Education – Radio Free https://www.radiofree.org Independent Media for People, Not Profits. Fri, 01 Aug 2025 09:00:00 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://www.radiofree.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/cropped-Radio-Free-Social-Icon-2-32x32.png Education – Radio Free https://www.radiofree.org 32 32 141331581 Alaska Ignored Warning Signs of a Budget Crisis. Now It Doesn’t Have Funding to Fix Crumbling Schools. https://www.radiofree.org/2025/08/01/alaska-ignored-warning-signs-of-a-budget-crisis-now-it-doesnt-have-funding-to-fix-crumbling-schools/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/08/01/alaska-ignored-warning-signs-of-a-budget-crisis-now-it-doesnt-have-funding-to-fix-crumbling-schools/#respond Fri, 01 Aug 2025 09:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/alaska-rural-schools-funding-legislation by Emily Schwing, KYUK

This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with KYUK Public Media and NPR’s Station Investigations Team. Sign up for Dispatches to get our stories in your inbox every week.

When Alaska House Speaker Bryce Edgmon toured the public school in Sleetmute last fall, he called the building “the poster child” for what’s wrong with the way the state pays to build and maintain schools. The tiny community 240 miles west of Anchorage had begged Alaska’s education department for nearly two decades for money to repair a leaky roof that over time had left part of the school on the verge of collapse.

Seated at a cafeteria table after the tour, Edgmon, a veteran independent lawmaker, told a Yup’ik elder he planned to “start raising a little bit of Cain” when he returned to the Capitol in Juneau for the 2025 legislative session.

Other lawmakers said similar things after an investigation by KYUK Public Media, ProPublica and NPR earlier this year found that the state has largely ignored hundreds of requests from rural school districts to fix deteriorating buildings, including the Sleetmute school. Because of the funding failures, students and teachers in some of Alaska’s most remote villages face serious health and safety risks, the news organizations found.

Sen. Elvi Gray-Jackson, an Anchorage Democrat, called the investigation’s findings “heartbreaking” and said in an email during the legislative session earlier this year that “the current state of these schools is unacceptable.” Sen. Scott Kawasaki, a Fairbanks Democrat, wrote to say that the “responsibility lies squarely on the legislature” and acknowledged “we do not do enough.” Senate Majority Leader Cathy Giessel, a Republican from Fairbanks, wrote, “We are working to right the ship!”

Yet during a legislative session where money for education was front and center, lawmakers were only able to pass $40 million in school construction and maintenance funding, about 5% of the nearly $800 million that districts say they need to keep their buildings safe and operating.

Alaska House Speaker Bryce Edgmon visits Sleetmute students last fall. (Emily Schwing/KYUK)

In June, Alaska Gov. Mike Dunleavy vetoed more than two-thirds of that, nearly $28 million.

“Basically, we don’t have enough money to pay for all of our obligations,” Dunleavy explained in a video posted on YouTube.

In the video, seated at an empty table in a darkened room and flanked by U.S. and Alaska flags, Dunleavy, a Republican, painted a grim picture of the state’s future. “The price of oil has gone down; therefore our revenue is going down,” he said.

The crisis Dunleavy described isn’t just a short-term problem. State officials have known for decades that relying on oil to fund the budget is risky as prices and production have declined. But year after year, they have failed to agree on a solution to finance school repairs and renovations. Alaska is one of only two states without an income tax or statewide sales tax.

Average annual spending on education facilities declined by nearly 60% after 2014, the year oil prices plummeted, according to a 2021 report by the University of Alaska Anchorage. Overall spending on rural facilities is now less than half of what the National Council on School Facilities recommends.

Sen. Löki Tobin, a Democrat from Anchorage who chairs the Senate Education Committee, said it’s hard to get “momentum” around various ideas to fund education, “let alone just getting folks to realize that we have been by attrition defunding our schools.”

Education Front and Center

Alaska’s Legislature seemed primed this year to address education funding. Several new candidates from both parties campaigned on education and won seats in November’s statewide election.

“We flipped an entire statehouse,” said Tobin, who was elected to the Legislature in 2022, “based on the question of adequate school funding.”

Lawmakers filed a bill to fund education before the session even began. And in the first months of the year, dozens of superintendents, students and school board members traveled to Juneau to testify before lawmakers and urge them to increase funding for curriculum, teacher salaries and other costs.

During one Senate Finance Committee hearing, panel co-chair Lyman Hoffman, who has represented rural Alaskan school districts for 38 years, raised the specter of a civil rights lawsuit similar to those the state has faced in the past over education in primarily Indigenous communities.

The prospect, he said, could be “more costly to the state than if we came forward and tried to do something about the condition of these schools.”

Sleetmute’s roof has been leaking for so long that the wall has started to buckle under the weight of snow and ice, first image, and a bathroom ceiling is covered in mold. (Emily Schwing/KYUK)

In April, Alaska’s House and Senate passed a bipartisan bill that would have offered the largest increase in nearly a decade in what the state spends on each student annually. It did not include capital funds for school construction or maintenance.

Days later, Dunleavy, a former superintendent and school board member, vetoed it. He said it didn’t include enough support for homeschooling and charter schools — policy changes that he’s long pushed for.

Before the legislative session adjourned in May, lawmakers passed a compromise bill that included less spending and eased regulations for charter schools. Dunleavy again vetoed it, but lawmakers overrode the veto. The next month, Dunleavy used his line-item veto power to slash 3% from the education budget, the largest cut to any department in the state.

This year’s total state budget came to $14.7 billion, about $1 billion less than the previous year. Some lawmakers have described it as “bare bones” and “flat funded.”

Among Dunleavy’s cuts was more than $25 million that was supposed to pay for school construction and maintenance. School districts have to apply to the state for those funds each year, and their proposed projects are then ranked. The reduction doesn’t leave enough money this year to pay for even the top three projects among the 84 maintenance proposals school districts submitted. Seventeen major construction projects, including the replacement of five rural schools, received no funding at all.

One of those projects is a new school in Stebbins, a Yup’ik village on the coast of the Norton Sound and the Bering Sea where the building burned down last year. More than 200 K-12 students now attend classes in about a dozen small temporary buildings. Mayor Sharon Snowball said several students left the community after the fire to attend boarding school or live with family in other communities.

First image: The remains of the Tukurngailnguq School in Stebbins, Alaska, last June after a fire. Second image: Workers apply the finishing touches to a temporary yurt in Stebbins in September. (Ben Townsend/KNOM) At a potlatch in Stebbins last fall, Yup'ik residents practiced their traditional dance. (Ben Townsend/KNOM)

Two hundred miles southwest in Mertarvik, a village that recently relocated due to climate change, the school district did not receive the funds it applied for to build a wastewater system for a school that’s set to open in 2026. The district said it couldn’t answer questions about how it will move forward with the project.

Dunleavy has called lawmakers back to Juneau on Aug. 2 for a special session to discuss reforming the state’s education system. It’s unclear whether maintenance and construction funds will be part of those discussions.

Scrapping for Solutions

Alaska’s budget crisis has been detrimental to the state’s rural school districts, which rely almost entirely on the annual budget for funding to fix and maintain buildings because they serve unincorporated communities that don’t have the power to levy taxes.

The budget depends heavily on profits from the production and sale of crude oil, which go into the state’s Permanent Fund, a state-owned investment fund. Returns on those investments pay for more than half of Alaska’s operational needs each year.

Prices of crude oil from Alaska’s North Slope dropped by more than a third from 2014 to this spring, according to the Alaska Department of Revenue. The result is a budget deficit that some economists say will exceed $1 billion by next year.

State lawmakers have failed to address the warning signs of a budget crisis for decades. By the early 2000s, Alaska’s daily oil production had fallen by half from its peak in the 1980s. Last year, it was a quarter of that.

But for a time, high oil prices allowed Alaska to make it work. When Edgmon came into office in 2007, he said every day was a windfall.

“We put a ton of money into schools both operationally and capital budgetwise,” he said.

Legislators have weighed numerous options to fund the budget. They’ve considered whether to trim the annual dividend checks that Alaska pays to its year-round residents from the return on Permanent Fund investments. Last year, Alaskans received just over $1,700. Cutting payments is wildly unpopular, in part because research has shown the money reduces the number of Alaskans in poverty by up to 40%.

Lawmakers have dipped into the state’s dwindling savings accounts to cover the deficit, said Matt Berman, a University of Alaska Anchorage economics professor who co-authored a 2016 report that examined various deficit-reduction methods.

“The fact that the study was done 10 years ago and that absolutely no action has taken place since then speaks for itself,” Berman wrote in an email.

Mertarvik’s school district did not receive the funds it needs to build a wastewater system for a school that’s set to open in 2026. (Emily Schwing/KYUK)

Some lawmakers have long called for Alaska to adopt a statewide income or sales tax, but neither idea has gained much traction. A bipartisan working group studied the possibility of enacting taxes in 2021. After a year on the working group, state Rep. Kevin McCabe, a Republican from north of Anchorage, said he wasn’t convinced taxes were the answer.

“We experimented with sales tax, maybe a seasonal sales tax, we tried an income tax, progressive income tax,” he said. “It’s just not gonna bring in the money that we need for all of our infrastructure deficit.”

Alaska used to have a special tax on every employed resident to help pay for education. But it was repealed in 1980 after the construction of the Trans-Alaska Pipeline, which allowed the state to sell more oil from North Slope.

“I’ll never forget my first payroll check,” said Click Bishop, a former six-term Republican senator from Fairbanks. He said his boss went through the statement with him. “He gets down here on this line, and it says ‘education head tax $5,’ and he said, ‘Kid, that $5 is going to the state to help you get your education,’” he recalled.

Bishop, who is exploring a run for governor, has proposed reinstating an annual education tax. But his proposal would only raise about $14 million each year, hardly enough to scratch the surface on the state’s school maintenance needs.

Instead of taxes, McCabe and other lawmakers say a more long-term solution for both schools and Alaska’s overall budget would be to build a natural gas pipeline that would raise money from gas sales.

Estimates from the U.S. Geological Survey show the state is home to more than a hundred trillion cubic feet of untapped natural gas, but there’s no way to bring it to market.

Described by the industry as “big, expensive and complex,” the pipeline project has been in discussions for at least 50 years. In 2020, the Alaska Gasline Development Corp., an independent state corporation tasked with developing the infrastructure, estimated construction could cost close to $40 billion. Though an energy developer recently announced interest from dozens of international customers, it’s unclear who would foot that bill.


This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Emily Schwing, KYUK.

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Idaho Schools Consistently Break Disability Laws. Parents Say They’re Not Doing Enough to Fix the Problem. https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/30/idaho-schools-consistently-break-disability-laws-parents-say-theyre-not-doing-enough-to-fix-the-problem/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/30/idaho-schools-consistently-break-disability-laws-parents-say-theyre-not-doing-enough-to-fix-the-problem/#respond Wed, 30 Jul 2025 09:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/idaho-special-education-disabilities-complaints by Becca Savransky, Idaho Statesman

Kali Larsen sat at her desk at Fruitland Elementary School in Idaho earlier this year, trying to read the test questions as her classmates silently worked around her. Her anxiety climbed as she stared at the paper. She asked to use the bathroom and left the room.

Her mother, Jessica Larsen, had been substitute teaching that day when she received a call from the front office, notifying her that her 9-year-old daughter was having a panic attack. Kali, now 10, has dyslexia and struggles with reading and writing, Larsen said.

“Wouldn’t you be anxious?” Larsen told the Idaho Statesman and ProPublica.

For years, Larsen had been pleading with the Fruitland School District to get Kali qualified for special education for reading. Larsen, who herself was diagnosed later in life with dyslexia, had her daughter tested in first grade in 2021 by a private specialist who said Kali had the same disability. But a diagnosis doesn’t automatically qualify a student for special education. The school still wouldn’t evaluate Kali for help, saying she likely wouldn’t qualify, in part because her scores weren’t low enough, Larsen said.

Larsen grew more frustrated with each passing school year as her child — a shy girl who feels most confident when competing in rodeos on her horse, Pie — would cry after school and tell her she felt “dumb.” A year before her daughter’s panic attack in fourth grade, Larsen had filed a state complaint against the district, saying it refused to evaluate Kali for special education. A few months later, in March 2024, a state investigator agreed: The district had broken the law.

Parents of students with disabilities have increasingly resorted to filing complaints with the state over their schools’ failure to educate their children, alleging districts are violating federal law. Most of the time, state investigators have agreed and found that districts refuse to identify and evaluate children with disabilities, such as dyslexia or autism, and fail to follow plans to educate them fairly.

In Idaho, students with disabilities have performed worse in reading and math than many of their peers in other states, federal data shows. Idaho was among the states with the most founded complaints per capita in recent years, according to a national center that analyzes data on complaints and provides support to states. Over the past five years, investigators found in over 70% of the complaints filed in Idaho that districts had broken the law.

But the state often closes cases without making sure the districts have fully solved the problems, parents across Idaho told the Statesman and ProPublica.

Districts can resolve the violations without “really changing their ways,” said Amy Martz, a Utah-based attorney who has worked with families in Idaho. “There’s no teeth.”

State Superintendent Debbie Critchfield said the state Department of Education expects districts to make any corrections needed to be in full compliance with state and federal law, and that it has conducted listening sessions and piloted other programs to help meet the needs of students and parents.

Critchfield said the challenge with educating students with disabilities comes down, in part, to the way the state distributes funding, which is based on a flat percentage and not the actual number of students with disabilities in each district. She said staff members have large caseloads and districts lack trained staff and specialists.

