that included an end to violence in post-coup Myanmar.

The executions of veteran pro-democracy Ko Jimmy and the three other political prisoners “might be the tipping point” for ASEAN, according to Sharon Seah, a scholar at the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore.

“ASEAN needs to rethink seriously its approach to Myanmar, including a form of de facto temporary suspension even though the ASEAN Charter does not explicitly provide for it,” Seah, coordinator of the ASEAN Studies Center and the Climate Change at the institute, wrote on Twitter.

“If ASEAN doesn’t take tougher actions, it will appear weak and lack credibility. Yet, if it does, it risks closing the door on negotiation with the SAC permanently,” she said, referring to the State Administrative Council, the official name for the military regime led by Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing.

In its 55-year history, the 10-member ASEAN has never banned or expelled a member. In 1997, when Cambodia’s then co-Prime Minister Hun Sen overthrew Prince Norodom Ranariddh, the country only had “observer status” in ASEAN.

Because of the coup, ASEAN held off on admitting Cambodia, and sent foreign ministers from Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines there to mediate for a peaceful resolution to the crisis, much like it tried to do with the special envoy in Myanmar.

The ASEAN charter says: “In the case of a serious breach of the Charter or non-compliance, the matter will be referred to the ASEAN Summit for decision.”

In the view of Aizat Khairi, a professor at the University of Kuala Lumpur, some form of punishment needs to be meted out for the executions.  

“It is likely difficult to expel Myanmar from ASEAN but it is a stand that, if taken, will send a strong message to the junta that ASEAN indeed stands united and does not tolerate crimes against humanity,” he told BenarNews, an RFA-affiliated news service.

Aizat said ASEAN could take junta leaders to the International Court of Justice and impose economic sanctions.

The bloc also needs to start engaging with the opposition National Unity Government (NUG) and National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), a shadow administration outlawed by the junta, he said.

Call for 'coherent approach'

The Burmese junta put to death Ko Jimmy (whose real name is Kyaw Min Yu), former National League for Democracy lawmaker Phyo Zeya Thaw, as well as activists Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw – likely on Saturday – but announced their executions on Monday.

A military court had convicted them over “terrorist” acts and they lost appeals against their death sentences. The junta had also rejected the possibility of a pardon for the condemned men.

Their executions have drawn worldwide condemnation.

Seah, of ISEAS, said although Myanmar has been barred from sending political representatives to ASEAN foreign ministerial meetings, it has been allowed to send political representative to other ministerial meetings.

She suggested that Myanmar be stripped of its ASEAN roles and duties.

“ASEAN has no levers in this game of brinksmanship with the SAC. For a start, ASEAN needs to be coherent in its approach,” she said.

In Indonesia, where ASEAN is headquartered, the English-language Jakarta Post called for “tough action against the cold-blooded Myanmar junta.”

“Now President [Joko] Jokowi [Widodo] should show the world that ASEAN cannot tolerate the barbaric acts of Gen. [Min Aung] Hlaing,” the Post said in an editorial that did not hold back.

“ASEAN’s silence would only send the wrong signal that it condoned the brutality,” it said.  

The Post urged Retno, Indonesia’s top diplomat, to initiate an emergency meeting of ASEAN foreign ministers “to discuss collective actions against the Myanmar junta for its blatant contempt of the five-point agreement.”

Following criticism of a lack of condemnation from Indonesia, Retno said Wednesday that the executions had dealt a blow to the five-point consensus.

“The president expressed disappointment at the lack of progress in the implementation [of the consensus],” Retno told a press conference. 

“I have proposed that the ASEAN ministerial meeting in early August in Phnom Penh specifically discuss the latest development.” 

Muzliza Mustafa in Kuala Lumpur and Pimuk Rakkanam in Bangkok contributed to this report.

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated news service.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Ahmad Syamsudin and Dandy Koswaraputra for BenarNews.

Speaking to reporters after the meeting, Blinken called on the region’s government leaders to push the junta, which overthrew Myanmar’s democratic government in February 2021, to live up to a plan agreed upon two months later. Earlier, he signed a pair of cooperative agreements with Thailand’s foreign minister.

“The United States is working with Thailand and all of ASEAN to push Burma’s regime to fulfill the Five-Point Consensus, end its brutal violence and put Burma back on the path to democracy,” Blinken said, using the old name for Myanmar and the acronym for the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.

“It is incumbent on China and in China’s interest to see Burma move back to the path it was on,” he also said.

While junta government leader Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing agreed to the consensus in April 2021, his government has not implemented it. The consensus included an immediate end to violence in the country, the distribution of humanitarian aid, dialogue among all parties and the appointment of an ASEAN special envoy to Myanmar who would be permitted to meet with all stakeholders.

“Unfortunately, it is safe to say that we have seen no positive movement. On the contrary, we continue to see the repression of the Burmese people,” Blinken said, noting members of the opposition are in jail or in exile. “The regime is not delivering what is necessary for the people.”

More than 2,065 civilians have been killed in Myanmar since the coup, according to Thailand’s Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.

After traveling to Thailand from Bali, Indonesia, where he had attended the G20 foreign ministers meeting last week, Blinken also met with his Thai counterpart, Don Pramudwinai. They signed the U.S.-Thailand Communiqué on Strategic Alliance and Partnership.

“Our countries share the same goals – the free, open, interconnected, prosperous, resilient and secure Indo-Pacific. In recent years, we worked together even more closely toward that vision,” Blinken said.

“I’m especially pleased to be in Thailand at a time when we have an ally and partner in the Pacific of such importance to us in the region that is shaping the trajectory of the 21st century and doing that every single day.”

The communiqué, which noted the nations will celebrate their 190th anniversary of diplomatic relations in 2023, listed long-term goals of expanding and strengthening the strategic partnership to prevent conflict, preserving a peaceful security environment, promoting free expression and civil and political rights, and achieving inclusive, sustainable and balanced economic prosperity.

“We pursue these goals as equals, for the benefit of the Thai and American people, as well as for the rest of the Indo-Pacific populations and the wider world. We seek to work together to ensure the resilience of critical supply chains, so that both our nations have access to the goods and resources required to preserve our safety, security and prosperity,” it said.

Blinken and Don also signed a memorandum of understanding regarding the supply chain between the two nations.

“This ensures, strong, resilient and diverse supply chain cooperation, particularly in the category of industrial, technological innovation,” Don said.

Bali meeting

Blinken’s trip followed a five-hour meeting on Saturday with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi in Bali and as the two superpowers focus on maintaining their relationships with Thailand and other Southeast Asian nations. Wang visited Bangkok before traveling to Bali.

Speaking to reporters in Bali, Blinken said, “What we’re about is not asking countries to choose, but giving them a choice, when it comes to things like investment in infrastructure and development systems.

“What we want to make sure is that we’re engaged in a race to the top, that we do things to the highest standards, not a race to the bottom where we do things to the lowest standards.”

Wang traveled to Bangkok on July 5 where he held similar meetings with Prayuth and Don.

“We both agree on many issues. We agreed to jointly build joint societies for the future of Chinese and Thais, making it a guideline to future joint cooperation for both countries. … The objective of the joint societies is to stress that Chinese and Thai are no strangers but kin. The relationship is robust,” Wang told reporters in Bangkok after meeting with Don.

Blinken is to travel to Tokyo where he will offer condolences on Monday to Japanese officials following the assassination of former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe.

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated online news service. Dandy Koswaraputra in Jakarta contributed to this report.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Wilawan Watcharasakwet for BenarNews.

ASEAN Special Envoy Prak Sokhonn held talks on Friday with representatives of seven ethnic armed groups in the capital Naypyidaw on the third day of his second visit to Myanmar since assuming his role with the bloc.

Leaders of the armed groups told RFA Burmese that during the two-hour meeting Prak Sokhonn explained that he is working to achieve three goals: a dialogue on conflict resolution with all stakeholders, a nationwide ceasefire, and providing humanitarian assistance to those in need.

He also told the groups that he wants to meet with the head of the deposed National League for Democracy (NLD) Aung San Suu Kyi, but that doing so “is very difficult,” they said.

Nai Aung Ma-ngay, a spokesman for the New Mon State Party (NMSP), an opposition party that signed the Myanmar government’s nationwide ceasefire agreement in 2018, told RFA that the ASEAN envoy claimed to have asked for a meeting “with those whom he deserved to meet” during talks with junta leader Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing on Thursday.

“He said he is trying his best on the prison issue. He said he met with the [junta] chairman yesterday and talked about these issues. He said they also talked about a dialogue,” the NMSP spokesman said.

“Regarding the matter of Aung San Suu Kyi behind prison walls, he told us today ‘it is very difficult’ and ‘will take a lot of time.’”

Nai Aung Ma-ngay noted that during Prak Sokhonn was also denied access to Suu Kyi by the junta during first visit to Myanmar as special envoy in March.

“He said he is still trying and that he has about six months left in his current role [before the ASEAN chair rotates at the end of the year],” the NMSP spokesman said. “He told us that he would try to find a way to do it before his tenure ends.”

During an emergency meeting on the situation in Myanmar in April 2021, Min Aung Hlaing had agreed to a so-called Five-Point Consensus to end violence in the country, which included meeting with all stakeholders to resolve the political crisis, but has failed to keep that promise. Observers say that peace cannot be achieved without including the NLD leadership and other powerbrokers in the process.