Parents say it can take months for the districts to evaluate a child for services, and in some cases, districts have refused to provide the instruction or behavioral interventions students need.

Lawmakers have been reluctant to approve changes to the funding formula despite warnings from state officials about a shortfall between what districts spend on special education and what the state allocates. An independent oversight office this year estimated the gap to be over $80 million. Idaho routinely ranks last in the nation for funding per student overall.

Larsen said she didn’t want to get the district or teachers in trouble when she filed her complaint. But she said she risked retaliation, in a small community where speaking out can be damaging, because she intended to make public schools better for her daughter and other kids.

“We’re failing our kids. This is our future,” Larsen said. “Why are we failing them? And that’s my question to them, but they can’t answer.”

Jessica Larsen and Kali at their home in Fruitland, Idaho. Kali is passionate about horses and competes in rodeos with her horse, Pie. (Sarah A. Miller/Idaho Statesman) What Investigators Found

School districts nationwide are required to identify children who have disabilities or health impairments that could make it harder to learn, such as attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder or dyslexia, and evaluate them for special education services. A parent can also formally request an evaluation of their child. Under federal law, if the school has any reason to suspect a disability, it must provide that evaluation.

But when Larsen asked the district to evaluate her daughter, the school pushed back.

Records show that district officials over a period of 1 1/2 years provided numerous reasons Kali didn’t need or wouldn’t qualify for special education: Her low reading scores were mainly due to anxiety, rather than a disability; she needed to advocate for herself; she was “making progress”; a special education evaluation would take a long time; if she received special education services, she’d miss out on valuable instruction time in a general education classroom.

Fruitland Elementary School (Sarah A. Miller/Idaho Statesman)

A few months after Larsen filed her complaint in 2024, an investigator contracted by the state Department of Education concluded that the district didn’t have procedures in place to make sure all students with disabilities were identified and helped, and that it hadn’t conducted a full evaluation of Kali, even after Larsen requested it. The investigators issued a corrective action plan and ordered the district to begin the evaluation process with Kali within about two weeks and to help her within two months if they found she qualified for special education.

Fruitland Superintendent Stoney Winston, who started in July 2024, after the state issued the corrective action plan, said the district has “made corrections” and is meeting current requirements. He said he can’t speak to what happened before he assumed his role.

Get in Touch

Do you have personal experience with problems related to special education in Idaho or accessibility through the Americans with Disabilities Act in schools? We want to hear from you, whether you’re a student, a parent, an educator or an administrator. We will only use your name with permission. Reach out to Becca Savransky at bsavransky@idahostatesman.com or 208-495-5661.

Disability advocates have said the lack of funding makes it hard for school districts in the state to attract qualified specialists or special education teachers who fully understand the law, which can lead to improper education plans or other violations. High caseloads for staff members also mean less time for making or implementing specialized education plans, they said.

The state relies on a decades-old funding formula that assumes a set percentage of students in every district would qualify for special education: 6% in elementary school and 5.5% in middle and high school. State education officials acknowledged those percentages were never adequate. Officials said they don’t know how lawmakers first arrived at that formula.

“That 5.5 and that 6%, which was already insufficient back in 2016, is even more insufficient,” said Casey Petti, from Idaho’s Office of Performance Evaluations, an independent oversight agency.

According to the most recent data, about 12% of students in Idaho qualify for special education services — the lowest in the country.

In 2009, that agency told Idaho officials to consider tying special education funding to the actual cost of educating those students. In 2016, the office came out with a report with the same findings.

That same year, the Legislature created a committee to research the issue and rewrite the state’s funding formula. The committee met for three years, and in 2019, lawmakers proposed legislation. While those proposals would have provided money for special education based on the number of students actually receiving services, state education officials and school administrators said they were left out of the process and the legislation would be difficult to implement. The state superintendent at the time questioned whether it would even adequately fund special education.

Most Idaho School Districts Had to Spend More on Special Education Than the State Allocated

Nearly 75% of school districts that received state funding for special education programs spent anywhere from $640 to $19 million more than what the state provided during the 2023-24 school year.

Source: Idaho Office of Performance Evaluations (Chris Alcantara/ProPublica) Source: Idaho Office of Performance Evaluations. Note: West Bonner and Wendell school districts are not shown because they did not have financial data available for 2023. Prairie Elementary School District is not included because it had no estimated special education state allocations. Pleasant Valley Elementary District, Avery School District and Three Creek Joint Elementary School District are also not shown because they reported no special education spending and had no estimated special education allocations. All allocations are estimates based on Idaho’s funding formula. View the full table on ProPublica's site.

In the years since, lawmakers have introduced other bills to revise the funding formula, but the Legislature did not approve any of them. The cost to investigate complaints overall has nearly tripled since the 2020 school year, according to the state Department of Education, with each investigation ranging from a few hundred dollars to $30,000.

This year, the Idaho Legislature approved adding another specialist to help handle complaints. During the 2023-24 school year, the state received 53 complaints and found districts were out of compliance in most of them.

But while the state has spent more money to investigate the problems, administrators said they have been given little to fix them. In Idaho, districts rely on local taxpayers to fund special education more than in many other states, according to a 2024 study by Bellwether, a nonprofit that analyzed data from the National Center for Education Statistics for the 24 states where it was available.

Boundary County Superintendent Jan Bayer described special education as an “unfunded mandate.” The district spends about $1.7 million from its general fund to educate students with disabilities and goes to its taxpayers every two years to ask for additional funding to provide other programs.

Other superintendents said it was difficult to meet the needs of every student in special education.

“While we provide the vast majority of our students with the services they need, we do have a couple of higher need students who need more services than we can provide,” Butte County Superintendent Joe Steele, who retired this summer, said in an email to the Statesman. But finding educators or specialists with the proper training, and paying for them, would be challenging in the remote area, he said.

Kendra Scheid watched her son struggle in a larger district with high caseloads and inexperienced staff. Scheid’s son, who is autistic and nonverbal, qualified for developmental preschool before moving into the Pocatello-Chubbuck School District in eastern Idaho. But the district told her that her son could attend preschool only two days a week for 2 1/2 hours each day.

Before her son started attending full-day kindergarten, Scheid asked the school for a meeting to put together a revised education plan for her son. But the district refused, according to the complaint investigation.

Scheid went to school with her son on the first days, where he was placed with other students with disabilities, and witnessed what she described as chaos: kids climbing on tables, students injuring themselves with no staff intervention and teachers restraining children in their chairs. “They had no idea what any of these kids needed, what any of these kids were like coming into the classroom,” she said.

Pocatello school district spokesperson Courtney Fisher said the district is committed to “proactively addressing parent concerns” and improving its special education services. That includes putting into place a plan that meets all state requirements and hiring more staff, she said, and trying to address any gaps in its system to prevent issues in the future.

I feel like a bad mom because I didn’t know this stuff at the time. And I feel like I let my son down.

—Kendra Scheid

After school on the second day, Scheid’s son came home crying and covering his ears, something she said he hadn’t done before. After day three, Scheid disenrolled her son from the district. For the rest of that year, he saw outside therapists and Scheid worked with him at home.

After she filed a complaint with the state, an investigator found the district had broken the law when it failed to create a plan that would work for her son and to ensure the teacher had his previous education plan before school started. The state said the district must create a new education plan for her son should he reenroll, but Scheid had lost faith. Instead, she entered and won one of the few available lottery spots in a charter school, which her son now attends.

“I feel like a bad mom because I didn’t know this stuff at the time,” reflected Scheid, who said her son is now doing well in a charter school that’s more accommodating. “And I feel like I let my son down.”

“I Would Never Move Back There”

About 20% of Idaho districts have broken federal disability law multiple times in the past five years, and nearly 40% have violated the law at least once, according to data from the state Department of Education. When they do, the state, which enforces the federal law and corresponding state rules, asks them to fix the problems through corrective action plans.

The plans reviewed by the news outlets ask district staff to undergo training, and sometimes a child gets additional hours of education to make up for the time missed. But a Statesman and ProPublica review of corrective action plans and interviews with parents showed districts repeatedly receive training for the same problems and commit similar violations.

Critchfield, the state superintendent, said there are several factors that could play a role in whether training is successful for districts permanently, including staff turnover and access to resources.

“Compliance with state and federal law is the ultimate goal,” she said in an email. “As a department, we are always prepared to provide remedial training and intervention to address additional concerns as they arise.”

The Pocatello school district received 11 complaints over the past five years, according to data from the state Department of Education. The Garden Valley School District received 10. In both of these districts, federal investigators found systemic violations in special education law that impacted more than one student. The state Department of Education refused to provide the number of founded complaints per district, citing federal law on student privacy, though some other states publicly post much of their complaint investigations online.

Andrew Branham was among several parents who filed complaints against the Garden Valley School District over the past three years.

The Branhams wrote in the complaint that their daughter received “virtually no education” and was denied services, such as speech and counseling. At one point, they said a school resource officer called her parents threatening to arrest her. Her parents said they rushed to school to find her barefoot in the middle of the parking lot as several adults looked on. A state investigator concluded that the district in some instances had “relied” on the resource officer to address the student’s behavior.

Branham said the district was “unwilling” to meet the needs of their daughter. The Branhams elevated their case, hiring an attorney who presented it before a state-contracted hearing officer. The Branhams received a financial settlement with the district and moved to Washington to get their daughter a better education.

“It is a shame what Idaho is doing to kids in that state,” Branham said in December. “I would never move back there, and I would never recommend anyone live in that state, especially if you have special needs kids.”

After the Branhams filed their complaint and went public, more than 20 families shared similar experiences, they said. So they filed a complaint on behalf of other families that alleged that the district ignored state and federal laws meant to protect students with disabilities and denied them an education.

The resulting state investigations concluded that at least 13 of the allegations were founded. The district failed to properly construct education plans for students. It also didn’t have the proper plans for supporting a child with behavioral issues. The district did not gather or share the data it needed to assess student progress and could not adequately determine whether students were meeting their learning goals, the investigations found.

The state decided the district needed extra help, ranking Garden Valley in 2024 as one of three districts in need of substantial intervention. The state now requires the district to follow an improvement plan and monitors its progress — but the district’s funding remains the same.

The Garden Valley School District did not respond to requests for comment.

Families in other districts have also pulled their children from local schools. Some parents and advocates who talked to the Statesman said they are especially worried about President Donald Trump’s efforts to dismantle the U.S. Department of Education and leave it to the states when Idaho has long struggled to provide an education to students with disabilities.

In Kali’s case, the state’s corrective action plan issued in 2024, in addition to requiring that the district start to evaluate Larsen’s daughter, also mandated that the district help teachers learn how to spot students who should be evaluated for special education and identify those with disabilities.

The state closed the case earlier this year, about a year after it was filed. Kali had been struggling without adequate help for three years before the district conceded she was eligible for special education services.

Kali now has an education plan, but Larsen said the district still isn’t giving her the help she needs. She just finished fourth grade and still hasn’t mastered reading and writing. As her daughter prepares for middle school, Larsen is considering pulling her from the district next year. But Larsen doesn’t plan on filing another complaint. It was too much stress with little to show for it, she said.

When Kali was moved to a different classroom each day to receive more specialized instruction, her teachers sometimes told her to sit and read quietly, Larsen said.

“She can’t read,” Larsen said, exasperated. “It’s so frustrating.”

Kali uses a voice search tool on Google to help her with spelling. (Sarah A. Miller/Idaho Statesman)


This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Becca Savransky, Idaho Statesman.

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Middle School Cheerleaders Made a TikTok Video Portraying a School Shooting. They Were Charged With a Crime. https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/28/middle-school-cheerleaders-made-a-tiktok-video-portraying-a-school-shooting-they-were-charged-with-a-crime/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/28/middle-school-cheerleaders-made-a-tiktok-video-portraying-a-school-shooting-they-were-charged-with-a-crime/#respond Mon, 28 Jul 2025 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/social-media-arrests-school-threats-law-tennessee by Aliyya Swaby

ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

One afternoon in mid-September, a group of middle school girls in rural East Tennessee decided to film a TikTok video while waiting to begin cheerleading practice.

In the 45-second video posted later that day, one girl enters the classroom holding a cellphone. “Put your hands up,” she says, while a classmate flickers the lights on and off. As the camera pans across the classroom, several girls dramatically fall back on a desk or the floor and lie motionless, pretending they were killed.

When another student enters and surveys the bodies on the ground in poorly feigned shock, few manage to suppress their giggles. Throughout the video, which ProPublica obtained, a line of text reads: “To be continued……”

Penny Jackson’s 11-year-old granddaughter was one of the South Greene Middle School cheerleaders who played dead. She said the co-captains told her what to do and she did it, unaware of how it would be used. The next day, she was horrified when the police came to school to question her and her teammates.

By the end of the day, the Greene County Sheriff’s Department charged her and 15 other middle school cheerleaders with disorderly conduct for making and posting the video. Standing outside the school’s brick facade, Lt. Teddy Lawing said in a press conference that the girls had to be “held accountable through the court system” to show that “this type of activity is not warranted.” The sheriff’s office did not respond to ProPublica’s questions about the incident.

Widespread fear of school shootings is colliding with algorithms that accelerate the spread of the most outrageous messages to cause chaos across the country. Social videos, memes and retweets are becoming fodder for criminal charges in an era of heightened responses to student threats. Authorities say harsh punishment is crucial to deter students from making threatening posts that multiply rapidly and obscure their original source.

In many cases, especially in Tennessee, police are charging students for jokes and misinterpretations, drawing criticism from families and school violence prevention experts who believe a measured approach is more appropriate. Students are learning the hard way that they can’t control where their social media messages travel. In central Tennessee last fall, a 16-year-old privately shared a video he created using artificial intelligence, and a friend forwarded it to others on Snapchat. The 16-year-old was expelled and charged with threatening mass violence, even though his school acknowledged the video was intended as a private joke.

Other students have been charged with felonies for resharing posts they didn’t create. As ProPublica wrote in May, a 12-year-old in Nashville was arrested and expelled this year for sharing a screenshot of threatening texts on Instagram. He told school officials he was attempting to warn others and wanted to “feel heroic.”

In Greene County, the cheerleaders’ video sent waves through the small rural community, especially since it was posted several days after the fatal Apalachee High School shooting one state away. The Georgia incident had spawned thousands of false threats looping through social media feeds across the country. Lawing told ProPublica and WPLN at the time that his officers had fielded about a dozen social media threats within a week and struggled to investigate them. “We couldn’t really track back to any particular person,” he said.

But the cheerleaders’ video, with their faces clearly visible, was easy to trace.

Jackson understands that the video was in “very poor taste,” but she believes the police overreacted and traumatized her granddaughter in the process. “I think they blew it completely out of the water,” she said. “To me, it wasn’t serious enough to do that, to go to court.”

That perspective is shared by Makenzie Perkins, the threat assessment supervisor of Collierville Schools, outside of Memphis. She is helping her school district chart a different path in managing alleged social media threats. Perkins has sought specific training on how to sort out credible threats online from thoughtless reposts, allowing her to focus on students who pose real danger instead of punishing everyone.

The charges in Greene County, she said, did not serve a real purpose and indicate a lack of understanding about how to handle these incidents. “You’re never going to suspend, expel or charge your way out of targeted mass violence,” she said. “Did those charges make that school safer? No.”

When 16-year-old D.C. saw an advertisement for an AI video app last October, he eagerly downloaded it and began roasting his friends. In one video he created, his friend stood in the Lincoln County High School cafeteria, his mouth and eyes moving unnaturally as he threatened to shoot up the school and bring a bomb in his backpack. (We are using D.C.’s initials and his dad’s middle name to protect their privacy, because D.C. is a minor.)

D.C. sent it to a private Snapchat group of about 10 friends, hoping they would find it hilarious. After all, they had all teased this friend about his dark clothes and quiet nature. But the friend did not think it was funny. That evening, D.C. showed the video to his dad, Alan, who immediately made him delete it as well as the app. “I explained how it could be misinterpreted, how inappropriate it was in today’s climate,” Alan recalled to ProPublica.

It was too late. One student in the chat had already copied D.C.’s video and sent it to other students on Snapchat, where it began to spread, severed from its initial context.

That evening, a parent reported the video to school officials, who called in local police to do an investigation. D.C. begged his dad to take him to the police station that night, worried the friend in the video would get in trouble — but Alan thought it could wait until morning.

The next day, D.C. rushed to school administrators to explain and apologize. According to Alan, administrators told D.C. they “understood it was a dumb mistake,” uncharacteristic for the straight-A student with no history of disciplinary issues. In a press release, Lincoln County High School said administrators were “made aware of a prank threat that was intended as a joke between friends.”

But later that day, D.C. was expelled from school for a year and charged with a felony for making a threat of mass violence. As an explanation, the sheriff’s deputy wrote in the affidavit, “Above student did create and distribute a video on social media threatening to shoot the school and bring a bomb.”

During a subsequent hearing where D.C. appealed his school expulsion, Lincoln County Schools administrators described their initial panic when seeing the video. Alan shared an audio recording of the hearing with ProPublica. Officials didn’t know that the video was generated by AI until the school counselor saw a small logo in the corner. “Everybody was on pins and needles,” the counselor said at the hearing. “What are we going to do to protect the kids or keep everybody calm the next day if it gets out?” The school district declined to respond to ProPublica’s questions about how officials handled the incident, even though Alan signed a privacy waiver giving them permission to do so.

Alan watched D.C. wither after his expulsion: His girlfriend broke up with him, and some of his friends began to avoid him. D.C. lay awake at night looking through text messages he sent years ago, terrified someone decades later would find something that could ruin his life. “If they are punishing him for creating the image, when does his liability expire?” Alan wondered. “If it’s shared again a year from now, will he be expelled again?”

Alan, a teacher in the school district, coped by voraciously reading court cases and news articles that could shed light on what was happening to his son. He stumbled on a case hundreds of miles north in Pennsylvania, the facts of which were eerily similar to D.C.’s.

In April 2018, two kids, J.S. and his friend, messaged back and forth mocking another student by suggesting he looked like a school shooter. (The court record uses J.S. instead of his full name to protect the student’s anonymity.) J.S. created two memes and sent them to his friend in a private Snapchat conversation. His friend shared the memes publicly on Snapchat, where they were seen by 20 to 40 other students. School administrators permanently expelled J.S., so he and his parents sued the school.

In 2021, after a series of appeals, Pennsylvania’s highest court ruled in J.S.’s favor. While the memes were “mean-spirited, sophomoric, inartful, misguided, and crude,” the state Supreme Court justices wrote in their opinion, they were “plainly not intended to threaten Student One, Student Two, or any other person.”

The justices also shared their sympathy with the challenges schools faced in providing a “safe and quality educational experience” in the modern age. “We recognize that this charge is compounded by technological developments such as social media, which transcend the geographic boundaries of the school. It is a thankless task for which we are all indebted.”

After multiple disciplinary appeals, D.C.’s school upheld the decision to keep him out of school for a year. His parents found a private school that agreed to let him enroll, and he slowly emerged from his depression to continue his straight-A streak there. His charge in court was dismissed in December after he wrote a 500-word essay for the judge on the dangers of social media, according to Alan.

Thinking back on the video months later, D.C. explained that jokes about school violence are common among his classmates. “We try to make fun of it so that it doesn’t seem as serious or like it could really happen,” he said. “It’s just so widespread that we’re all desensitized to it.”

He wonders if letting him back to school would have been more effective in deterring future hoax threats. “I could have gone back to school and said, ‘You know, we can’t make jokes like that because you can get in big trouble for it,’” he said. “I just disappeared for everyone at that school.”

When a school district came across an alarming post on Snapchat in 2023, officials reached out to Safer Schools Together, an organization that helps educators handle school threats. In the post, a pistol flanked by two assault rifles lay on a rumpled white bedsheet. The text overlaid on the photo read, “I’m shooting up central I’m tired of getting picked on everyone is dying tomorrow.”

Steven MacDonald, training manager and development director for Safer Schools Together, recounted this story in a virtual tutorial posted last year on using online tools to trace and manage social media threats. He asked the school officials watching his tutorial what they would do next. “How do we figure out if this is really our student’s bedroom?”

According to MacDonald, it took his organization’s staff only a minute to put the text in quotation marks and run it through Google. A single local news article popped up showing that two kids had been arrested for sharing this exact Snapchat post in Columbia, Tennessee — far from the original district.

“We were able to reach out and respond and say, ‘You know what, this is not targeting your district,’” MacDonald said. Administrators were reassured there was a low likelihood of immediate violence, and they could focus on finding out who was recirculating the old threat and why.

In the training video, MacDonald reviewed skills that, until recently, have been more relevant to police investigators than school principals: How to reverse image search photos of guns to determine whether a post contains a stock image. How to use Snapchat to find contact names for unknown phone numbers. How to analyze the language in the social media posts of a high-risk student.

“We know that why you’re here is because of the increase and the sheer volume of these threats that you may have seen circulated, the non-credible threats that might have even ended up in your districts,” he said. Between last April and this April, Safer Schools Together identified drastic increases in “threat related behavior” and graphic or derogatory social media posts.

Back in the Memphis suburbs, Perkins and other Collierville Schools administrators have attended multiple digital threat assessment training sessions hosted by Safer Schools Together. “I’ve had to learn a lot more apps and social media than I ever thought,” Perkins said.

The knowledge, she said, came in handy during one recent incident in her district. Local police called the district to report that a student had called 911 and reported an Instagram threat targeting a particular school. They sent Perkins a photo of the Instagram profile and username. She began using open source websites to scour the internet for other appearances of the picture and username. She also used a website that allows people to view Instagram stories without alerting the user to gather more information.

With the help of police, Perkins and her team identified that the post was created by someone at the same IP address as the student who had reported the threat. The girl, who was in elementary school, confessed to police that she had done it.

The next day, Perkins and her team interviewed the student, her parents and teachers to understand her motive and goal. “It ended up that there had been some recent viral social media threats going around,” Perkins said. “This individual recognized that it drew in a lot of attention.”

Instead of expelling the girl, school administrators worked with her parents to develop a plan to manage her behavior. They came up with ideas for the girl to receive positive attention while stressing to her family that she had exhibited “extreme behavior” that signaled a need for intensive help. By the end of the day, they had tamped down concerns about immediate violence and created a plan of action.

In many other districts, Perkins said, the girl might have been arrested and expelled for a year without any support — which does not help move students away from the path of violence. “A lot of districts across our state haven’t been trained,” she said. “They’re doing this without guidance.”

Watching the cheerleaders’ TikTok video, it would be easy to miss Allison Bolinger, then the 19-year-old assistant coach. The camera quickly flashes across her standing and smiling in the corner of the room watching the pretend-dead girls.

Bolinger said she and the head coach had been next door planning future rehearsals. Bolinger entered the room soon after the students began filming and “didn’t think anything of it.” Cheerleading practice went forward as usual that afternoon. The next day, she got a call from her dad: The cheerleaders were suspended from school, and Bolinger would have to answer questions from the police.

“I didn’t even know the TikTok was posted. I hadn’t seen it,” she said. “By the time I went to go look for it, it was already taken down.” Bolinger said she ended up losing her job as a result of the incident. She heard whispers around the small community that she was responsible for allowing them to create the video.

Bolinger said she didn’t realize the video was related to school shootings when she was in the room. She often wishes she had asked them at the time to explain the video they were making. “I have beat myself up about that so many times,” she said. “Then again, they’re also children. If they don’t make it here, they’ll probably make it at home.”

Jackson, the grandmother of the 11-year-old in the video, blames Bolinger for not stopping the middle schoolers and faults the police for overreacting. She said all the students, whether or not their families hired a lawyer, got the same punishment in court: three months of probation for a misdemeanor disorderly conduct charge, which could be extended if their grades dropped or they got in trouble again. Each family had to pay more than $100 in court costs, Jackson said, a significant amount for some.

Jackson’s granddaughter successfully completed probation, which also involved writing and submitting a letter of apology to the judge. She was too scared about getting in trouble again to continue on the cheerleading team for the rest of the school year.

Jackson thinks that officials’ outsize response to the video made everything worse. “They shouldn’t even have done nothing until they investigated it, instead of making them out to be terrorists and traumatizing these girls,” she said.

Paige Pfleger of WPLN/Nashville Public Radio contributed reporting.


This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Aliyya Swaby.

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Debunking the theological gaslighting of Israel-supporting Imams https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/27/debunking-the-theological-gaslighting-of-israel-supporting-imams/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/27/debunking-the-theological-gaslighting-of-israel-supporting-imams/#respond Sun, 27 Jul 2025 12:32:02 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=117874 Muslims, and the global community, must rally around the Palestinian people’s inalienable rights: to exist, to return home, and to live free from occupation.

ANALYSIS: By Shadee ElMasry

In our world today, one would be hard-pressed to find a reputable, well-known scholar or group of scholars who support Israel. Of course, the keywords here are “well-known” and “reputable”, after a “misguided” delegation of European Imams travelled to Israel to placate the Israeli occupation and sponsor the genocide of the Palestinian people.

It is increasingly common to find these figures, Muslim apologists for Israel, who have breached the Islamic tenet of standing against injustice, laundering their authority to provide cover for Israel’s crimes against humanity against their brothers and sisters in Palestine and across the wider Arab world.

We live in a world of shameless opportunism, where the poisoned fruit of “normalising” relations with the Israeli occupation is weighed against moral conviction and our duty to stand with the afflicted Palestinians.

A few weeks ago, this tradeoff played out across our screens.

The delegation’s visit, which included 15 European Imams, was led by the controversial Hassen Chalghoumi (known for supporting Nicolas Sarkozy’s burqa ban) and involved meetings with Israeli President Isaac Herzog, who has been accused of inciting genocide.

Clearly, their consciences weren’t troubled by the catastrophic famine now gripping Gaza, a “hell on earth” where women and children are killed for scrambling to get flour, and men are killed without rhyme or reason.

I, like many companions across mosques and online feeds, was dumbfounded by the delegation’s complicity. This visit happened at a time when we as Muslims, and the global community, must rally around the Palestinian people’s inalienable rights: to exist, to return home, and to live free from occupation, especially as they face an existential threat.

Delegation swiftly denounced
The delegation was swiftly denounced. Al-Azhar University stressed that they “do not represent Islam and Muslims.” Worshippers walked out of UK mosques. A Dutch Imam was suspended.

But this isn’t just about them. We need to ask how this happened and ensure it does not repeat with us. As one scholar said, if an Imam sees the community fall into usury, then gives his Friday sermon on adultery, the Imam has betrayed his congregation.

The same is the case with Muslim apologists for Israel.