In addition to the NMSP, the ethnic armed groups that met with Prak Sokhonn on Friday included the Shan State Reconstruction Council (RCSS), Democratic Karen Army (DKBA), Arakan State Liberation Party (ALP), Karen National Peace Council (KNLA/PC), Lahu Democratic Union (LDU) and Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO). All seven are among groups that have signed a Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) with the government since 2015.

Saw Mra Yazarlin, vice-chairwoman of the ALP, told RFA that Prak Sokhonn also asked the groups for their thoughts on who else should be included in talks aimed at resolving the country’s political stalemate.

“Some answered him, saying representatives of the government, parliament, and [military],” she said.

“[But there also] must be all political parties, and all ethnic armed groups, and civil society organizations, and other stakeholders included. Our side told him such a situation is necessary.”

Prior to Prak Sokhonn’s ongoing five-day trip, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen — whose nation holds the chair of ASEAN — and the special envoy had requested that he meet with Suu Kyi and NLD president Win Myint but were refused by the junta. The pair are among several NLD officials who were arrested in the immediate aftermath of the military’s Feb. 1, 2021, coup and face multiple charges widely viewed as politically motivated.

Prak Sokhonn has also requested that Suu Kyi be returned to her original place of detention after she was transferred last week to a Naypyidaw prison, prompting concern for the 77-year-old’s well-being due to poor conditions and lack of access to health care at the facility. That request was denied Friday by junta Deputy Minister of Information Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun, who told a press conference that “no one is above the law,” and said special arrangements had been made to provide Suu Kyi “with proper food and healthcare needs.”

Multiple attempts by RFA to contact Zaw Min Tun for comment on Prak Sokhonn’s visit went unanswered Friday.

Earlier this week, the junta spokesman said that “those facing trials” will not be allowed to meet with the ASEAN envoy, adding that the military regime is “working with certain groups” to end the conflict in Myanmar, which has claimed the lives of 2,053 civilians since the coup, according to Bangkok-based NGO Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.

The military has said it plans to allow the envoy meet with “some NLD members” during his visit but has not specified who they are.

When asked on Wednesday who will hold talks with Prak Sokhonn, NLD central working committee member Kyaw Htwe said he could not comment on the matter.

No solution likely

Speaking to RFA, Naing Htoo Aung, permanent secretary of the shadow National Unity Government’s (NUG) Ministry of Defense, described Friday’s talks as “a sham,” and said they won’t produce a practical solution to the political crisis in Myanmar.

“It is very important that all those who deserve to be involved in the talks are involved,” he said.

“A sham political dialogue is not a solution to the country’s political and armed conflict, and such talks could have more negative consequences.”

Ye Tun, a Myanmar-based political analyst, said that Friday’s meeting failed to include armed groups fighting junta forces in Kayin, Kachin, Chin, and Kayah states, and Sagaing and Magway regions, and that therefore it would do little to reduce ongoing military tensions in the country.

“The armed conflicts we are seeing now took place after the 2021 coup and thus, discussions with the ethnic armed groups are not the solution,” he said.

Ye Tun noted that several armed ethnic groups who are supporting the anti-junta People’s Defense Force (PDF) paramilitary group have also refused to hold talks with the military.

“This situation will remain the same and the conflicts will continue – they might even become more intense,” he said.

ASEAN has yet to release details of Prak Sokhonn’s meetings with the ethnic armed groups, Min Aung Hlaing, or with Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin and International Cooperation Minister Ko Ko Hlaing, who he spoke with later on Thursday.

Translated by Khin Maung Nyane. Written in English by Joshua Lipes.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Burmese.

On Tuesday, junta deputy minister of information, Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun, told the media that the envoy will be permitted to meet with regime chairman, Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, during his five-day visit, as well as other members of the military regime, ethnic armed groups and individuals from “some political parties.”

The junta has said that Prak Sokhonn will hold a meeting on Friday with the 10 ethnic armed groups that recently met for peace talks with Min Aung Hlaing — seven of which have signed a Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) with the government since 2015, and three that have not. The talks were boycotted by Myanmar’s major ethnic armies for a perceived lack of inclusivity.

On Wednesday, Karen Peace Council (KNLA-PC) spokesman, Col. Saw Kyaw Nyunt, whose group is among those will meet with Prak Sokhonn later this week, suggested that the envoy must meet with more than just those who have been approved by the junta if he hopes to resolve the country’s political stalemate.

“I’d urge him to meet, as a special envoy, with all those involved in the political crisis in Myanmar,” he said.

“We’ll also [push to] find out what ASEAN could do to bring about a political dialogue inclusive of all stakeholders. And then, as a next step, what ASEAN could do to bring about nationwide peace talks. We have all these in mind.”

Prior to the trip, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen — whose nation holds the rotating chair of ASEAN — and Prak Sokhonn had requested permission for the envoy to meet with the head of the deposed National League for Democracy (NLD) Aung San Suu Kyi and the party’s president, Win Myint, but were refused by the junta. The pair are among several NLD officials who were arrested in the immediate aftermath of the military’s Feb. 1, 2021, coup and face multiple charges widely viewed as politically motivated.

During an emergency meeting on the situation in Myanmar in April 2021, Min Aung Hlaing had agreed to a so-called Five-Point Consensus to end violence in the country, which included meeting with all stakeholders to resolve the political crisis but has failed to keep that promise. Observers say that peace cannot be achieved without including the NLD leadership and other powerbrokers in the process – concerns that were echoed by Col. Saw Kyaw Nyunt in his interview with RFA.

Multiple attempts by RFA to contact Zaw Min Tun for comment on Prak Sokhonn’s visit went unanswered Wednesday.

Earlier this week, the junta spokesman said that “those facing trials” will not be allowed to meet with the ASEAN envoy, adding that the military regime is “working with certain groups” to end the conflict in Myanmar, which has claimed the lives of 2,039 civilians since the coup, according to Bangkok-based NGO Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.

“The main point of the agreement is that we are discussing with practical organizations to reduce the tensions of the armed conflict,” Zaw Min Tun said at the time, referring to the 10 ethnic armed groups that met with Min Aung Hlaing for peace talks.

“Basic agreements have been reached in the negotiations. More discussions will be held later. We have paved the way [for Prak Sokhonn] to meet with the right people, except those who are still being prosecuted and those who are still facing legal action.”

The military has said it plans to allow the envoy meet with “some NLD members” during his visit but has not specified who they are.

When asked who will hold talks with Prak Sokhonn, NLD central working committee member Kyaw Htwe said he could not comment on the matter.

‘Not optimistic’

Kyaw Zaw, a spokesman for the office of Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government (NUG) president, Duwa Lashi La, told RFA he is “not optimistic” about the outcome of Prak Sokhonn’s trip if the envoy fails to meet with the country’s key stakeholders.

“It’s impossible for the ASEAN special representative’s efforts to be successful if he is only holding discussions with the junta and is refused a chance to meet with important stakeholders during his visit,” he said.

“I don’t expect there will be any benefit for the people of Myanmar.”

Kyaw Zaw reiterated calls for Prak Sokhonn to meet with “all those involved in the conflict” during his visit, “not just with those who are chosen by the military.”

Myanmar-based political analyst Sai Kyi Zin Soe also dismissed the likelihood of a solution to the country’s political crisis being reached if the opposition is denied a seat at the negotiating table.

“The kind of result that people want will not come if things go on like this. It’s a one-sided approach to find a political solution [only] through dialogue with pro-military groups and those who are close to the military,” he said.

“The desires and the perspectives of the people on the other side of the issue are being ignored. That’s why I don’t think the solution that people hope for will come out of the visit.”

According to a statement issued by Cambodia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Tuesday, Prak Sokhonn will discuss the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus, the provision of humanitarian assistance, and ways to facilitate a political dialogue after holding talks with all stakeholders.

The ASEAN special envoy visited Myanmar for the first time in March but was criticized for failing to meet with Aung San Suu Kyi and Win Myint, and for failing to make significant progress in his mission to Myanmar.

Translated by Khin Maung Nyane. Written in English by Joshua Lipes.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Burmese.

Myanmar Gen. Mya Tun Oo became the most senior official to represent the self-styled State Administration Council (SAC) at a ministerial meeting of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations since the military ousted the country’s democratically elected government in February 2021.

The 10 ASEAN member states have appeared divided on how to deal with the junta, with some fearing that engagement might signal acceptance or endorsement of the regime and its bloody crackdown on its opponents.

Singapore, the Philippines, Indonesia and Malaysia have all expressed to the 2020 ASEAN chair Cambodia that the junta should be excluded until there is an indication that hostilities in Myanmar will end.

“Even though there is participation from Myanmar involving a representative from the State Administrative Council in the meeting today, this does not mean that Malaysia has recognized the SAC as the legitimate Myanmar government,” a statement from Malaysia’s Defense Ministry said.

“Malaysia has always stressed that SAC should expedite the enforcement of the matters which were agreed on based on the 5 Point Consensus to find a solution to the political crisis in Myanmar,” it said, referring to the agreement reached between ASEAN’s leaders and Burmese military chief Sen. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing on April 24, 2021.

The agreement sought an end to violence in Myanmar, the provision of humanitarian assistance, the appointment of an ASEAN envoy, and talks among the various groups in Myanmar to be mediated by the envoy.

Cambodia’s Defense Minister Tea Banh, meanwhile, said that Mya Tun Oo’s participation in the meeting showed that the regional trade bloc is unified on security issues.