To understand their motives, we must examine three theological “traps” these figures use to justify their support for Israel, or at least the very least, their silence over Palestine. The first of which is the “Greater Good Trap”.

They claim that “speaking up against Israel will result in more harm than good”. But only the Prophet Muhammad’s silence constitutes tacit approval. Their reasoning doesn’t hold up.

A weak-willed person will always accept this reasoning because it allows them to have their proverbial cake and eat it: they gain spiritual cover for remaining silent. As we’ve seen, the scholar will say: “Yes, I can speak, but then our school will get shut down, or we’ll lose funding. For the sake of the greater good, I must remain silent.”

Israel, I’m sure, is delighted by this self-censorship. But we should also ask how it is that so many non-scholars, non-Muslims, and non-Arabs are speaking the truth about the Gaza genocide, while Islamic scholars remain silent.

It raises eyebrows, at the very least.

‘Pure theology’ trap
The second trap is the “Pure Theology” trap. Here, the scholar says: “Sound belief is the most important thing. How can we support the Palestinians when they resort to armed conflict? Their theology is flawed. I prioritise the truth, what’s wrong with that?”

But what they overlook is that falsehood has degrees. It is foolish to denounce one error while ignoring a greater one.

To attack a people’s doctrinal shortcomings while staying silent on their oppression is not principled; it is a failure to understand the fiqh of priorities.

This trap lies in misplacing truths: loudly condemning the religious mistakes of Israel’s victims while conveniently forgetting the far graver injustice of Israel itself and the violent context that brought it into being.

The final, and most sophisticated, trap that Muslim apologists for Israel use is metaphysical: they attempt to misdirect Muslims to a higher order of spiritual thought about the Divine will.

They ask what sounds like a noble question: “Why is Allah doing this to us? It must be because of our sins. Israel is merely a tool God is using to punish us or purify us.”

But the catch here is that the spiritual angle often (but not always) becomes a cover for pacifism. These figures that travelled to Israel, for instance, actively promote inaction. They showed no emotion, no voice, when witnessing the oppression of their own; only when it came to their sponsors did they find something to say.

Suffer in silence
The idea here is to suffer in silence, to clothe disengagement in the language of spiritual endurance.

In the end, this is precisely what Israel and its supporters want: to keep the spotlight off themselves. Any diversion, theological or otherwise, is welcome. As we know, the oppressor laughs at those who fixate on what is bad while ignoring what is worse. And that is the danger behind all three traps.

Yet despite these efforts, something far more powerful holds. The drive within the hearts and minds of Muslims to carry the burden of the Palestinian people, to speak their truth and fight for their freedom has not been extinguished.

It is sustained by faith, shared memory, and the belief that justice is not a slogan but a sacred duty. We ask Allah for continued guidance and protection, and the strength to continue this noble and just cause. Ameen.

Dr Shadee Elmasry has taught at several universities in the United States. Currently, he serves as scholar in residence at the New Brunswick Islamic Center in New Jersey. He is also the founder and head of Safina Society, an institution dedicated to the cause of traditional Islamic education in the West. This article was first published by The New Arab.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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How Not to Reform a University: Trump’s Harvard Obsession https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/24/how-not-to-reform-a-university-trumps-harvard-obsession/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/24/how-not-to-reform-a-university-trumps-harvard-obsession/#respond Thu, 24 Jul 2025 13:00:41 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=160139 The messy scrap between the Trump administration and Harvard University was always more than a touch bizarre. On June 4, President Donald Trump issued a proclamation claiming that the university was “no longer a trustworthy steward of international student and exchange visitor programs.” It had not pursued the Student Exchange Visa Program (SEVP) in good […]

The post How Not to Reform a University: Trump’s Harvard Obsession first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
The messy scrap between the Trump administration and Harvard University was always more than a touch bizarre. On June 4, President Donald Trump issued a proclamation claiming that the university was “no longer a trustworthy steward of international student and exchange visitor programs.” It had not pursued the Student Exchange Visa Program (SEVP) in good faith and with transparency, nor adhered “to the relevant regulatory frameworks.” The university had failed to furnish the government with sufficient information “to identify and address misconduct”, thereby presenting “an unacceptable risk to our Nation’s security”.

The nature of that misconduct lay in foreign students supposedly engaged in any number of scurrilous acts vaguely described as “known illegal activity”, “known dangerous and violent activity”, “known threats to other students or university personnel”, “known deprivation of rights of other classmates or university personnel”, and whether those activities “occurred on campus”. Harvard had failed to provide any useful data on the “disciplinary records” of such students. (The information on the three miscreants supplied in the lists was not just inadequate but useless.) Just to make Trump foam further, Harvard had “also developed extensive entanglements with foreign countries, including our adversaries” and flouted “the civil rights of students and faculty, triggering multiple Federal investigations.” While the proclamation avoids explicitly mentioning it, the throbbing subtext here is the caricatured concern that the university has not adequately addressed antisemitism.

In various splenetic statements, the President has made no secret of his views on the university. On Truth Social, we find him berating the institution for “hiring almost all woke, Radical left, idiots and ‘birdbrains’”. The university was also hectored through April by the multi-agency Task Force to Combat Anti-Semitism to alter its governance processes, admissions and hiring policies, and academic programs. The administration demanded via an April 11 letter to Harvard’s president that a third party be hired to “audit” the views of students, faculty, and staff to satisfy government notions of “viewpoint diversity” that would also include the expulsion of specific students and the review of “faculty hires”.  Extraordinarily, the administration demanded that the audit “proceed on a department-by-department, field-by-field, or teaching-unit-by-teaching-unit basis as appropriate.” Harvard’s refusal to accede to such demands led to a freezing of over $2.2 billion in federal funding.

On May 22, the Department of Homeland Security cancelled Harvard’s means of enrolling students through the SEVP program or employing J-1 non-immigrants under the Exchange Visitor Program (EVP). In its May 23 filing in the US District Court for Massachusetts, the university contended that such actions violated the First Amendment, the Due Process Clause, and the Administrative Procedure Act.  They were “in clear retaliation for Harvard exercising its First Amendment rights to reject the government’s demands to control Harvard’s governance, curriculum, and the ‘ideology’ of its faculty and students.”

The June 4 proclamation proved to be another sledgehammer wielded by the executive, barring non-immigrants from pursuing “a course of study at Harvard University [under the SEVP program] or to participate in an exchange visitor program hosted by Harvard University”.  The university successfully secured a temporary restraining order on June 5, preventing the revocation from taking effect. On June 23, US District Judge Allison D. Burroughs granted the university’s request for a preliminary injunction, extending the temporary order. “The case,” wrote Burroughs, “is about core constitutional rights that must be safeguarded: freedom of thought, freedom of expression, and freedom of speech, each of which is a pillar of a functioning democracy and an essential hedge against authoritarianism.” The “misplaced efforts” by the government “to control a reputable academic institution and squelch diverse viewpoints seemingly because they are, in some instances, opposed to this Administration’s own views, threaten these rights.”

On July 21, the parties again clashed, this time over the issue of restoring the funds frozen in federal research grants. Burroughs made no immediate decision on the matter but barely hid her scepticism about the government’s actions and inclinations. “If you can make decisions for reasons oriented around free speech,” she put to Justice Department senior attorney Michael Velchik, “the consequences are staggering to me.”

Harvard’s attorney Steve Lehotsky also argued that the demands of the government impaired the university’s autonomy, going beyond even that of dealing with antisemitism. These included audits of viewpoint diversity among faculty and students, as well as changes to the admissions and hiring processes. The demands constituted “a blatant, unrepentant violation of the First Amendment.” The issue of withdrawing funding was also argued to be a violation of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which requires an investigation, the holding of a hearing, and the release of findings before such a decision is made.

Velchik, very much in the mood for sophistry, made less of the antisemitism issue than that of contractual interpretation. Under government contracts with institutions, language always existed that permitted the withdrawal of funding at any time.

If Trump were serious about the MAGA brand, then attacking universities, notably those like Harvard, must count as an act of monumental self-harm. Such institutions are joined hip and all to the military-industrial-education complex, keeping America gorged with its complement of engineers, scientists, and imperial propagandists.

Harvard has also shown itself willing to march to the music of the Israel lobby, which happily provides funds for the institution. The extent of that influence was made clear by a decision by the university’s own Kennedy School to deny a fellowship to Kenneth Roth, the former head of Human Rights Watch, in early 2023. While the decision by the morally flabby dean, Douglas Elmendorf, was reversed following much outrage, the School had displayed its gaudy colours. Little wonder, given the presence of the Wexner Foundation, which is responsible for sponsoring the attendance of top-ranked Israeli generals and national security experts in a Master’s Degree program in public administration at the university.

Trump is partially right to claim that universities and their governance structures are in need of a severe dusting down. But he has shown no interest in identifying the actual problem. How wonderful, yet unlikely, it would be to see actual reforms in university policies that demilitarize funding in favor of an enlightened curriculum that abhors war.

The post How Not to Reform a University: Trump’s Harvard Obsession first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Binoy Kampmark.

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From Personal Development to Human Development https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/23/from-personal-development-to-human-development/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/23/from-personal-development-to-human-development/#respond Wed, 23 Jul 2025 13:00:34 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=160118 Leonardo da Vinci’s extensive studies of human anatomy were hundreds of years ahead of their time. (Image by Wikimedia Commons, Leonardo da Vinci.) At the third assembly of the World Humanist Forum on July 19, Antonio Carvallo proposed the creation of a new working table on the theme of Personal Development. During his presentation, a spark […]

The post From Personal Development to Human Development first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>

LeonardoHero.width-505.jpeg Leonardo da Vinci’s extensive studies of human anatomy were hundreds of years ahead of their time. (Image by Wikimedia Commons, Leonardo da Vinci.)

At the third assembly of the World Humanist Forum on July 19, Antonio Carvallo proposed the creation of a new working table on the theme of Personal Development. During his presentation, a spark caught my attention. He remarked that, for over 5,000 years, humanity has devoted nearly all its energy to understanding and developing the external world, while neglecting its own internal development as human beings.

Here we are today, with astonishing technological, scientific, intellectual, and social capacities. We can split atoms, map genomes, and communicate instantly across the planet. Yet, in comparison, our understanding of how we function internally as human beings remains painfully limited. Human beings are still too often treated as tools, valued mainly for their capacity to produce and consume.

Ask a teenager what they plan to do with their life, and the question is typically understood to mean: What job will you have? Life becomes synonymous with work. You study in order to work, you work most of your life, and eventually retire—often exhausted and disillusioned. Fulfillment is closely tied to career success, even in a dysfunctional society or a toxic workplace.
Meanwhile, mental health statistics in Western society point to a deep and growing crisis:

    • In 2022, around 59.3 million U.S. adults (≈23.1%) experienced some form of mental illness.
    • In 2022, 15.4 million adults (6%) experienced serious mental illness.
    • In 2022, the CDC reported 49,449 suicide deaths in the United States—about a 3% increase from 48,183 in 2021, marking a record high.

Is this not a dramatic expression of unresolved internal conflict?

Why has internal development been so undervalued? It almost seems like there’s a global conspiracy against it. Most religions begin with an internal experience, but over time, they become increasingly outward-facing — placing God in the sky, focusing on external rituals, and obsessing over food or rules. Political ideologies like Marxism often fail to explore the role of violence, fear, and meaning in how we organize ourselves. Even in the modern “self-help” industry, personal growth is often framed as a way to “optimize performance” within the same dehumanizing structures that cause suffering.

Ask someone, “How do you deal with fear?” Most will struggle to answer. People have no internal tools or language to face and transform their fear. Fear becomes a tool used by the system to control everyday life: we fear being fired, not having enough money, not being loved, being “too much” or “not enough.”

Why are so many people exhausted? What do we actually know about our internal energy — how to cultivate it, renew it, and direct it? These are fundamental questions central to our survival and evolution, and yet society rarely addresses them.

Let’s be clear: we are not proposing personal development so that people can function better in this dehumanized system. True personal development is about changing the focus of our lives entirely. Nothing meaningful can be transformed in the world until we internalize our knowledge of what it means to be human, recognize that life has meaning beyond labor and consumption, and free ourselves from the illusion of fear.

Peace is not the absence of war. It is an internal state of being.

Imagine what it would mean for 8 billion people to embark on a path of self-understanding, learning to overcome pain and suffering, seeing money not as an end in itself but as a tool to humanize the Earth. Imagine if self-knowledge were approached with the same discipline, care, and passion as a musician practices an instrument.

Education must evolve. It must be rooted in the development of the whole human being. Reconciling with oneself should be the first step. The world we long for must first take root within ourselves—only then can we co-create it with others.

The post From Personal Development to Human Development first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by David Andersson.

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Trump’s Threat to Bilingual Education https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/22/trumps-threat-to-bilingual-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/22/trumps-threat-to-bilingual-education/#respond Tue, 22 Jul 2025 21:16:48 +0000 https://progressive.org/op-eds/trump%E2%80%99s-threat-to-bilingual-education-saxton-20250722/
This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Linnea Saxton.

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Pacific leaders demand respectful involvement in memorial for unmarked graves https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/21/pacific-leaders-demand-respectful-involvement-in-memorial-for-unmarked-graves/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/21/pacific-leaders-demand-respectful-involvement-in-memorial-for-unmarked-graves/#respond Mon, 21 Jul 2025 06:35:15 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=117582 By Mary Afemata, of PMN News and RNZ Pacific

Porirua City Council is set to create a memorial for more than 1800 former patients of the local hospital buried in unmarked graves. But Pacific leaders are asking to be “meaningfully involved” in the process, including incorporating prayer, language, and ceremonial practices.

More than 50 people gathered at Porirua Cemetery last month after the council’s plans became public, many of whom are descendants of those buried without headstones.

Cemeteries Manager Daniel Chrisp said it was encouraging to see families engaging with the project.

Chrisp’s team has placed 99 pegs to mark the graves of families who have come forward so far. One attendee told him that it was deeply moving to photograph the site where two relatives were buried.

“It’s fantastic that we’ve got to this point, having the descendants of those in unmarked graves encouraged to be involved,” he said.

“These plots represent mothers, fathers, brothers, sisters, children and other relatives, so it’s important to a lot of people.”

The Porirua Lunatic Asylum, which later became Porirua Hospital, operated from 1887 until the 1990s. At its peak in the 1960s, it was one of Aotearoa New Zealand’s largest hospitals, housing more than 2000 patients and staff.

As part of the Royal Commission of Inquiry into Abuse in Care, the government has established a national fund for headstones for unmarked graves.

Porirua City Council has applied for $200,000 to install a memorial that will list every known name.

Some pegs that mark the resting places of former patients buried in unmarked graves.
Some pegs that mark the resting places of former patients buried in unmarked graves at Porirua Cemetery. Image: Porirua Council/RNZ/LDR

Criticism over lack of Pacific consultation
Some Pacific community leaders say they were never consulted, despite Pacific people among the deceased.

Porirua Cook Islands Association chairperson Teurukura Tia Kekena said this was the first she had heard of the project, and she was concerned Pacific communities had not been included in conversations so far.

“If there was any unmarked grave and the Porirua City Council is aware of the names, I would have thought they would have contacted the ethnic groups these people belonged to,” she said.

“From a Cook Islands point of view, we need to acknowledge these people. They need to be fully acknowledged.”

Kekena learned about the project only after being contacted by a reporter, despite the council’s ongoing efforts to identify names and place markers for families who have come forward.

The council’s application for funding is part of its response to the Royal Commission of Inquiry.

A photograph shows Porirua Hospital in the early 1900s. Photo/Porirua City Council
A photograph shows Porirua Hospital in the early 1900s. Image: Porirua City Council/LDR

Kekena said it was important how the council managed the memorial, adding that it mattered deeply for Cook Islands families and the wider Pacific community, especially those with relatives buried at the site.

Reflect Pacific values
She believed that a proper memorial should reflect Pacific values, particularly the importance of faith, family, and cultural protocol.

“It’s huge. It’s connecting us to these people,” she said. “Just thinking about it is getting me emotional.

“Like I said, the Pākehā way of acknowledging is totally different from our way. When we acknowledge, when we go for an unveiling, it’s about family. It’s about family. It’s about family honouring the person that had passed.

“And we do it in a way that we have a service at the graveside with the orometua [minister] present. Yeah, unveil the stone by the family, by the immediate family, if there were any here at that time.”

She also underscored the connection between remembering the deceased and healing intergenerational trauma, particularly given the site’s history with mental health.

Healing the trauma
“It helps a lot. It’s a way of healing the trauma. I don’t know how these people came to be buried in an unmarked grave, but to me, it’s like they were just put there and forgotten about.

“I wouldn’t like to have my family buried in a place and be forgotten.”

Kekena urged the council to work closely with the Cook Islands community moving forward and said she would bring the matter back to her association to raise awareness and check possible connections between local families and the names identified.

Yvonne Underhill‑Sem, a Cook Islands community leader and professor of Pacific Studies at the University of Auckland, said the memorial had emotional significance, noting her personal connection to Whenua Tapu as a Porirua native.

“In terms of our Pacific understandings of ancestry, everybody who passes away is still part of our whānau. The fact that we don’t know who they are is unsettling,” she said.

“It would be a real relief to the families involved and to the generations that follow to have those graves named.”

Council reponse
A Porirua City Council spokesperson said they had been actively sharing the list of names with the public and encouraged all communities — including Pacific groups, genealogists, and local iwi — to help spread the word.

So far, 99 families have come forward.

“We would encourage any networks such as Pacific, genealogists and local iwi to share the list around for members of the public to get in touch,” the spokesperson said.

The list of names is available on the council’s website and includes both a downloadable file and a searchable online tool here.

Porirua councillors Izzy Ford and Moze Galo say the memorial must reflect Pacific values.
Porirua councillors Izzy Ford and Moze Galo say the memorial must reflect Pacific values. Image: Porirua Council/RNZ/LDR

Porirua councillors Izzy Ford and Moze Galo, two of the three Pacific members on the council, said Pacific families must be central to the memorial process. Ford said burial sites carried deep cultural weight for Pacific communities.

“We know that burial sites are more than just places of rest, they are sacred spaces that hold our stories, our ancestry and dignity — they are our connection to those who came before us.”

She said public notices and websites were not enough.

“If we are serious about finding the families of those buried in unmarked graves here in Porirua, we have to go beyond public notices and websites.”

Funding limited
Ford said government funding would be limited, and the council must work with trusted Pacific networks to reach families.

“It means partnering with groups who carry trust in our community . . . Pacific churches, elders, and organisations, communicating in our languages through Pacific radio, social media, community events, churches, and health providers.”

Galo agreed and said the memorial must reflect Pacific values in both design and feeling.

“It should feel warm, colourful, spiritual, and welcoming. Include Pacific designs, carvings, and symbols . . .  there should be room for prayer, music, and quiet reflection,” he said.

“Being seen and heard brings healing, honour, and helps restore our connection to our ancestors. It reminds our families that we belong, that our history matters, and that our voice is valued in this space.”

Galo said the work must continue beyond the unveiling.

“Community involvement shouldn’t stop after the memorial is built, we should have a role in how it’s maintained and used in the future.

“These were real people, with families, love, and lives that mattered. Some were buried without names, without ceremony, and that left a deep pain. Honouring them now is a step toward healing, and a way of saying, you were never forgotten.”

Members of the public who recognise a family name on the list are encouraged to get in touch by emailing cemeteries@poriruacity.govt.nz.

LDR is local body journalism co-funded by RNZ and NZ On Air. Asia Pacific Report is a partner in the project.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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The Militarization and Weaponization of Media Literacy: NATO Invades the Classroom https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/16/the-militarization-and-weaponization-of-media-literacy-nato-invades-the-classroom/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/16/the-militarization-and-weaponization-of-media-literacy-nato-invades-the-classroom/#respond Wed, 16 Jul 2025 16:11:59 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=159940 During President Donald Trump’s second term, education has remained a central battleground in American politics. Republicans claim that classrooms have become hotbeds of “woke” indoctrination, accusing educators of promoting progressive agendas and tolerating antisemitism. In contrast, Democrats argue that conservatives are systematically defunding and dismantling public and higher education precisely because it teaches values like diversity, equity, and inclusion. […]

The post The Militarization and Weaponization of Media Literacy: NATO Invades the Classroom first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
During President Donald Trump’s second term, education has remained a central battleground in American politics. Republicans claim that classrooms have become hotbeds of “woke” indoctrination, accusing educators of promoting progressive agendas and tolerating antisemitism. In contrast, Democrats argue that conservatives are systematically defunding and dismantling public and higher education precisely because it teaches values like diversity, equity, and inclusion. While these partisan skirmishes dominate headlines, they obscure a much deeper and more enduring issue that encompasses all of these issues and more: the influence of corporate and military power on public education.

For decades, scholars have warned that corporations have steadily infiltrated the classroom—not to promote critical thinking or democratic values, but to cultivate ideologies that reinforce capitalism, nationalism, and militarism. Critical media literacy educators, in particular, have drawn attention to the convergence of tech firms and military entities in education, offering so-called “free” digital tools that often serve as Trojan horses for data collection and ideological control.

One striking example is the rise of programs like NewsGuard, which uses public fears over fake news to justify increased surveillance of students’ online activity. Relatedly, in 2018, the Atlantic Council partnered with Meta to perform “fact-checking” on platforms such as Facebook. In 2022, the US Marine Corps discussed developing media literacy training. It remains to be seen what training, if any, they will develop. However, what is known is that a large global player has entered the media literacy arena: the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). While NATO presents its initiatives as supportive of media literacy and democratic education, these efforts appear to be oriented more toward reinforcing alignment with its strategic and political priorities than to fostering critical civic engagement.

NATO was created in 1949, during the Cold War, as a military alliance to contain communism. Although the war officially ended in 1991, NATO has expanded both its mission and membership. Today, it encompasses more than thirty member nations and continues to frame itself as a global force for peace, democracy, and security. But this self-image masks real conflicts of interest.

NATO is deeply intertwined with powerful nation-states and corporate actors. It routinely partners with defense contractors, tech firms, think tanks, and Western governments—all of which have a vested interest in maintaining specific political and economic systems. These relationships raise concerns when NATO extends its reach into education. Can a military alliance—closely linked to the defense industry and state propaganda—credibly serve as a neutral force in media education?

In 2022, NATO associates collaborated with the US-based Center for Media Literacy (CML) to launch a media literacy initiative framed as a strategic defense against misinformation. The initiative included a report titled Building Resiliency: Media Literacy as a Strategic Defense Strategy for the Transatlantic, authored by CML’s Tessa Jolls. It was accompanied by a series of webinars featuring military personnel, policy experts, and academics.

On the surface, the initiative appeared to promote digital literacy and civic engagement. But a closer look reveals a clear ideological agenda. Funded and organized by NATO, the initiative positioned media literacy not as a means of empowering students to think critically about how power shapes media, but as a defense strategy to protect NATO member states from so-called “hostile actors.” The curriculum emphasized surveillance, resilience, and behavior modification over reflection, analysis, and democratic dialogue.

Throughout their webinars, NATO representatives described the media environment as a battlefield, frequently using other war metaphors such as “hostile information activities” and “cognitive warfare.” Panelists argued that citizens in NATO countries were targets of foreign disinformation campaigns—and that media literacy could serve as a tool to inoculate them against ideological threats.

A critical review of NATO’s media literacy initiative reveals several troubling themes. First, it frames media literacy as a protectionist project rather than an educational one. Students are portrayed less as thinkers to be empowered and more as civilians to be monitored, molded, and managed. In this model, education becomes a form of top-down, preemptive defense, relying on expert guidance and military oversight rather than democratic participation.

Second, the initiative advances a distinctly neoliberal worldview. It emphasizes individual responsibility over structural analysis. In other words, misinformation is treated as a user error, rather than the result of flawed systems, corporate algorithms, or media consolidation. This framing conveniently absolves powerful actors, including NATO and Big Tech, of their role in producing or amplifying disinformation.

Third, the initiative promotes a contradictory definition of empowerment. While the report and webinars often use the language of “citizen empowerment,” they ultimately advocate for surveillance, censorship, and ideological conformity. Panelists call for NATO to “dominate” the information space, and some even propose systems to monitor students’ attitudes and online behaviors. Rather than encouraging students to question power—including NATO itself—this approach rewards obedience and penalizes dissent.

Finally, the initiative erases the influence of corporate power. Although it criticizes authoritarian regimes and “hostile actors,” it fails to examine the role that Western corporations, particularly tech companies, play in shaping media environments. This oversight is especially problematic given that many of these corporations are NATO’s partners. By ignoring the political economy of media, the initiative offers an incomplete and ideologically skewed version of media literacy.

NATO’s foray into media literacy education represents a new frontier in militarized pedagogy. While claiming to promote democracy and resilience, its initiative advances a narrow, protectionist, and neoliberal approach that prioritizes NATO’s geopolitical goals over student empowerment.

This should raise red flags for educators, policymakers, and advocates. Media literacy is not a neutral practice. The organizations that design and fund media literacy programs inevitably shape the goals and methods of those programs. When a military alliance like NATO promotes media education, it brings with it a strategic interest in ideological control.

Educators must ask: What kind of media literacy are we teaching—and whose interests does it serve? If the goal is to produce informed, critically thinking citizens capable of questioning power in all its forms, then NATO’s approach falls short. Instead of inviting students to explore complex media systems, it simplifies them into a binary struggle between “us” and “them,” encouraging loyalty over literacy.

True media literacy must begin with transparency about who and what is behind the curriculum. It must empower students to question all forms of influence—governmental, corporate, and military alike. And it must resist the creeping presence of militarism in our classrooms. As educators, we must defend the right to question, not just the messages we see, but the institutions that shape them.

This essay was originally published here:

The Militarization and Weaponization of Media Literacy

 

The post The Militarization and Weaponization of Media Literacy: NATO Invades the Classroom first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Nolan Higdon and Sydney Sullivan.

]]>
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The Militarization and Weaponization of Media Literacy: NATO Invades the Classroom https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/16/the-militarization-and-weaponization-of-media-literacy-nato-invades-the-classroom-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/16/the-militarization-and-weaponization-of-media-literacy-nato-invades-the-classroom-2/#respond Wed, 16 Jul 2025 16:11:59 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=159940 During President Donald Trump’s second term, education has remained a central battleground in American politics. Republicans claim that classrooms have become hotbeds of “woke” indoctrination, accusing educators of promoting progressive agendas and tolerating antisemitism. In contrast, Democrats argue that conservatives are systematically defunding and dismantling public and higher education precisely because it teaches values like diversity, equity, and inclusion. […]

The post The Militarization and Weaponization of Media Literacy: NATO Invades the Classroom first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
During President Donald Trump’s second term, education has remained a central battleground in American politics. Republicans claim that classrooms have become hotbeds of “woke” indoctrination, accusing educators of promoting progressive agendas and tolerating antisemitism. In contrast, Democrats argue that conservatives are systematically defunding and dismantling public and higher education precisely because it teaches values like diversity, equity, and inclusion. While these partisan skirmishes dominate headlines, they obscure a much deeper and more enduring issue that encompasses all of these issues and more: the influence of corporate and military power on public education.