"This is a participation to find solutions and this accusation, that accusation, we can't respond to all of them," he said during a news conference, responding to criticism over including Myanmar in the meeting.

Indonesian Defense Minister Prabowo Subianto told his counterparts to put aside their differences to safeguard their mutual interests.

“We must not allow outside powers to divide ASEAN and drag us into their competition. The future of ASEAN and our people rests on our shoulders, and I believe we all share the same view that we want peace and not conflict, cooperation rather than competition," he said.

A coalition of 677 pro-democracy organizations in Myanmar last week co-authored an open letter to the ASEAN defense ministers, urging them not to invite a representative from the junta.

The organizations said Mya Tun Oo’s representation would be inconsistent with other ASEAN decisions to exclude representation from the junta, such as at the 2021 ASEAN Summit and the 2022 Foreign Minister’s Retreat.

“ADMM’s engagement with the junta, which has included military exercises, may likely amount to the aiding and abetting of the junta’s war crimes and crimes against humanity,” the letter said.

“In allowing the junta to participate in ADMM, ASEAN is further risking complicity in the junta’s atrocity crimes by providing support and legitimacy to the military and emboldening a military that is waging a nationwide campaign of terror.”

Cambodian state media reported that the ministers agreed in a joint declaration issued after the meeting to enhance cooperation between ASEAN defense forces for COVID-19 containment, boost support for ASEAN Women Peacekeepers, further collaborate between defense-oriented educational institutions, and share information to enhance maritime security.

Additional reporting by BenarNews, an RFA-affiliated online news service.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Staff.

The National League for Democracy leader and State Counsellor has been detained since the Feb.1, 2021 coup. Suu Kyi has been sentenced to 11 years in jail on 19 counts and faces further charges that could keep her in prison for as long as 100 years.

When asked about possible meetings with Suu Kyi, and former Myanmar president Win Myint, the spokesman said the ASEAN Special Envoy was only scheduled to meet with ethnic armed groups currently holding peace talks with the junta.

“At this time, meeting with the appropriate and deserving people will be on schedule,” he said.

“The people who deserve to be met do not include those who are being prosecuted and are on trial.”

Sokhonn, who is also Cambodia’s Foreign Minister and Deputy Prime Minister, is scheduled to make his second visit to Myanmar as ASEAN Special Envoy on June 29 and 30.

The focus of his visit will be the urgent need for humanitarian assistance in Myanmar but ASEAN leaders, including Cambodia’s Prime Minister, have called for meetings with Suu Kyi and officials from the shadow National Unity Government (NUG), considering talks with them to be key to resolving the conflict.

The military council scheduled meetings between Sokhonn and some members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) during the Special Envoy’s first visit in March this year but cancelled meetings with some NLD members due to political opposition from NLD MPs who have left the country.

Political analyst Ye Tun said the trip could not be considered a success if the ASEAN Special Envoy was not allowed to meet with Suu Kyi at a time when the situation in Myanmar is deteriorating.

“He would be even more disappointed if he was not allowed to meet with Aung San Suu Kyi and if the military does not comply the Cambodian Prime Minister’s request not to impose the death penalty on former NLD MP Phyoe Zeya Thaw, and others,” he said.

“Cambodia stands by the pressure being applied by ASEAN. If it comes to nothing during the trip the feeling will be that the Special Envoy cannot do anything effectively in his visit.”

Cambodia is the current chair of ASEAN and, in a call with Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing on May 1, Prime Minister Hun Sen urged Myanmar’s junta chief to allow the special envoy to meet with Suu Kyi. He also asked the military leader to take further steps to implement the five-point consensus for Myanmar, reached with ASEAN's foreign ministers in April 2021.

Failure to achieve all the points in the consensus in more than a year has led to growing criticism at home and abroad and Sokhonn will use his second visit to focus on the sticking points in the agreement.

Malaysia’s Foreign Minister Saifuddin Abdullah has spoken up in global summits, calling for specific talks between the Special Envoy, Suu Kyi and NUG leaders, arguing that the five-point consensus includes an agreement to hold a dialogue with all stakeholders in Myanmar.

Aung San Suu Kyi will spend her 77^th birthday on June 19 in detention. During her 34-year political career she has been repeatedly arrested and prosecuted by successive military governments, spending 17 of her birthdays in detention.

Pro-democracy activists are expected to mark the Nobel Laureate’s birthday on Sunday with nationwide protests, according to Crisis24.

“The largest protests will probably occur outside government buildings and in other popular protest sites, such as public squares, in major cities like Yangon and Mandalay. Hundreds to thousands of people will probably participate in larger demonstrations,” the global security consultancy said in an alert on Thursday. Authorities are likely to step up security, causing disruption to transport and businesses, it said.

Crisis24 also warned of the likelihood of clashes between protestors and security forces and the risk of explosions targeting security personnel and facilities, both in the countryside and in cities including Yangon, Mandalay, and Naypyidaw.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Burmese.

As U.S.-China friction is getting more intense, Phnom Penh seems to have tilted towards its big neighbour, which has been offering cash and assistance to not only Cambodia but other nations in Southeast Asia.

“Cambodia and China aren't good at hiding their relationship,” said Virak Ou, President of Future Forum, a Cambodian think tank.

“It's obvious that we are choosing sides,” he said.

Yet most countries in the region so far remain reluctant to pick sides, and analysts say it is crucial that Washington realize the need to engage Southeast Asian nations in its Indo-Pacific strategy, or risk losing out to Beijing.

At the Shangri-La Dialogue security forum in Singapore, Tea Banh lashed out at what he called “baseless and problematic accusations” against the Cambodian government in relation to a naval base that Phnom Penh is developing in Ream, Sihanouk Province, with help from Beijing.

The Ream Naval Base provoked much controversy after the U.S. media reported that Hun Sen’s government was prepared to give China exclusive use of part of the base.

It would be China’s first naval facility in mainland Southeast Asia and would allow the Chinese military to expand patrols across the region.

“Unfortunately, Cambodia is constantly accused of giving an exclusive right to a foreign country to use the base,” the minister said, adding that this is “a complete insult” to his country.

Cambodia, he said, is a state that is “independent, sovereign, and has the full right to decide its destiny.”

As usual, the Cambodian defense chief refrained from naming countries involved but it is clear that both the U.S. and China are vying for influence over the ten-nation Southeast Asian grouping.

U.S. Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin in his remarks at the Shangri-La forum stated that “the Indo-Pacific is our center of strategic gravity” and “our priority theater of operations.”

But questions remain on where smaller Southeast Asian nations feature in that grand strategy of the United States.

The region, noted Indonesia’s Minister of Defense Prabowo Subianto, “has been for many centuries the crossroad of imperialism, big power domination and exploitation.”

“We understand the rivalry between the established world power and the rising world power,” he said, implying the United States and China.

Prabowo, who joined the military in the thick of the Vietnam War and retired at the rank of Lieutenant General, told the audience at the Shangri-La Dialogue that Southeast Asian countries are “the most affected by big powers’ competition.”

Despite divisions and differences between member countries, “we’ve come to our own ASEAN way of resolving challenges,” he said.

It may seem that “we’re sitting on the fence”, Prabowo said, but this seeming inaction reflects an effort of preserving neutrality by ASEAN countries. 

“Indonesia opted to be not engaged in any military alliance,” the minister said. 

The same stance has been adopted by another ASEAN player – Vietnam– whose White Paper on defense policy stated “three nos” including no military alliances, no basing of foreign troops in the country and no explicit alliances with one country against another.

Yet it’s unlikely that Hanoi, often seen as anti-China as Vietnam has experienced Chinese aggression at many occasions in history, will embrace the U.S. to counter Beijing. 

“It’s better to nurture a relationship with a close neighbor rather than relying on a distant sibling,” Vietnamese Defense Minister Phan Van Giang explained, quoting a Vietnamese proverb.

Two of ten ASEAN nations - the Philippines and Thailand - are U.S. treaty allies. But even in Manila and Bangkok, there have been signs of expanded cooperation with China.

“Southeast Asia and China are neighbors thanks to the geography, and their cooperation is natural,” said Collin Koh, Research Fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Singapore.

Koh suggested that in order to maintain the foothold in the region, “the U.S. need to embrace and appreciate local cultures and not try to force regime changes.”

“The cooperation between the U.S. and the region has been too one-dimensional and lopsided, too security focused, and needs to expand,” he said.

“Southeast Asia is a difficult region for the U.S. to grasp,” said Blake Herzinger, a Singapore-based defense policy specialist.

“The region needs to foster ties with China and Washington needs to accept and work with that,” Herzinger said, adding that it’s time to recognize that “U.S. leverage is limited in a competitive region where the opposite number is China.”

According to Southeast Asia analyst Koh, “it’s not too late for the U.S. to adjust its policy towards Southeast Asia.”

“There are still demands for an American presence here and a reservoir of goodwill that the U.S. has built over the past,” Koh said, but warned that “this may risk running dry if Washington doesn’t truly recognize the importance of engagement in the region.”

The U.S. and allies should also bear in mind regional geopolitical calculations, he said.

“Southeast Asian countries don’t want to pick sides but they find themselves being sucked into the super power competition and being pragmatic as they are, some of them are making efforts to try to benefit from it,” Koh said.

“I think the Biden administration has done a good job in relation to Southeast Asia in the last six months. Before, not so good because they had a lot on their plate,” said Bonnie Glaser, director of the Asia program at the German Marshall Fund of the United States.