For decades, scholars have warned that corporations have steadily infiltrated the classroom—not to promote critical thinking or democratic values, but to cultivate ideologies that reinforce capitalism, nationalism, and militarism. Critical media literacy educators, in particular, have drawn attention to the convergence of tech firms and military entities in education, offering so-called “free” digital tools that often serve as Trojan horses for data collection and ideological control.

One striking example is the rise of programs like NewsGuard, which uses public fears over fake news to justify increased surveillance of students’ online activity. Relatedly, in 2018, the Atlantic Council partnered with Meta to perform “fact-checking” on platforms such as Facebook. In 2022, the US Marine Corps discussed developing media literacy training. It remains to be seen what training, if any, they will develop. However, what is known is that a large global player has entered the media literacy arena: the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). While NATO presents its initiatives as supportive of media literacy and democratic education, these efforts appear to be oriented more toward reinforcing alignment with its strategic and political priorities than to fostering critical civic engagement.

NATO was created in 1949, during the Cold War, as a military alliance to contain communism. Although the war officially ended in 1991, NATO has expanded both its mission and membership. Today, it encompasses more than thirty member nations and continues to frame itself as a global force for peace, democracy, and security. But this self-image masks real conflicts of interest.

NATO is deeply intertwined with powerful nation-states and corporate actors. It routinely partners with defense contractors, tech firms, think tanks, and Western governments—all of which have a vested interest in maintaining specific political and economic systems. These relationships raise concerns when NATO extends its reach into education. Can a military alliance—closely linked to the defense industry and state propaganda—credibly serve as a neutral force in media education?

In 2022, NATO associates collaborated with the US-based Center for Media Literacy (CML) to launch a media literacy initiative framed as a strategic defense against misinformation. The initiative included a report titled Building Resiliency: Media Literacy as a Strategic Defense Strategy for the Transatlantic, authored by CML’s Tessa Jolls. It was accompanied by a series of webinars featuring military personnel, policy experts, and academics.

On the surface, the initiative appeared to promote digital literacy and civic engagement. But a closer look reveals a clear ideological agenda. Funded and organized by NATO, the initiative positioned media literacy not as a means of empowering students to think critically about how power shapes media, but as a defense strategy to protect NATO member states from so-called “hostile actors.” The curriculum emphasized surveillance, resilience, and behavior modification over reflection, analysis, and democratic dialogue.

Throughout their webinars, NATO representatives described the media environment as a battlefield, frequently using other war metaphors such as “hostile information activities” and “cognitive warfare.” Panelists argued that citizens in NATO countries were targets of foreign disinformation campaigns—and that media literacy could serve as a tool to inoculate them against ideological threats.

A critical review of NATO’s media literacy initiative reveals several troubling themes. First, it frames media literacy as a protectionist project rather than an educational one. Students are portrayed less as thinkers to be empowered and more as civilians to be monitored, molded, and managed. In this model, education becomes a form of top-down, preemptive defense, relying on expert guidance and military oversight rather than democratic participation.

Second, the initiative advances a distinctly neoliberal worldview. It emphasizes individual responsibility over structural analysis. In other words, misinformation is treated as a user error, rather than the result of flawed systems, corporate algorithms, or media consolidation. This framing conveniently absolves powerful actors, including NATO and Big Tech, of their role in producing or amplifying disinformation.

Third, the initiative promotes a contradictory definition of empowerment. While the report and webinars often use the language of “citizen empowerment,” they ultimately advocate for surveillance, censorship, and ideological conformity. Panelists call for NATO to “dominate” the information space, and some even propose systems to monitor students’ attitudes and online behaviors. Rather than encouraging students to question power—including NATO itself—this approach rewards obedience and penalizes dissent.

Finally, the initiative erases the influence of corporate power. Although it criticizes authoritarian regimes and “hostile actors,” it fails to examine the role that Western corporations, particularly tech companies, play in shaping media environments. This oversight is especially problematic given that many of these corporations are NATO’s partners. By ignoring the political economy of media, the initiative offers an incomplete and ideologically skewed version of media literacy.

NATO’s foray into media literacy education represents a new frontier in militarized pedagogy. While claiming to promote democracy and resilience, its initiative advances a narrow, protectionist, and neoliberal approach that prioritizes NATO’s geopolitical goals over student empowerment.

This should raise red flags for educators, policymakers, and advocates. Media literacy is not a neutral practice. The organizations that design and fund media literacy programs inevitably shape the goals and methods of those programs. When a military alliance like NATO promotes media education, it brings with it a strategic interest in ideological control.

Educators must ask: What kind of media literacy are we teaching—and whose interests does it serve? If the goal is to produce informed, critically thinking citizens capable of questioning power in all its forms, then NATO’s approach falls short. Instead of inviting students to explore complex media systems, it simplifies them into a binary struggle between “us” and “them,” encouraging loyalty over literacy.

True media literacy must begin with transparency about who and what is behind the curriculum. It must empower students to question all forms of influence—governmental, corporate, and military alike. And it must resist the creeping presence of militarism in our classrooms. As educators, we must defend the right to question, not just the messages we see, but the institutions that shape them.

This essay was originally published here:

The Militarization and Weaponization of Media Literacy

 

The post The Militarization and Weaponization of Media Literacy: NATO Invades the Classroom first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Nolan Higdon and Sydney Sullivan.

]]>
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Sotomayor: Supreme Court expedites Trump ‘lawlessness’ with Education Department decision https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/15/sotomayor-supreme-court-expedites-trump-lawlessness-with-education-department-decision/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/15/sotomayor-supreme-court-expedites-trump-lawlessness-with-education-department-decision/#respond Tue, 15 Jul 2025 18:00:20 +0000 https://therealnews.com/?p=335501 Parents, educators, community leaders, and elected officials attend a rally outside the U.S. Capitol to defend public education ahead of Secretary of Education nominee Linda McMahon’s confirmation hearing on February 12, 2025 in Washington, DC. Photo by Paul Morigi/Getty Images for National Education Association"That decision is indefensible," the justice wrote. "It hands the executive the power to repeal statutes by firing all those necessary to carry them out."]]> Parents, educators, community leaders, and elected officials attend a rally outside the U.S. Capitol to defend public education ahead of Secretary of Education nominee Linda McMahon’s confirmation hearing on February 12, 2025 in Washington, DC. Photo by Paul Morigi/Getty Images for National Education Association
Common Dreams Logo

This story originally appeared in Common Dreams on July 14, 2025. It is shared here with permission.

U.S. Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor on Monday delivered a blistering dissent to an emergency decision that enables President Donald Trump to plow ahead with laying off nearly 1,400 employees at the Department of Education while a case challenging the plan plays out.

“This case arises out of the president’s unilateral efforts to eliminate a Cabinet-level agency established by Congress nearly half a century ago,” wrote Sotomayor, joined by her liberals, Justices Elena Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson. “As Congress mandated, the department plays a vital role in this nation’s education system, safeguarding equal access to learning and channeling billions of dollars to schools and students across the country each year.”

“Only Congress has the power to abolish the department,” she continued, calling out Trump’s executive order and Education Secretary Linda McMahon’s subsequent move to fire half the agency’s workforce. “When the executive publicly announces its intent to break the law, and then executes on that promise, it is the judiciary’s duty to check that lawlessness, not expedite it.”

Sotomayor explained that “two lower courts rose to the occasion, preliminarily enjoining the mass firings while the litigation remains ongoing. Rather than maintain the status quo, however, this court now intervenes, lifting the injunction and permitting the government to proceed with dismantling the department.”

“That decision is indefensible,” she argued. “It hands the executive the power to repeal statutes by firing all those necessary to carry them out. The majority is either willfully blind to the implications of its ruling or naive, but either way the threat to our Constitution’s separation of powers is grave. Unable to join in this misuse of our emergency docket, I respectfully dissent.”

If a Democratic president declared his intention to unilaterally shut down the Department of Homeland Security, then attempted to transfer or shutter its key offices and decimate its workforce, does anyone seriously think this Supreme Court would let him?

Mark Joseph Stern (@mjsdc.bsky.social) 2025-07-14T19:51:15.409Z

The high court’s right-wing majority—which includes three Trump appointees—did not write an opinion, as is customary for shadow docket decisions. The administration responded by pledging to proceed with its efforts to eviscerate the department.

“It is a shame that the highest court in the land had to step in to allow President Trump to advance the reforms Americans elected him to deliver using the authorities granted to him by the U.S. Constitution,” McMahon said in a statement. “We will carry out the reduction in force to promote efficiency and accountability and to ensure resources are directed where they matter most – to students, parents, and teachers.”

Supreme Court says the president can’t abolish student debt, but he CAN abolish the Department of Education.This isn’t hypocrisy. It’s end times fascism—a fatalistic politics willing torch the government and incinerate the future to maintain hierarchy and subvert democracy.

Astra Taylor (@astra.bsky.social) 2025-07-14T20:32:01.105Z

McMahon and Trump’s mass firing effort—part of a broader effort to shutter the department—had been blocked by a U.S. district court in Massachusetts and the 1st Circuit Court of Appeals in response to a lawsuit in which Democracy Forward is representing a coalition that includes the American Federation of Teachers and Service Employees International Union.

“We are incredibly disappointed by the Supreme Court’s decision to allow the Trump-Vance administration to proceed with its harmful efforts to dismantle the Department of Education while our case moves forward,” the coalition said in a Monday statement. “This unlawful plan will immediately and irreparably harm students, educators, and communities across our nation.”

“Children will be among those hurt the most by this decision,” the coalition stressed. “We will never stop fighting on behalf of all students and public schools and the protections, services, and resources they need to thrive.”

The Associated Press reported that “separately on Monday, more than 20 states sued the administration over billions of dollars in frozen education funding for after-school care, summer programs, and more.”


This content originally appeared on The Real News Network and was authored by Jessica Corbett.

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A Battle for Humane Consciousness in a War Against Truth: Exposing the Dark Arts of War https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/30/a-battle-for-humane-consciousness-in-a-war-against-truth-exposing-the-dark-arts-of-war/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/30/a-battle-for-humane-consciousness-in-a-war-against-truth-exposing-the-dark-arts-of-war/#respond Mon, 30 Jun 2025 13:04:12 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=159502 The total liberation and unification of Africa under an All-African Socialist Government must be the primary objective of all Black revolutionaries throughout the world. It is an objective which, when achieved, will bring about the fulfillment of the aspirations of Africans and people of African descent everywhere. It will at the same time advance the […]

The post A Battle for Humane Consciousness in a War Against Truth: Exposing the Dark Arts of War first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
The total liberation and unification of Africa under an All-African Socialist Government must be the primary objective of all Black revolutionaries throughout the world. It is an objective which, when achieved, will bring about the fulfillment of the aspirations of Africans and people of African descent everywhere. It will at the same time advance the triumph of the international socialist revolution, and the onward progress towards world communism, under which, every society is ordered on the principle of –from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs.
— Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah

Jeremy Kuzmarov was kind to spend an hour with me, since I am much more polemical and hyperbolic than his measured writing belies. I’ve written numerous times why it is I am now switched to write THAT way, and there is no need for me to defend my rhetoric and utilizing some of the 11 forms of propaganda Edward Bernays and Goebbels and Madison Avenue and Hasbara Industry deploy.

We talked about his new book, Warmonger: How Clinton’s Malign Foreign Policy Launched the US Trajectory from Bush II to Biden, Clarity Press, Inc., 2023.

Here, this book is divided into thirteen chapters and provides a comprehensive overview of Clinton’s foreign policy across the globe. Utilizing archival research from the Clinton Presidential Library, oral history interviews, alongside a plethora of newspapers and scholarship focusing on the 1990s, Kuzmarov provides succinct overviews of high-profile and well-known events, such as genocide in the Balkans and in Rwanda, and lesser-known case studies such as the administration’s disastrous reworking of the Russian economy or Clinton’s support for dictators in Africa. Kuzmarov makes the salient point that despite rhetoric to the contrary, Clinton was never interested in human rights or humanitarianism when it came to intervention. Rather, the administration was quick to set aside human rights when it served its interests.

Cover of Warmonger (photo of Bill Clinton)

With those Clinton years, we have had the perfect caldron of the witch’s and devil’s brew of a slim-ball, a Cecil Rhodes and Chatam House rodent, and not America’s first Black or Republican president, Clinton working his dark arts with the neo-cons and neoliberals and the imperialists.

Here’s the book’s blurb:

During the 2016 presidential election, many younger voters repudiated Hillary Clinton because of her husband’s support for mass incarceration, banking deregulation and free-trade agreements that led many U.S. jobs to be shipped overseas. Warmonger: How Clinton’s Malign Foreign Policy Launched the Trajectory from Bush II to Biden, shows that Clinton’s foreign policy was just as bad as his domestic policy. Cultivating an image as a former anti-Vietnam War activist to win over the aging hippie set in his early years, as president, Clinton bombed six countries and, by the end of his first term, had committed U.S. troops to 25 separate military operations, compared to 17 in Ronald Reagan’s two terms. Clinton further expanded America’s covert empire of overseas surveillance outposts and spying and increased the budget for intelligence spending and the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), a CIA offshoot which promoted regime change in foreign nations.