In her opinion, “to try benefitting from U.S.-China competition is short-sighted.”

“Countries in the region should consider a long-term strategy to hold up a rules-based world order where smaller countries also have rights to speak as they don’t want China to dictate to them what to do,” Glaser said.

On the sidelines of the Shangri-La Dialogue U.S. Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin met with Southeast Asia defense ministers on June 10 to discuss ways to deepen cooperation, especially in maritime security.  

In May, President Joe Biden hosted the first U.S.-ASEAN Special Summit and the U.S. has just announced a new initiative to permanently deploy a Coast Guard cutter in the region.

This is a “good sign that they’re listening and trying to adjust,” said China expert Glaser.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Staff.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) — a regional grouping that aims to promote economic and security cooperation among its 10 member states, including Myanmar — announced on Sunday that it would work with the military regime to distribute humanitarian aid to Myanmar.

The number of internally displaced people (IDPs) in Myanmar topped 1 million as of May 30 amid fighting and armed clashes across the country since the February 2021 military coup overthrew the democratically elected government, triggering civilian displacement and a humanitarian crisis, according to the U.N.’s refugee agency (UNHCR).

Residents of Chin state have been strong opponents of the military since the takeover, turning the 36,000-square-kilometer (13,900-square-mile) territory into a battlefield. Nearly 90,000 local residents have been forced by the fighting to flee the area.

In Chin state and Magway and Sagaing regions in Myanmar’s northwest, indiscriminate attacks by junta forces against civilians have resulted in numerous deaths and casualties, the torching of homes and villages, house searches, arbitrary arrests and detentions, UNHCR said.

Restrictions on movement and transportation has led to shortages of food and goods in among IDPs and host communities in the region, the U.N. agency said.

ASEAN’s promised aid will bypass ethnic Chin IDPs, according to the interim Chin National Consultative Council, Chin state’s leading political group, and the national Unity Government (NUG), the government in exile formed elected lawmakers and members of parliament ousted in the coup.

ASEAN will provide assistance to Kayah and Kayin states, as well as to Magway, Sagaing and Bago regions, allowing a military junta-led task force to make decisions on how aid is delivered through the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on Disaster Management, said Salai Isaac Khin, chairman of the Interim Chin National Consultative Council (ICNCC).

“We wonder if they had ignored us because they didn’t know the ground conditions,” he told RFA. “What’s the meaning of this? This is questionable. It’s like the people of Chin state, the most vulnerable people, have had their rights ignored.”

‘We’re so disappointed’

The states and regions that will receive the humanitarian aid have 50,000 IDPs due to post-coup fighting and violence, about 45% of the number of displaced people in Chin state, said the ICNCC and the NUG in a statement issued Sunday. Furthermore, over 30,000 IDPs from Chin state have fled over the border into India.

RFA called ASEAN’s office in Yangon to ask why Chin IDPs were not included in the aid program, but no one responded.

\A spokesman for the Chin State Joint Defense Committee (CJDC) said it was disappointing that the state is being excluded from receiving ASEAN humanitarian assistance.

“Almost the entire town of Thantlang in Chin state was burned down during the fighting,” he said. “In Falam, about 93 houses were turned into ashes. Thirty percent of the Chin people are war refugees. We’re so disappointed that our people have been left out of the ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance Program. It isn’t fair. We strongly oppose that this entire aid program is coming through the junta.”

An aid worker assisting the Chin IDPs, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said ongoing fighting has made it difficult to travel between Thantlang and Hakha, and food and medical aid are badly needed.

“Chin state is a mountainous region, and it’s very difficult to bring rice from the mainland,” he said.

“We want to ask ASEAN whether it has ignored us because it doesn’t think that Chin state is involved in Myanmar politics,” the aid worker added. “Another thing is that ASEAN should meet and work with NGOs and international NGOs instead of with the junta.”

Salai Charlie, who helps Chin refugees in Mizoram, India, told RFA that Christian groups and NGOs in India provided initial assistance to those fleeing the fighting but now have stopped.

“Currently we are not receiving foreign aid,” he told RFA. “The Mizoram government is not helping us. The church in Mizoram, the NGOs and the wealthy in Mizoram have donated everything they could to help us. No one is helping us anymore. The rains have come, and we cannot work.”

RFA could not reach junta spokesman, Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun, for comment.

Translated by Khin Maung Nyane for RFA Burmese. Written in English by Roseanne Gerin.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Reported by RFA Burmese.

Although IPEF lacks the heft of a formal international trade agreement, according to analysts, the interest that seven members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations have shown in it reflects their desire for greater U.S. engagement to balance out a regional economy dominated by China.

Even in the weeks before President Joe Biden unveiled the deal at a conference in Tokyo, few ASEAN states were expected to join it, said one expert.

“Well, I was surprised that so many ASEAN countries were initially part of the deal. This is a coup for the United States in a way,” Elina Noor, deputy director at the Asia Society Policy Institute in Washington, told BenarNews.

The Biden administration has touted the framework as the bulwark of its economic strategy in the Indo-Pacific region. IPEF’s stated goals are ensuring the smooth and supple flow of goods, the use of the same digital economy standards, green and clean work processes and fair and honest business.

“IPEF will strengthen our ties in this critical region to define the coming decades for technological innovation and the global economy,” the White House said in a statement launching IPEF on May 23.

In addition to Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam – all members of the 10-nation ASEAN bloc – Australia, India, Japan, New Zealand and South Korea also signed up as initial members.

Hunter Marston, an international affairs analyst at Australian National University, had expected Singapore and Thailand to join the IPEF at the start, but that other ASEAN members would join later.

“[I]t did surprise me a bit [that others joined initially]. … It was a major policy win for Biden,” Marston told BenarNews.

“It shows that the region still supports the U.S. It is a signal there is a lot of interest in Washington’s continued engagement in the region. They see Washington’s engagement as critical to maintaining balance of power in the region.”

China’s economic reach in Southeast Asia eclipses that of the U.S.

China has been ASEAN’s largest trading partner for 12 consecutive years, with 2020 trade reaching nearly U.S. $517 billion, according to the regional bloc’s statistics, and $685 billion according to China’s statistics. By contrast, in 2020 U.S-ASEAN trade stood at $362 billion.

Meanwhile, a regional survey of policy experts in ASEAN states conducted late last year showed that China is still seen as the most influential economic and political power, but that “has created more awe than affection.” Trust in Beijing dropped by about three percentage points, while trust in the U.S. rose by 18 percent compared with the previous year.

“China is the only major power that has increased its negative ratings … the majority worry that such economic heft, combined with China’s military power, could be used to threaten their country’s interest and sovereignty” according to the State of Southeast Asia 2021 Survey published by the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore.

In such a scenario, “if there is one thing the U.S. could do to reassure a Southeast Asia worried about U.S. commitment to the region, it is expand economic ties,” analyst Anne Marie Murphy at Seton Hall University told BenarNews before Biden launched IPEF.

According to Marston, a security partnership alone would make ASEAN uncomfortable.

 “It is less appealing without an economic component because an economic role gives ASEAN the pretense of working with the U.S. on other fronts not aimed at containing China,” he said.

Four pillars

But does the IPEF go far enough?

“The framework doesn’t have a lot of substance,” Marston said.

He was referring to how the IPEF is not a trade deal like the CPTPP, or Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership, or its predecessor, the Trans-Pacific Partnership.

The U.S. once belonged to and had led negotiations on the latter until President Donald Trump pulled the superpower out of the agreement. China isn’t part of the CPTPP, but has applied to join, and Singapore, an influential economic member of ASEAN, has backed Beijing’s bid.

The major trading bloc in the region is the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), which the U.S. isn’t part of, but which includes China, most ASEAN states, as well as other big Indo-Pacific economies.

IPEF is no RCEP or CPTPP, in Marston’s view.

“This is definitely not a trade deal,” he said.

“Calling it an economic framework is better, as watery as it sounds. It’s like the COP 26 – a pledge to participate that doesn’t require any enforcement,” he said, referring promises to reduce carbon emissions that were made at the 26th United Nations Climate Change conference.

That means the U.S. doesn’t offer its partners in the agreement access to its markets or any tariff breaks. Therefore, any business deal under IPEF – whether one insists on green protocols or anti-corruption mechanisms – has no binding clauses, unlike in a trade agreement where in exchange for market access, partners have to adhere to certain standards.

IPEF is the opposite of a multilateral trade agreement, “the traditional grail of free-traders,” according to Robert Kuttner, a professor at Brandeis University.

“Countries can decide which areas they want to join; and not all deals with all participating countries will be the same,” he wrote in an article in Prospect magazine.

Some critics say that is the reason Washington found so many Southeast Asian takers as initial partners in IPEF.

Analyst Robert Manning, who calls walking away from what was called the TPP “a major strategic mistake,” is one of them.

“I wasn’t surprised [so many countries joined]. The U.S. lowered the bar on all four pillars. No one had to sign on to any standards,” Manning, a senior fellow at the Atlantic Council, a Washington think tank, told BenarNews.

The four pillars Manning referred to are resilient economy, or the creation of a robust supply chain; connected economy, or ensuring digital economic standards; clean economy, or promoting de-carbonization; and fair economy, or combatting corruption. Members can choose which pillar or pillars they would like to join – they have yet to commit.

‘Get a foot in the door’

After Biden launched IPEF, China made noises about the deal.