The latter was not surprising because, according to CIA operative Cord Meyer Jr., Clinton had been recruited into the CIA while a Rhodes Scholar at Oxford, and as Governor of Arkansas in the 1980s he had allowed clandestine arms and drug flights to Nicaraguan counter-revolutionaries (Contras) backed by the CIA to be taken from Mena Airport in the western part of the state. Rather than being a time of tranquility when the U.S. failed to pay attention to the gathering storm of terrorism, as New York Times columnist David Brooks frames it, the Clinton presidency saw rising tensions among the U.S., China and Russia because of Clinton’s malign foreign policies, and U.S. complicity in terrorist acts.

In so many ways, Clinton’s presidency set the groundwork for the disasters that were to follow under Bush II, Obama, Trump, and Biden. It was Clinton―building off of Reagan―who first waged a War on Terror ridden with double standards, one that adopted terror tactics, including extraordinary rendition, bombing and the use of drones. It was Clinton who cried wolf about human rights abuses and the need to protect beleaguered peoples from genocide to justify military intervention in a post-Cold War age. And it was Clinton’s administration that pressed for regime change in Iraq and raised public alarm about the mythic WMDs―all while relying on fancy new military technologies and private military contractors to distance US shady military interventions from the public to limit dissent.

We spent a lot of time looking at the history of Covert Action Bulletin. We talked about language, the so-called alternative press, what real liberalism was and how liberalism now is an evil spin factory of the neoliberal variety.

    • controlled opposition
    • limited hangout
  • Discredit, disrupt, and destroy
  • Operation Paperclip
  • ECHELON
  • MKUltra
  • DARPA

The list goes on and on and on. Phoenix Program? We know Covert Programs need Covert Action.

LANGUAGE. That whole concept of people berating me for reading CAM articles, for citing guys like William Blum or Douglas Valentine or Jeremy, it’s all based on the language of the oppressed, the amnesiac, colonized, lobotomized, brainwashed, miseducated, anesthetized.

The idea of the CIA being the premier agency of no good, murder incorporated, full of machinations on economic hits and country destabilization.

Yes, the Mossad has taken CIA and British intelligence agencies up a few notches, but we both agree that this was planned, or part of the plan.

You can go to Covert Action Magazine and hit any number of topic arenas you might fancy as your primary interest: social justice issues including intervention, war, covert action, intelligence, political economy, imperialism, labor, repression, surveillance, media, racial justice, sexism, environmentalism, and immigration

By Chris Agee

CovertAction Magazine began publishing in 1978 as a newsletter called Covert Action Information Bulletin (CAIB) and later as CovertAction Quarterly (CAQ). The magazine developed a following not as a conspiracy-theory-related publication, but as a source for reliable, consistent, and accurate investigative reporting.

Originally, CAIB was a watchdog journal that focused on the abuses and activities of the CIA, yet it has gradually evolved into a more general, progressive investigative magazine.

CAIB was cofounded and copublished by Ellen Ray, William Schaap, and Louis Wolf, along with former CIA agents such as James and Elsie Wilcott, and Philip Agee, author of Inside the Company: CIA Diary and On The Run.

Following in the tradition of CounterSpy Magazine (1973-1984)—with whom the founders of CAIB had originally worked—highlights of CAIB included the notorious “Naming Names” column, which printed the names of CIA officers under diplomatic cover. These were tracked through exhaustive research in the State Department Biographic Register and various domestic and international diplomatic lists.

This column, and others like it, came to an end in 1982 when the Intelligence Identities Protection Act was signed into law by Ronald Reagan. CAIB had to end the “Naming Names” column, but more significantly, the act required that magazines such as CAIB be more wary about the names they published within the articles of their contributors. This was particularly significant after December 1975 when Richard S. Welch, a CIA station chief, was assassinated in Athens, Greece. CounterSpy was criticized by both the CIA and the press for its exposure of the agent’s name.

While almost every issue focused on the CIA and its activities in regions like Central America and Southeast Asia, CAIB also covered the CIA interference in the domestic media and on university campuses, as well as a wider range of domestic and international political issues. Occasionally, CAIB dedicated entire issues to surveillance technologies, the U.S. prison system, the environment, Mad Cow disease, AIDS, ECHELON, media cover-ups, Iraqi sanctions, and the so-called “war against drugs.”

Contributing authors have included intellectuals, writers, and activists such as Noam Chomsky, Howard Zinn, Michael Parenti, Sara Flounders, Philip Agee, John Pilger, Ramsey Clark, Leonard Peltier, Allen Ginsberg, Diana Johnstone, Laura Flanders, Edward S. Herman, and Ward Churchill.

In 1992with Issue 43, CAIB changed its name to CovertAction Quarterly (CAQ). As a 64 to 78-page magazine published four times a year, the publication became fondly known as the magazine “recommended by Noam Chomsky; targeted by the CIA.” CAQ had a reputation for beating to the punch more mainstream standard-bearers, such as the New York Times.

In 1995, it covered the genocide in Rwanda and U.S. complicity in those events, years before any other publication cared to notice; it ran in-depth investigative articles on the rise of homegrown militias before the Oklahoma bombing; and it was the first U.S. publication to reveal the existence of ECHELON (the security agencies’ surveillance software).

CAQ was the regular recipient of the annual Project Censored awards for the Top 25 Censored Stories.

Twenty-eighteen was the 40th anniversary of the founding of CovertAction and its publisher Covert Action Publications, Inc. Former writers and publishers of CAIB and CAQ relaunched as CovertAction Magazine (CAM).

The relaunch team also intends to publish several books including an annual compilation of the best of CAM, an encyclopedia of espionage and a republication of CIA Diary: Inside the Company and On The Run by Philip Agee, volumes which will include Philip Agee’s iconic articles and papers.

The relaunch team is headed up by the co-founder, publisher and writer, Louis Wolf, as well as our tried and true investigative journalists, professors, organizers, funders, proofreaders and legal representation. The expanded team includes Chris Agee, William Blum, Jack Colhoun, Michel Chossudovsky, Mark Cook, Jennifer Harbury, Bill Montross, Immanuel Ness, James Petras, Karen Ranucci, Stephanie Reich, Hobart Spalding, Victor Wallis and Melvin L. Wulf, all of whom worked with, and/or wrote for, the magazine in the past.

New talent that has come on board for the relaunch include Sam Alcoff, Steve Brown, Tom Burgess, Hester Eisenstein, Victoria Gamez, David Giglio, Josh Klein, Maureen LaMar, Michael Locker, and Chuck Mohan, to name a few.

All together, the expanded team specializes in a variety of social justice issues including intervention, war, covert action, intelligence, political economy, imperialism, labor, repression, surveillance, media, racial justice, sexism, environmentalism, and immigration. See our masthead for more details.

CovertAction Magazine

The archives will illustrate the beginnings of the hard copy newsletter/magazine — Archives /CovertAction Magazine.

Archives - CovertAction Magazine

Interestingly enough, Jeremy has had his hit entry into the propaganda machine, Canary Mission, updated after his article appeared both on his Substack and in CAM: On the One-Year Anniversary of October 7, It is Clear We Were Not Told The Truth

Imagine that title’s subordinate first clause being replaced by any number of topics

  • On the One-Year Anniversary of the Planned SARS-CoV2 pandemic
  • On the One-Year Anniversary of the USS Liberty
  • On the One-Year Anniversary of September 11
  • On the One-Year Anniversary of Gulf on Tonkin
  • On the One-Year Anniversary of War on Terror
  • On the One-Year Anniversary of US Patriot Act
  • On the One-Year Anniversary of Bush, Biden, Obama, Trump Administrations
  • On the One-Year Anniversary of / / /

Pearl Harbor?

A large ship that is being hit by a large ship Description automatically generated with medium confidence

Sinking of the Lusitania?

A large ship in the water Description automatically generated

Atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki?

Atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki - Wikipedia

Here’s Jeremy’s ending to that article:

In that case, a British commission uncovered that the Lusitania—carrying more than 100 American passengers from the U.S. to Europe (over 1,000 died overall)—was rigged with explosives, though the destruction of the ship was blamed on Germany.

Winston Churchill, then the First Lord of the Admiralty, withheld rescue boats to maximize the number of deaths. The aim was to generate enough outrage for the U.S. public to want to go to war against Germany.[5]

Evidence indicates that Benjamin Netanyahu has adopted the same strategy of Winston Churchill and Franklin Roosevelt in sacrificing the lives of his own people in order to arouse enough anger to generate support for war.

Roosevelt and Churchill are today regarded as national heroes in their respective countries, though Netanyahu is likely to go down in history as a villain, along with his American sponsors. This is because the Israelis have failed to earn a heroic victory against Gaza and have horrified much of the world with the atrocities that they have committed.

Overview

Jeremy Kuzmarov spread anti-Israel conspiracy theories during Israel’s war against Hamas. He has also expressed hatred of Israel and is a supporter of the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement.

These Mitzvah Elves, man, this fucking Canary Mission putting thousands of good honest thinkers onto their web site to incite hatred and deplatforming and doxing and you name it:

Continuing with the hateful Canary Mission:

Hatred of Israel

On June 8, 2017, Kuzmarov published an article titled: “Six-Day War A Turning Point In Passionate Attachment To Israel.”

In the article, Kusmarov wrote how the Six-Day War transformed “Israel into an occupier” of “historic Palestine (West Bank and Gaza).”

Kuzmarov further stated in his article:

“The myth of Israel as a humane and embattled David fighting the Arab Goliath has been debunked in recent years, with world opinion expressing growing sympathy for Palestinians living under Israeli occupation.”

Canary Mission - Wikipedia

Read: Who is behind Canary Mission’s anonymous anti-Palestinian blacklisting website? by Hamzah Raza and Max Blumenthal·August 22, 2018

We talked about education, the movement within higher education to suppress and single out and even fire peace activists fighting to expose the lies of Israel, AIPAC, Jewish ties to genocide, both within Israel and outside it.

He’s an adjunct professor at Tulsa Community College, and he says his students in his history courses are for the most part open to learning and getting deep into the reveal, that is, to look at the real history of America, to get to the underbelly and to question their own blinded brainwashing and the grand and meta-hyper narratives of this land tis of thee.

My show, Finding Fringe, airs Wednesdays, 6 pm PST, this one with Jeremy is all the way to Sept. 3. Above is a great line-up via Zoom Doom, with amazing people I have followed over the past few years.

Topics of Discussion:

  • Operation Timber Sycamore – Unpacking the U.S.-backed CIA program and its impact.
  • Empowering al Qaeda – Examining how covert foreign support fueled extremist groups
  • Genocide of Syrian Minorities – Investigating the targeted violence against ethnic and religious communities

Featured Speakers:

  • Dan Kovalik – Human rights lawyer and author
  • Fiorella Isabel – Investigative journalist and analyst
  • Ben Arthur Thomason – Researcher and peace advocate
  • Vanessa Beeley – War correspondent and independent journalist

Tickets: Just $25! All proceeds support CAM’s independent investigative journalism and fundraising initiatives.

*****

Support CAM and send an email to KYAQ and thank them for running my hour-long weekly shows:

KYAQ Radio 91.7 FM

6 pm to 7 Wednesdays

July 2 will be Freedom Farms. Working the soil when leaving incarceration — https://freedom-farms.org/

July 9, reintroducing Sea Otters to Oregon with Chanel Hason, Elakha Alliance — https://www.elakhaalliance.org/

July 16, Nigeria, Madu Smart Ajaja, from Houston, talking about his country Nigeria.

Will Potter, Green is the New Red and his newest book, Little Red Barns, July 23: Animal rights and gag laws and designating farm animal rights folk as terrorists. == https://www.willpotter.com/

July 30 local woman, from Waldport, fighting the City Manager and road crew, Teresa Carter.

August 6 Wisconsin’s Draconian probation provisos on steroids, and other issues around the prison industrial complex with Kelly Kloss.

Max Wilbert, Bright Green Lies, and with CELDF, and an environmental sanity warrior. 13 August. — https://celdf.org/ Biocentric with Max Wilbert

Don Gomez, Stern Castle Publishing, August 20.

Taylor Yount, with her new book, My Sutured Mind: Poems of Healing Beyond Trauma, with local Ukrainian artist, Veta Bakhtina, artwork. August 27.

September 3, Jeremy Kuzmarov, author of five books, his latest being, Warmonger: How Clinton’s Malign Foreign Policy Launched the US Trajectory from Bush II to Biden and managing editor of Covert Action Magazine — https://covertactionmagazine.com/

Zachary Stocks, Executive Director, Oregon Black Pioneers September 10 == https://oregonblackpioneers.org/

My interview June 27 with Jeremy Kuzmarov.