The U.S. was “politicizing, weaponizing and ideologizing economic issues and using economic means to coerce regional countries to choose sides between China and the United States,” was how Wang Yi, the Chinese foreign minister, described it..

Marston, however, says he doesn’t believe China is upset.

“I don’t think China should be worried about this framework and Beijing understands that that I think,” he said.

”Compared to RCEP … this is just an agreement around open internet commerce and nothing more.”

Marston said that many states that signed on to IPEF did so because of the digital component.

“Essentially they get to set norms for e-commerce … e-commerce is huge in Southeast Asia,” he said.

“Indonesia and Vietnam, they have major portions of economy and GDP from e-commerce, so it gives them first-move advantage to create an open commercial digital space,” Marston said.

Many countries also joined IPEF because as they are probably hoping it will lead to a trade agreement, said Noor, the expert at the Asia Society Policy Institute.

“Among certain countries there are sentiments that this is the starting point for market access,” she said.

“The idea is to get a foot in the door, to engage with the U.S. in some form of economic arrangement so it leads to something more substantive.”

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated online news service.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Shailaja Neelakantan for BenarNews.

Foreign Minister Saifuddin Abdullah spoke to reporters here on Saturday after his first in-person meeting with Zin Mar Aung, his counterpart from the opposition “shadow” government of Myanmar, made up of elected leaders who were overthrown in a military coup in February 2021.

“I think the junta should be more open to ASEAN proposals, especially in the current situation in helping to distribute the humanitarian assistance,” Saifuddin told a press conference.

“We have to be transparent. We want to make sure that whatever that is distributed will reach the actual target group. What we don’t want to happen is for humanitarian assistance to be weaponized by the junta and used in a certain way that is so discriminatory, that only certain people will receive the assistance.”

The two diplomats met at a hotel near the White House, a day after the leaders of Malaysia and other members of the Association of the Southeast Asian Nations met with President Joe Biden and other senior U.S. officials for a special U.S.-ASEAN Summit here.

Saifuddin described his discussion with Zin Mar Aung as a “heart-to-heart” one that focused largely on how to improve the distribution of humanitarian aid inside Myanmar.

Zin Mar Aung, who represents the National Unity Government (NUG) on the world stage, later took to Twitter to post a message about the meeting with Saifuddin.

“Had a productive meeting with Foreign Minister of Malaysia @saifuddinabd about the dire situation in Myanmar, and how the NUG and Malaysia can work together to restore peace and democracy in Myanmar, including humanitarian assistance and support for the Myanmar refugees,” she tweeted on Sunday.

During her visit to Washington, Zin Mar Aung also met with Wendy Sherman, a senior U.S. State Department official who played a prominent role at the U.S.-ASEAN Summit, on the sidelines of that meeting.

Among his ASEAN counterparts, Saifuddin has been leading calls lately for the Southeast Asian bloc to hold informal talks with the National Unity Government.

The Burmese military government, in the meantime, has denounced reports of engagements in the U.S. capital between State Department and NUG officials and has sent protest notes to all ASEAN countries and the United States calling on them to not speak with the shadow government, Reuters reported on Saturday. It cited a statement from the junta-appointed foreign ministry.  

During their meeting, Saifuddin and Zin Mar Aung also discussed the possibility of Malaysia allowing the NUG to open an office in Kuala Lumpur, Saifuddin said, adding this idea had yet to be discussed in detail.

Given the NUG’s prominent role in Myanmar, the opposition government could play an important role in helping deliver and distribute humanitarian aid, Saifuddin said.  

“[W]e have the same understanding that humanitarian assistance must be organized in a certain way that it is transparent. We cannot have only the junta doing the humanitarian assistance,” Saifuddin told reporters.

“Malaysia’s proposal is that you must have a strong presence of international organizations, and the best way is to have organizations under the auspices of the United Nations.”

The U.N.’s Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) is in Myanmar already, but more needs to be done, according to Saifuddin. Malaysia is proposing that each of ASEAN’s other member-states offer up one NGO to help deliver aid to the Burmese people, he said.

Brutal crackdown

According to human rights groups, at least 1,800 civilians have been killed during a brutal crackdown against opponents of the coup led by Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, the junta chief, who was barred from attending the Washington summit.

ASEAN has been heavily criticized for failing to carry out a five-point consensus that leaders from the bloc as well as the junta chief had agreed to at an emergency summit in Jakarta in April 2021.

Since then, the junta has refused to allow a special envoy from ASEAN to meet with NUG officials during his visits to the country, and which was framed among the five points in the so-called consensus.

At Saturday’s news conference, a reporter asked Saifuddin whether the conditions existed for ASEAN to open informal talks with the NUG.

“I think the conditions [are] already here,” he said. “Now we are saying [that] after one year, nothing [has] moved. Since nothing [has] moved, more people are killed, more people [have] fled the country.”

“We can’t wait for another one year, so we have to be creative,” Saifuddin said. “And this is why we are saying, look, we have been for one year talking to the junta and nothing seems to be moving, so it’s about time we also talk to the NUG, even if it is in an informal way.”

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated online news service.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Nani Yusof for BenarNews.

Spokesperson Zhao Lijian told reporters in Beijing that the consultations will be done in person “in the latter half of this month… despite the impact of COVID-19.”

For the last two years, most of the negotiations over the South China Sea, the thorniest issue between China and ASEAN, have been conducted online because of the pandemic.

China and ASEAN agreed on a Declaration of Conduct of Parties (DOC) in the South China Sea in 2003, but progress on a COC has been slow going amid an increasing risk of conflict.

China’s diplomats are believed to be making fresh efforts to speed up COC negotiations with ASEAN, especially as China’s close ally Cambodia is holding the bloc’s chairmanship this year.

“Establishing a COC is clearly stipulated in the DOC, and represents the common aspiration and need of China and ASEAN countries,” said spokesman Zhao.

He said that China “is fully confident in reaching a COC,” which would provide a “more solid guarantee of rules for lasting tranquility of the South China Sea.”

Yet analysts say there are still major stumbling blocks to be addressed, such as China’s self-proclaimed historical rights over 90 percent of the South China Sea and the long-standing division within ASEAN over maritime disputes.

China and five other parties including four ASEAN member states –Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam – hold competing claims in the South China Sea but the Chinese claims are the most expansive and a 2016 international arbitration tribunal ruled that they had no legal basis.

“If the idea is to produce a comprehensive COC that addresses all of the different concerns of the claimant countries, I do not think it is achievable,” Jay Batongbacal, director of the Institute for Maritime Affairs and Law of the Sea at the University of the Philippines, told RFA in an earlier interview.

The South China Sea was high on the agenda at last week’s Special Summit between ASEAN countries and the United States.

The Joint Vision Statement issued at the end of the summit said that parties “recognize the benefits of having the South China Sea as a sea of peace, stability, and prosperity.”

“We emphasize the importance of practical measures that could reduce tensions and the risk of accidents, misunderstandings, and miscalculation,” the statement said.

Without mentioning China, the signatories of the joint vision statement “emphasized the need to maintain and promote an environment conducive to the COC negotiations” and said they welcomed further progress “towards the early conclusion of an effective and substantive COC.”

Some analysts, however, think that the U.S. involvement may not be beneficial to the COC negotiation process.

“I don’t think it will help improve the South China Sea situation,” said Kimkong Heng, a senior research fellow at the Cambodia Development Center.

“The U.S. has its own agendas that might exacerbate rather than facilitate the South China Sea negotiation,” he said.

Cambodia is not a claimant in the South China Sea. From Phnom Penh’s standpoint, the U.S. will likely “continue to pressure Cambodia on the potential Chinese military base in the kingdom,” added Heng

“This will serve as a barrier for any meaningful negotiations between the U.S. and Cambodia on national and regional issues,” Heng said.

ASEAN comprises ten members: Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Staff.

Zin Mar Aung spent 11 years as a political prisoner under a previous military regime in Myanmar, including years in solitary confinement. She was released in 2009. She was elected in 2015 as a member of the House of Representatives for Yankin township, Yangon, for the National League for Democracy – a position she lost in the Feb. 1, 2021, military coup.

RFA: Can I ask you first about your meetings with Biden administration officials? Do you have any more confidence now that the United States might consider giving formal diplomatic recognition to the National Unity Government?

Zin Mar Aung: Yes, I feel that because, you know, the way the Biden administration has engaged with me and the way they treat me is really very good and very much welcome and very much supportive. Very friendly discussions. This trip is really encouraging to me.

RFA: So who have you met from the administration?

ZMA: I met this morning with the Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman, and (State Department Counselor) Derek Chollet and also the president's adviser for human rights.

RFA: Have you asked them directly whether they are going to recognize the National Unity Government as being the rightful government of Myanmar?

ZMA:So this trip, you know, I didn't directly address them (on this), but we usually ask them to recognize and engage and to support our struggle. So today what they have said is that by welcoming us to Washington, D.C., they are very much consistent, you know, supporting our struggles and they appreciate what the NUG is doing and and also our commitment. So they are also showing their commitment to support us.

RFA: What's the single most important thing you think for the United States to do, to support what you're trying to do in Myanmar?

ZMA: The United States as a leading, powerful and democratic country, has not just this time, but also previously, continuously supported our struggle (against military rule), whether Democrats or Republicans ... And it's very important, as by getting support from the United States, with its allies, it is very encouraging for our movement, both diplomatically and politically and in terms of, for example, economic sanctions. (The United States) has a lot of allies.

RFA: Now it's been about one year since the Association of Southeast Asian Nations adopted its Five-Point Consensus to try and bring about a resolution to the crisis in Myanmar. And there's been very little progress during that past year. Now, I understand that you're meeting with some ASEAN foreign ministers while you're here. Can you tell us a bit about who you've met or who you're due to meet and whether you're any more confident now that ASEAN can help resolve the situation in Myanmar?

ZMA: Yes, I met a few ASEAN foreign ministers. You know, publicly I'm about to meet with the Malaysian foreign minister. So regarding the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus, we already issued a statement. The coup leader didn't follow, didn't keep his promise (to meet with all stakeholders in Myanmar) ... That is why the Five-Point Consensus is not enough to solve the problem. We very much support the Five-Point Consensus. It needs to be implemented. But the problem is that there is no accountability mechanism. Now it is time for ASEAN to move forward, whether the coup leaders implement it properly or not. If not, what happens next? This is the question for the ASEAN leadership.

RFA: Have you had the chance to meet the Cambodian foreign minister (Prak Sakhonn), who is ASEAN's envoy to Myanmar?

ZMA: No, I haven't met (him).

RFA: And do you think you're going to meet him on this trip?

ZMA: Not sure. I also sent a request letter to meet during this trip, but, you know, (he) hasn't replied yet.

RFA: So what do you see are the prospects of ASEAN actually engaging directly with the NUG? It seems like you're meeting with ministers from some countries, but not from others.

ZMA: Yes, like I said before, some member states are willing to engage. It (engagement) is actually in line with the Five-Point Consensus. The ASEAN envoy needs to meet with different stakeholders. We are very huge stakeholders supported by the people. So why doesn't the ASEAN envoy meet with us (Myanmar) except the SAC (ruling military State Administration Council)? What we are asking for is in line with the Five-Point Consensus. So that is why I would like to encourage the ASEAN member states and leadership to follow through and to engage with different stakeholders in Burma, not just only with us.

RFA: It's been about 15 months since the military coup led by Min Aung Hlaing. Can you summarize for me what is the situation inside Myanmar now in terms of the extent of the conflict in the country and the impact that it's having on civilian population?

ZMA: It has had a very huge impact for the daily life of civilian populations. Also on the military, actually. There are a lot of defectors in the military. Military personnel themselves, you know, do not believe their leadership. So it has a very huge impact (on them). It's one of the indicators how much impact the military coup has on its own institutions. Even the military, soldiers, officials do not support the military coup .. And people now very much realize why we need the military out of politics; why we need the military to be professionalized ... how important it is for the military not to intervene in politics. Another thing is that this is a generation, new generation, not from 1988 or the 20th century, it's 21st century. This generation are now more hungering for individual freedoms. They know very well, even though in the past we thought that they are not that much interested in politics ... it was so surprising for us. The new generation are very much anchored in freedom and justice.

RFA: There's been a major displacement of civilian population. Many people have died in the conflict ... What sort of impact has it had on you personally?

ZMA: It is heartbreaking. (Conflict) has happened (in the past) in the ethnic minority-controlled areas. This time it's happening in Burman-majority areas like Sagaing, Magway, Rangoon and Mandalay. There is a lot of violence committed by the military, bluntly. So it's very heartbreaking seeing that people are being killed by their own military. So that is why many people are joining this movement and are very much resilient even after, you know, 15 months: still strong against the military coup and they are asking for their freedom and justice back in their daily life. So, yeah, this is my personal assessment. It's really totally different since I spent 11 years (as a prisoner) around 1996 and 1998. This is totally different, this age of Generation Z. They are very brave and very inspired.

RFA: Do you think that the Tatmadaw (Myanmar military) can be beaten militarily because they are one of the biggest militaries in Southeast Asia and very battle-hardened. I know they've suffered defections that you talked about, but do you think it's possible for People's Defense Forces to defeat the Tatmadaw?

ZMA: Actually, our revolution doesn't depend just on military. People's Defense Forces are like additional forces for our own political and diplomatic and economic pressure on the military. We are not just choosing the way of armed struggle. We just initiated the People's Defense Forces to exercise their right to self-defense and that will definitely be an initiative for security sector reform.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Radio Free Asia.

Waving the flags of many of the ten nations that make up the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) or in some cases, the flags of now-defunct governments, the protesters called for “Democracy, not autocracy” in the countries that make up the regional bloc.

The protesters, who mostly came from Cambodian, Lao, Burmese and Vietnamese communities across in the United States, said they were in Washington to draw attention to the lack of democratic freedoms in Southeast Asia.

Signs accused Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, who is the rotating ASEAN chair for 2022, of being a “dictator” and “killer of Cambodian Democracy.”

“We’re here today to work with other Asian countries to ask the president to convey our message that we do not like the authoritarians in this land of the free,” Rithy Uong of Massachusetts, a member of the banned opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) and one of the leaders of Thursday’s rally, told RFA’s English Service.

“We Asians, we like to have democracy, not autocracy in our countries,” he said. “We want to have free and fair elections in Cambodia, monitored by the international community.”

Opponents of the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) have been targeted in a five-year crackdown that has sent CNRP leaders into exile and landed scores of its supporters in prison. Cambodia’s Supreme Court dissolved the CNRP in November 2017 in a move that allowed the Hun Sen’s CPP to win all 125 seats in Parliament in a July 2018 election.

Flanked by a fellow Vietnamese-American waving the flag of the former South Vietnam, Duyen Bui, who traveled from Hawaii for Thursday’s protest, told RFA that she wanted to call attention to how the governments of Vietnam and other ASEAN countries are not directly elected by the people. South Vietnam was absorbed by Communist North Vietnam in 1975.

“So we’re calling on U.S. President Biden to really listen to the voices of the people as he meets with these leaders to put human rights forward within his policy and strategic planning with these different leaders,” she said.

Much of the crowd was made up of members of the Burmese diaspora who held signs denouncing the military junta that ousted Myanmar’s democratically elected government more than one year ago.

“Right now, there’s a new military coup, and we need the United States to help our country that’s being repressed by the military regime,” Burmese-American Stephanie Shwe, who lives in Maryland, told RFA. Myanmar’s elected government was overthrown by its army in February 2021, plunging the country of 54 million into political and economic turmoil and armed conflict.

“And that is why we are out here trying to raise awareness and ask President Biden to give us the support that we need so that our people can be free from injustice and oppression,” she said.

Lynn Lwin Naing, a member of the U.S. Advocacy Coalition for Myanmar, told RFA that all of the rally attendees are like-minded in support of U.S. efforts to promote democracy across the entire region.

“The communities of ASEAN — Cambodia, Vietnam, Burma and others — we’re here to use this opportunity for the ASEAN summit to speak directly to Chairman Hun Sen and also encourage President Biden to help the ASEAN members move forward with issues in ASEAN, especially the crisis in Myanmar and returning democratic government to Myanmar,” he said.

ASEAN governments include several electoral democracies, traditional one-party Communist states Laos and Vietnam, strongman rule in Cambodia and Thailand, a military junta in Myanmar and a monarchy in oil-rich Brunei.

Protesters interviewed by RFA raised issues such as the absence of media and internet freedom in Vietnam to the lack of fair elections in Cambodia and an overall deterioration of human rights across Southeast Asia. 

Some expressed their support for Ukraine as it fights off a Russian invasion. Several of the ASEAN member states have strong ties with Russia, and the conflict is an area that Biden is expected to focus on in his meetings with the ASEAN leaders.

Following their rally at the Washington Monument, the protesters marched to the U.S. State Department to hold another demonstration at the site of Friday’s summit.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Eugene Whong.

At the meeting to be held on the eve of a two-day U.S.-ASEAN summit in the American capital, Malaysian Foreign Minister Saifuddin Abdullah will call for unofficial engagement by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations with Myanmar’s parallel civilian National Unity Government (NUG), the ministry said Monday.

“The meeting will be held on the 11th in Washington,” Saifuddin's press secretary told BenarNews.

“It will be held face to face as most leaders will be there.”

The official also confirmed that Saifuddin had told a local newspaper, The Star, that the May 11 meeting was being held unofficially and to discuss the post-coup crisis in Myanmar.

“We will put forward several views on how we can ensure the 5PC is implemented properly,” the minister said in an interview Saturday with The Star.

Saifuddin was referring to a five-point consensus agreed upon among ASEAN members, including the Burmese junta, which overthrew the civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi on Feb. 1, 2021, three months after her party won re-election by a landslide.

Most analysts agree that implementation of the consensus, which was reached on April 24 last year, has been a colossal failure. ASEAN envoys appointed by successive chairs of the regional bloc have not been able to meet with all parties concerned, and the junta’s forces have unleashed even more violence after agreeing to the consensus.

More than 1,800 people, mostly civilians, have been killed by Myanmar’s security forces since the coup, and nearly 11,000 people have been arrested, charged or sentenced by the military regime.

The consensus had called for the “immediate cessation of violence”; a constructive dialogue among all parties; the mediation of such talks by a special envoy of the ASEAN chair; provisions of humanitarian assistance coordinated by ASEAN; and a visit to Myanmar by an ASEAN delegation, headed by the special envoy, to meet with all parties.

‘Engage the NUG’

Meanwhile, Saifuddin, who had earlier said he would propose that ASEAN start an informal dialogue with the NUG and the National Unity Consultative Council, reiterated that he would make this proposal at this week’s meeting. The NUCC includes representatives of the NUG, civil society groups, ethnic armed organizations, and civil disobedience groups.

“It’s okay for us to show impartiality but we should engage [the NUG] because according to the 5PC, we need to engage all stakeholders,” he said.

This did not imply ASEAN was taking sides, he noted. Besides, Saifuddin had said in late April that he already contacted the NUG.

“We have no business in choosing sides. We have to take into consideration that the NUG is a government that was formed through an election and the NUCC is the grouping of all kinds of organizations, parliamentarians, civil society organizations, ethnic groups and regional groups,” Saifuddin told The Star.

The Malaysian foreign minister’s comments came about a week after the Myanmar junta’s foreign ministry reacted furiously to his earlier suggestion that ASEAN engage unofficially with the NUG.

On May 3, the state-run Global New Light of Myanmar newspaper quoted the junta’s foreign ministry as saying it “protests and rejects” the Malaysian foreign minister’s remarks, because “they could abet terrorism and violence in the country, hampering the Myanmar Government’s anti-terrorism efforts and infringe international agreements related to combatting terrorism.”

Separately, a group of Southeast Asian parliamentarians on Monday urged ASEAN and the U.S. to take the opportunity of their meeting next week to initiate tougher action against the Myanmar military.

“We urge the U.S. and ASEAN to adopt much stronger measures than those taken so far, including the suspension of Myanmar’s membership in the group, travel bans in the region for Min Aung Hlaing and his generals, and targeted sanctions against the leaders of the coup,” ASEAN parliamentarians for Human Rights said in a statement.

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated online news service.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Noah Lee and Nisha David for BenarNews.

The visit, specific dates for which have not been announced, would be the second trip to Myanmar by the ASEAN envoy, Cambodian Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn, following a trip in March.

"I look forward to my second visit to Myanmar in the next few weeks,” the minister wrote on Facebook Friday, after hosting the Consultative Meeting on ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar.

The meeting addressed plans to deliver humanitarian aid and administer Covid-19 vaccines to Myanmar, Cambodia's foreign ministry said in statement.

The country of 54 million people, ASEAN's poorest per capita, has been engulfed in political turmoil as well as military conflict since the Feb. 1, 2021 military coup that overthrew the civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi three moths after her party won re-election by a landslide.

“Today we are taking another step forward in our collective endeavor to ensure that the people of Myanmar will have access to humanitarian assistance without discrimination," Sokhonn wrote.

"As the ASEAN Chair’s Special Envoy, I remain optimistic that our persistent efforts will genuinely benefit the people of Myanmar," he added.

Cambodia is the current rotating chair of the 10-member ASEAN.

In a video conference on May 1, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen urged the Myanmar junta chief, Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, to allow the special envoy to visit and meet deposed leader Aung San Suu Kyi and take other steps to implement a five-point agreement the military leader reached between ASEAN's foreign ministers in April 2021.

Although the military regime in Naypyidaw agreed with ASEAN on humanitarian aid and the creation of the special envoy, little concrete progress has been made on more challenging parts of the five-point agreement, including an end to violence, talks among all parties in Myanmar, and mediation by the envoy.

The junta on May 3 poured cold water on calls from Malaysian Foreign Minister Saifuddin Abdullah last month for ASEAN talks with Myanmar's National Unity Government (NUG), a parallel, civilian administration formed of ousted lawmakers from Aung San Suu Kyi's political party, prominent civil servants, and ethnic minority leaders.

The state-run Global New Light of Myanmar newspaper quoted the junta’s foreign ministry as saying it “protests and rejects” the Malaysian foreign minister’s remarks, because “they could abet terrorism and violence in the country, hampering the Myanmar Government’s anti-terrorism efforts and infringe international agreements related to combatting terrorism.”

The junta has branded opponents of military rule as terrorists. The military regime has jailed Aung San Suu Kyi among thousands of political prisoners and killed 1,800 people, mostly anti-coup protesters.

The 76-year-old Nobel laureate has been sentence to 11 years in jail on various charges, and faces other charges that could land her in prison for more than a century. Her supporters and human rights groups reject the charges as baseless and designed to end her political career.

Reported by RFA's Khmer Service. Written by Paul Eckert.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA's Khmer Service.

Foreign Minister Saifuddin Abdullah last month revealed he’d had contact in mid-February with the shadow government, the first ASEAN country to acknowledge such an interaction. He was responding to calls from ASEAN lawmakers urging the bloc to “immediately and publicly meet with the NUG.”

More than a week later the state-run Global New Light of Myanmar quoted the junta’s foreign ministry as saying it “protests and rejects” the Malaysian foreign minister’s remarks, because “they could abet terrorism and violence in the country, hampering the Myanmar Government’s anti-terrorism efforts and infringe international agreements related to combatting terrorism.”

The junta, which overthrew Aung San Suu Kyi’s elected government in a coup on Feb. 1, 2021, has branded opponents of military rule as terrorists. The military regime has jailed Aung San Suu Kyi among thousands of political prisoners and killed 1,800 people, mostly anti-coup protesters.

“The Ministry cautions the government officials and parliamentarians of Malaysia against making contacts or communicating as well as providing support and assistance to those terrorist groups and their representatives in future,” the junta ministry statement said.

Last October, Saifuddin, Malaysia’s outspoken foreign minister had said he would open talks with the NUG if the junta kept stonewalling in cooperating with ASEAN’s conflict resolution efforts.

The rebuff to Malaysia came a day after Cambodia's Foreign Ministry said Prime Minister Hun Sen had urged the Myanmar junta to allow ASEAN’s special envoy to visit and meet deposed leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

In a video conference Sunday, Hun Sen called on Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing to allow the meetings and take other steps to implement a five-point agreement the junta leader reached between ASEAN's foreign ministers in April 2021.

Cambodia is the current rotating chair of the 10-nation Association of Southeast Asian Nations, and Hun Sen visited Myanmar in January and met Min Aung Hlaing and urged steps to resolve the political crisis sparked by his coup.

Hun Sen requested "further cooperation in facilitating the second visit to Myanmar by the ASEAN Chair's Special Envoy special chairs envoy, possibly at the end of May," the ministry said.

"He reemphasized the importance of access for the Special Envoy to meet all parties concerned in Myanmar, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and former President Win Myint, for creating (a) conducive environment to start an inclusive political dialogue," the ministry said.

Aung San Suu Kyi and Win Myint are in detention and undergoing trial in military courts for what supporters say are politically motivated charges.

The Cambodian statement said Min Aung Hlaing had "pledged to facilitate meetings with other parties concerned."

Asked by RFA about Hun Sen’s appeal, junta spokesman Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun did not give a definite answer about the envoy meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi, instead focusing on peace talks and meetings with leaders of ethnic groups with longstanding conflicts with the army that pre-date the coup and have little bearing on the current crisis.

The previous visit in March to Myanmar by the ASEAN envoy, Cambodian Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn, “discussed mainly him meeting with the relevant ethnic armed groups on his next visit,” the spokesman said.

Little meaningful progress has been made on the five-point agreement, which included an end to violence, the provision of humanitarian assistance, an ASEAN envoy’s appointment, all-party dialogue, and mediation by the envoy.

Kyaw Htwe, a senior member of Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy, said the ASEAN envoy was not likely to meet the 76-year-old Nobel laureate.

"In the current situation, based on the violence they have meted out on the country, I don’t think the military will have the guts to allow Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and U Win Myint to meet with the ASEAN special envoy,” he told RFA.

But political analyst Sai Kyi Zin Soe said Min Aung Hlaing might try to “find a way out” of its isolation by granting assess to the detained leader.

“He might give the envoy a chance because of the current domestic crisis and his political dilemma, especially when the people and the world are all against him,” he told RFA.

Bo Hla Tint, the NUG’s special representative to ASEAN, urged all diplomatic partners to reconsider their approach and talk to the civilian leaders.

"We urge the United States and the European Union and the world community to work for a more pragmatic solution through direct coordination with NUG, a nationally recognized government,” he told RFA’s Myanmar Service.

“It is clear that efforts to find a solution centered on the ASEAN Five-Point Agreement cannot get any results.”

Myanmar will be on the agenda of a May 12-13 summit between the U.S. and leaders of ASEAN, where the White House is keen to advance its vision of a “free and open” Indo-Pacific and discuss efforts to counter Chinese influence.

Reported by RFA’s Myanmar Service. Translated by Khin Maung Nyane. Written in English by Paul Eckert.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Radio Free Asia.

In a phone call Sunday, Hun Sen called on Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, to allow the meetings and take other steps to implement a five-point agreement the junta leader reached between ASEAN's foreign ministers in April 2021.

Cambodia is the current rotating chair of the 10-nation Association of Southeast Asian Nations, and Hun Sen visited Myanmar in January and met Min Aung Hlaing and urged steps to resolve the political crisis sparked by his Feb. 1, 2021 coup.

Hun Sen requested "further cooperation in facilitating the second visit to Myanmar by the ASEAN Chair's Special Envoy special chairs envoy, possibly at the end of May," the ministry said.

"He reemphasized the importance of access for the Special Envoy to meet all parties concerned in Myanmar, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and former President Win Myint, for creating (a) conducive environment to start an inclusive political dialogue," the ministry said.

Aung San Suu Kyi and Win Myint are in detention and undergoing trial in military courts for what supporters say are politically motivated charges.

The Cambodian leader also urged the junta chief to release political prisoners, "avoid excessive use of force in maintaining law and order" and to facilitate the delivery of humanitarian assistance particularly in conflict areas, it said.

There was no immediate comment from Myanmar, but the Cambodian statement said Min Aung Hlaing had "pledged to facilitate meetings with other parties concerned."

Hun Sen is set to attend a May 12-13 summit between the U.S. and leaders of ASEAN, where the White House is keen to advance its vision of a “free and open” Indo-Pacific and discuss efforts to counter Chinese influence, but the Myanmar conflict is likely to be discussed.

No progress has been made on the five-point agreement, which included an end to violence, the provision of humanitarian assistance, an ASEAN envoy’s appointment, all-party dialogue, and mediation by the envoy.

Min Aung Hlaing has escalated the military’s attack on the people of Myanmar, and continued to target and detain political opponent. Nearly 1,800 people, mostly pro-democracy protesters, have been killed by Burmese security forces, since the coup.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Radio Free Asia.

Nobel laureates José Ramos-Horta and Maria Ressa have urged Southeast Asians to keep working toward a better region where democratic freedoms are protected in lecture leading into World Press Freedom Day on May 3.

Nobel laureates José Ramos-Horta and Maria Ressa have called on Southeast Asians to fight for democracy and continue demanding human rights amid growing threats to democratic freedoms in the region.

Ramos-Horta, a longtime politician and independence leader in Timor-Leste, along with Ressa, veteran journalist and co-founder of Rappler, made the statements in an online lecture titled “Freedom in Southeast Asia” last Tuesday.

The discussion centred on ethical issues and the future of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the areas of governing democracy, human rights, freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and social media.

• READ MORE: Other media freedom reports

“We have to keep fighting to improve democracy, perfect democracy as we have been fighting for decades, continue understanding that there will be setbacks, there will be triumphs for democracy again,” Ramos-Horta said.

Ramos-Horta recently won Timor-Leste’s presidential election, gaining 62 percent of votes after facing off with incumbent President Francisco “Lu Olo” Guterres, who secured 37 percent.

Ramos-Horta, one of East Timor’s best known political figures, was also president from 2007 to 2012, and prime minister and foreign minister before that.

Ramos-Horta said part of the reason he decided to run for public office again was inadequate government response to crises like the covid-19 pandemic. The president-elect said he would work to respond to global economic pressures, including supply chain issues stemming from the Russia-Ukraine war and covid-19 lockdowns in China.

‘Demand good governance’
“Don’t lose sight of what is important. Fight, but fight not with radicalism but fight with brains, wisdom, and a great deal of humility,” Ramos-Horta said.

Ressa, who covered Ramos-Horta as a journalist, echoed this call, saying that people in Southeast Asia “must continue demanding our rights and demanding good governance.”

“Our public officials need to realize that in the end, their struggle for power should not impede on the ability to deliver what their citizens need,” she said.

The full media freedom lecture. Video: Rappler

‘Enlightened self-interest’
Ressa, who has reported on democracy movements in Southeast Asia, said ASEAN has not been able to live up to its promises since it was founded in 1967. While advances have been made, the fight to protect democracy, she said, faces steeper challenges, including the use of social media platforms to spread lies and hate.

Ressa challenged leaders and the public to practice “enlightened self-interest” in an effort to foster a code of ethics that could push back against corruption and abuse.

“I can distill almost everything wrong into two words: power and money – and how do you put guardrails around the people who have that? Ethics, rules-based [order], and they themselves limit themselves because there is a greater good. This is not just ASEAN, it is universal,” she said.

In fighting for democracy in the region, the Rappler co-founder also urged young people to first think of what they consider important and what freedoms they are willing to fight for.

She said: “Because of social media, democracy now is a person-to-person battle for integrity. And so the question for you is, where do you draw the line?

“How well will you give up some of your power to others in order to have a better world? What kind of leader not only do you want, but what kind of leader do you want to be?”

Ramos-Horta reminded the public to “live up to the responsibility” the region has in Myanmar, where a military coup plunged the country into turmoil, derailing a decade of democratic reforms and economic gain.

Expected to join ASEAN
Ramos-Horta earlier said he expected Timor-Leste to become the 11th member of the ASEAN “within this year or next year at the latest.” It currently holds observer status in the bloc – and also observer status with the Pacific Islands Forum.

“The message to the young people: You want a better Southeast Asia? You want a better region, better community that is generous, embracing of everyone because Southeast Asia is extraordinarily rich in diversity – and that makes Southeast Asia unique – then fight for it,” he said.

“Do not abandon the people of Myanmar who feel completely abandoned. That is the absolute priority for us in Southeast Asia,” he added.

Sofia Tomacruz is a Rappler reporter. Republished with permission.

This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

Previously, Duterte had repeatedly said he would not travel to the United States, a country which he has not visited as president and with which he’s had a stormy relationship because of Washington’s criticism of his administration’s deadly war on drugs. As he prepares to leave office in June, Duterte faces an International Criminal Court investigation over the drug war, which has left thousands of Filipinos dead.

“If it is a working conference, there might be some agreements or commitments that will be made and I might take a stand that will not be acceptable to the next administration,” he said, without elaborating.

In his weekly televised speech to the nation late Tuesday, Duterte cited the May 9 General Election as the main reason for declining the invitation to attend the summit between U.S. President Joe Biden and leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations scheduled for May 12-13.

“By that time, the elections will be over and we will find out who the next president will be,” Duterte said, according to transcripts released Wednesday. “So I told them it would not look good if I attend and there will be a new president.”

Duterte’s six-year term will end when his successor takes office on June 30.

Duterte also cited “personal reasons” for declining President Biden’s invitation, adding that U.S. officials had wanted him to attend but he refused “as a matter of principle.”

During the meeting with Southeast Asian leaders in the U.S. capital, Biden is expected to seek to strengthen relationships with ASEAN members to counter China’s perceived aggression and military expansionism in the contested South China Sea.

Missed meetings

This is not the first time that Duterte will be missing an ASEAN-related meeting. Last year, he cited “pressing domestic concerns in light of the surge of COVID-19 cases” as an excuse to not attend an emergency summit of ASEAN leaders who met in Jakarta to discuss the post-coup crisis in Myanmar.

As president, Duterte pivoted the Philippines’ foreign policy closer to China and away from the United States, the country’s staunchest military ally for the past seven decades. He has traveled to China six times as president and called leader Xi Jinping a close friend while insisting that Manila cannot go to war with Beijing. 

Duterte also banked on Chinese money to fund his infrastructure projects, and of late, he has profusely thanked Beijing for sending COVID-19 vaccines ahead of other nations. 

In 2020, Duterte vowed to skip a U.S.-ASEAN summit – which was later postponed indefinitely because of the global pandemic – after the U.S. Embassy refused to issue a visa to Sen. Ronald dela Rosa, the former police chief who implemented his administration’s brutal war on drugs. He also threatened to scrap an agreement that allowed American troops to hold large-scale joint military exercises here, but later reversed his stand.

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated online news service.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Aie Balagtas See for BenarNews.

Previously, Duterte had repeatedly said he would not travel to the United States, a country which he has not visited as president and with which he’s had a stormy relationship because of Washington’s criticism of his administration’s deadly war on drugs. As he prepares to leave office in June, Duterte faces an International Criminal Court investigation over the drug war, which has left thousands of Filipinos dead.

“If it is a working conference, there might be some agreements or commitments that will be made and I might take a stand that will not be acceptable to the next administration,” he said, without elaborating.

In his weekly televised speech to the nation late Tuesday, Duterte cited the May 9 General Election as the main reason for declining the invitation to attend the summit between U.S. President Joe Biden and leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations scheduled for May 12-13.

“By that time, the elections will be over and we will find out who the next president will be,” Duterte said, according to transcripts released Wednesday. “So I told them it would not look good if I attend and there will be a new president.”

Duterte’s six-year term will end when his successor takes office on June 30.

Duterte also cited “personal reasons” for declining President Biden’s invitation, adding that U.S. officials had wanted him to attend but he refused “as a matter of principle.”

During the meeting with Southeast Asian leaders in the U.S. capital, Biden is expected to seek to strengthen relationships with ASEAN members to counter China’s perceived aggression and military expansionism in the contested South China Sea.

Missed meetings

This is not the first time that Duterte will be missing an ASEAN-related meeting. Last year, he cited “pressing domestic concerns in light of the surge of COVID-19 cases” as an excuse to not attend an emergency summit of ASEAN leaders who met in Jakarta to discuss the post-coup crisis in Myanmar.

As president, Duterte pivoted the Philippines’ foreign policy closer to China and away from the United States, the country’s staunchest military ally for the past seven decades. He has traveled to China six times as president and called leader Xi Jinping a close friend while insisting that Manila cannot go to war with Beijing. 

Duterte also banked on Chinese money to fund his infrastructure projects, and of late, he has profusely thanked Beijing for sending COVID-19 vaccines ahead of other nations. 

In 2020, Duterte vowed to skip a U.S.-ASEAN summit – which was later postponed indefinitely because of the global pandemic – after the U.S. Embassy refused to issue a visa to Sen. Ronald dela Rosa, the former police chief who implemented his administration’s brutal war on drugs. He also threatened to scrap an agreement that allowed American troops to hold large-scale joint military exercises here, but later reversed his stand.

BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated online news service.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Aie Balagtas See for BenarNews.