*****

I’m not sure if CAM has had Amaju Baraka on as a guest or writer, but I highly recommend his most recent interview here:

Palestine — The Black Alliance for Peace

Black Alliance for Peace Condemns the U.S. and Israeli Final Solution for Gaza and the West Bank
Justice Demands Action against Zionism, not Hypocritical Rhetoric from the States of the “West”

Just as Nazi Germany sought the total elimination of Jewish life, the state of Israel, with full U.S. support, is now openly pursuing the systematic annihilation of the people of Gaza, the acceleration of mass displacement in the West Bank, and the denial of Palestinian nationhood itself. Those who dare to speak out are vilified, censored, or stripped of their livelihoods, ensuring complicity through coercion. The Black Alliance for Peace rejects this moral and political blackmail. True solidarity demands courage—refusing to be silenced or pacified as we witness, document, and resist this ongoing genocide. History will judge not only the perpetrators but also those who stood by in cowardly silence…

Those with the power to do so can either take such measures or abdicate their humanity. Palestine will not be free until Zionism, along with all white supremacist ideologies, is defeated. BAP will continue to do everything in its power to ensure the final defeat of global white supremacy that is materially grounded in imperialism.

We Stand With Iran 19 June 2025 By A-APRP

The illegal zionist state of Israel started bombing Iran on Friday, June 13th, 2025. The aerial bombing coincided with the assassination of a number of scientists, generals and civilians. This unprovoked, criminal assault was accompanied by sabotage of government facilities, drone attacks on civilian infrastructure and the unleashing of internal cells loyal to the west, determined to dismantle the Iranian state. Taken as a whole the military assault is eerily reminiscent of the 2011 attack on Libya that killed Muammar Gaddafi and devastated Africa’s most progressive nation state.

This is all done to ensure US dominance in the region under the pretext of stopping Iran from developing nuclear weapons. The capitalist mainstream media, the US Government, and Israel are claiming Israel is protecting itself from a powerful nuclear neighbor. But a careful analysis reveals a quite different reality. Firstly, Israel is the state that possesses nuclear weapons. They are aggressors claiming to be victims. Secondly Israel is nothing more than a proxy of US led imperialism, which wants to economically and militarily dominate the region. This is part of the imperialist plan to dominate the world.

The zionist state of Israel was created to serve the interests of imperialism by establishing an imperialist fortress in Western Asia.

Last Gasp Of A Dying Monster (The Imperialist Military Assault)

Imperialism (through the zionist entity in Israel) instituted regime change in Syria, and executed genocide in Gaza and the West Bank. Iran supports the Palestinians with arms, money, training and material. Iran is now being targeted for regime change.

We must also take note that these Imperialist/zionist forces are not confining their military activity to one country or region. While a new war rages in Iran, imperialism creates ongoing conflicts of various types in the Western Sahara, Eritrea, Zimbabwe, DRC, Sudan, Guinea Bissau, the Alliance For Sahelian States (which includes Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso), Venezuela, Nicaraqua, Cuba, North Korea, Haiti, Russia, China and other places throughout the world. This is in fact an imperialist policy of Full Spectrum Domination.

The U.S. has at least 45 military bases surrounding Iran and the US has already threatened Iran declaring,“If Iran attacks any U.S. military bases we will bomb Iran with the likes they have never seen”. After lying about their involvement in the attacks on Iran by Israelis the US president went on to say, “We gave them a chance to negotiate a peace agreement and they wouldn’t agree to our terms.” So, now they will have to come to the negotiation table and agree to our terms.”

This is how the dying capitalists/imperialists act in their last stage of existence. They engage in multiple wars, terrorism and genocide as they are declining. They try to kill, terrorize as many people and nations as possible. But, they have been losing militarily, economically and politically everywhere. Including losing the propaganda war around the world.

The Significance of Pan-Africanism

A new wave of anti-neo colonial resistance that is sweeping Africa is reshaping oil and gas politics, challenging imperialist dominance, and aligning with the BRICS led push to “de-dollarize” the world’s economy. This movement is driven by youth uprisings, military coups, formation of alliances, and rising ideological awareness that imperialism is the enemy of humanity.

*****

A couple of men holding guns AI-generated content may be incorrect.

Dan’s a regular CAM columnist: The War on Iran Has Been Long in the Making, and the U.S. Is Already a Party to It

This is one measure of the talent and deep thinkers over at CAM: Daniel Kovalik graduated from Columbia University School of Law in 1993. He then served as in-house counsel for the United Steelworkers, AFL-CIO (USW) until 2019.

While with the USW, he worked on Alien Tort Claims Act cases against The Coca-Cola Company, Drummond and Occidental Petroleum—cases arising out of egregious human rights abuses in Colombia.

The Christian Science Monitor, referring to his work defending Colombian unionists under threat of assassination, described Mr. Kovalik as “one of the most prominent defenders of Colombian workers in the United States.”

Mr. Kovalik received the David W. Mills Mentoring Fellowship from Stanford University School of Law and was the recipient of the Project Censored Award for his article exposing the unprecedented killing of trade unionists in Colombia.

He has written extensively on the issue of international human rights and U.S. foreign policy for the Huffington Post and Counterpunch and has lectured throughout the world on these subjects. He is the author of several books including The Plot To Overthrow Venezuela, How The US Is Orchestrating a Coup for Oil, which includes a Foreword by Oliver Stone; The Plot to Attack Iran: How the CIA and the Deep State Have Conspired to Vilify Iran; and with Jeremy Kuzmarov, Syria: Anatomy of a Regime Change.

Michael Parenti:

Jeremy and I talked about that, calling people like CAM writers and readers “nuts”, conspiracy nuts. Imagine that, so, these lobbies, these collective K=Street organizations and their legal squads/associations/groups, no, there are no conspiracies to COVER UP there!

Total number of registered lobbyists in the United States from 2000 to 2024

Yeah, so billions a year spent by lobbies — just call them protection rackets or overt and covert organizations/cartels representing not just special interest a or b, but collectively, representing the entire fucking corporations and groups just in one arena:

 

Nah, not undue influence? In 2024, the groups that spent the most on lobbying were the National Association of Realtors, U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the American Hospital Association, and the Pharmaceutical Research & Manufacturers of America.

1,517 (55.04%)

The number of pharmaceutical/health product lobbyists in the United States and the percentage who are former government employees, as of June 1, 2025.

You thought it was offensive weapons companies? Why, when the Military Mercenaries have their own taxpayer paid for mafia —

Military Departments:

Responsible for organizing, training, and equipping land forces.

Department of the Navy: Includes the Navy and Marine Corps, responsible for sea-based and amphibious operations.

Department of the Air Force: Responsible for air and space operations.

Other Key Components:

Joint Chiefs of Staff:

A group of high-ranking military officers who advise the President, Secretary of Defense, and National Security Council on military matters.

Unified Combatant Commands:

Eleven regional or functional commands responsible for military operations in specific areas or for specific functions. Examples include U.S. Central Command, U.S. Indo-Pacific Command, and U.S. Cyber Command.

Defense Agencies:

Various agencies that provide specialized support to the military departments and combatant commands, such as the Defense Intelligence Agency, National Security Agency, and Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA).

Do these agencies below need lobbies? They are already built into the system:

Department of Justice:

  • Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI): Investigates violations of federal law, including terrorism, cybercrime, and organized crime.
  • Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA): Enforces federal drug laws and combats drug trafficking.
  • United States Marshals Service (USMS): Protects the federal judiciary, apprehends fugitives, and manages seized assets.
  • Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF): Enforces federal laws related to alcohol, tobacco, firearms, and explosives.
  • Federal Bureau of Prisons (BOP): Manages the federal prison system.

Department of Homeland Security:

  • U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP): Secures US borders and enforces customs laws.
  • U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE): Enforces immigration and customs laws.
  • U.S. Secret Service (USSS): Protects national leaders and investigates financial crimes.
  • U.S. Coast Guard (USCG): Enforces maritime laws and conducts search and rescue.
  • Transportation Security Administration (TSA): Secures transportation systems.
  • Federal Protective Service (FPS): Protects federal buildings and property.

Other Federal Agencies:

  • U.S. Capitol Police: Protects the U.S. Capitol Building and grounds.
  • Amtrak Police Department: Provides law enforcement services for Amtrak’s national passenger rail system.
  • Internal Revenue Service (IRS) Criminal Investigation: Investigates tax fraud and other financial crimes.
  • Military Criminal Investigative Organizations: Each branch of the military has its own investigative service (e.g., NCIS for the Navy, OSI for the Air Force).
  • Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) Police: Protects DIA facilities and personnel.

Some conspiracy, uh?

Organizations within the Department of Defense:

  • Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA): Provides military intelligence to warfighters, policymakers, and defense planners.
  • National Security Agency (NSA): Focuses on signals intelligence (SIGINT) and cybersecurity.
  • National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency (NGA): Provides geospatial intelligence (GEOINT), including imagery and mapping.
  • National Reconnaissance Office (NRO): Develops, acquires, launches, and operates reconnaissance satellites.
  • Army Intelligence: Provides intelligence support to the US Army.
  • Office of Naval Intelligence (ONI): Provides naval intelligence to the US Navy.
  • Air Force Intelligence: Provides intelligence support to the US Air Force.
  • U.S. Space Force Intelligence: Provides intelligence for space operations.
  • Marine Corps Intelligence: Provides intelligence for Marine Corps operations.
  • Coast Guard Intelligence: Focuses on maritime threats and homeland security.

Other key agencies:

  • Central Intelligence Agency (CIA): A civilian foreign intelligence service responsible for gathering, processing, and analyzing intelligence related to national security.
  • Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Office of Intelligence and Analysis: Focuses on homeland security intelligence.
  • Department of Energy Office of Intelligence and Counterintelligence: Deals with nuclear proliferation and energy-related intelligence.
  • Department of State Bureau of Intelligence and Research: Provides foreign policy intelligence to the State Department.
  • Department of the Treasury Office of Intelligence and Analysis: Focuses on financial intelligence related to national security.
  • Drug Enforcement Administration Intelligence Program: Focuses on drug-related intelligence.
  • Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) Counterintelligence Division: Investigates foreign espionage and other threats to national security.
  • Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI): Oversees and coordinates the activities of the entire Intelligence Community.
  • National Counterterrorism Center (NCTC): A component of the ODNI, focused on counterterrorism intelligence.

War is a Very Expensive and Devil’s Bargain — The BIG LIE.

Now now, I really did not go off topic. CAM, Covert Action Magazine. Open it up, man. Just put in the Google “Ukraine and Covert Action Magazine.” Do that for any topic. “Covert Action Magazine and Gaza.” Etc.

Jeremy is a simple guy who believes in truth, and he questions the narratives and the agencies that are the mafias and cartels protecting the agencies, who are just economic hitmen, in that Racket, sir, Gen. Butler.

“Every government is run by liars. Nothing they say should be believed.”
― I.F. Stone

It would have been a hell of a conversation with Jeremy and Stone (R.I.P.):

To write the truth as I see it; to defend the weak against the strong; to fight for justice; and to seek, as best I can to bring healing perspectives to bear on their terrible hates and fears of mankind, in the hope of someday bringing about one world, in which men[and women] will enjoy the differences of the human garden instead of killing each other over them.
― Isidor Feinstein Stone

Listen to my interview with Jeremy of CAM here, KYAQ.

The enduring quality of the myth of the addicted army in many respects demonstrates America’s long-standing inability to come to terms with the moral consequences of the Vietnam War. By reimagining their soldiers as victims and the U.S. military defeat as a “tragedy,” Americans were able to deflect responsibility for the massive destruction and loss of life inflicted on the people of Southeast Asia and thus to avoid serious reconsideration of the ideological principles that rationalized the American intervention. The silencing and demonizing of dissenting voices, including antiwar GIs typecast as psychopathic junkies, aided in this process.”
— Jeremy Kuzmarov in “The Myth of the Addicted Army”

With remarkable continuity, police aid was used not just to target criminals but to develop elaborate intelligence networks oriented towards internal defense, which allowed the suppression of dissident groups to take place on a wider scope and in a more surgical and often brutal way. In effect, the U.S. helped to modernize intelligence gathering and political policing operations, thus magnifying their impact. They further helped to militarize the police and provided them with a newfound perception of power, while schooling them in a hard-line anticommunism that fostered the dehumanization of political adversaries and bred suspicion about grass-roots mobilization…… Although the U.S. was not always in control of the forces that it empowered and did not always condone their acts, human rights violations were not by accident or the product of rogue forces betraying American principles, as some have previously argued. They were rather institutionalized within the fabric of American policy and its coercive underpinnings.
— Jeremy Kuzmarov in “Modernizing Repression: Police Training, Nation-Building and the Spread of Political Violence in the American Century,” Diplomatic History, April 2009

The post A Battle for Humane Consciousness in a War Against Truth: Exposing the Dark Arts of War first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Paul Haeder.

]]> https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/30/a-battle-for-humane-consciousness-in-a-war-against-truth-exposing-the-dark-arts-of-war/feed/ 0 541945 Tahiti prepares for its first Matari’i public holiday https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/29/tahiti-prepares-for-its-first-matarii-public-holiday/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/29/tahiti-prepares-for-its-first-matarii-public-holiday/#respond Sun, 29 Jun 2025 23:49:20 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=116828 RNZ Te Manu Korihi

Tahiti will mark Matari’i as a national public holiday for the first time in November, following in the footsteps of Matariki in Aotearoa New Zealand.

Matari’i refers to the same star cluster as Matariki. And for Tahitians, November 20 will mark the start of Matari’i i ni’a — the “season of abundance” — which lasts for six months to be followed by Matari’i i raro, the “season of scarcity”.

Te Māreikura Whakataka-Brightwell is a New Zealand artist who was born in Tahiti and raised in Tūranganui-a-Kiwa, Gisborne, with whakapapa links to both countries. He spoke to RNZ’s Matariki programme from the island of Moorea.

His father was the master carver Matahi Whakataka-Brightwell, and his grandfather was the renowned Tahitian navigator Francis Puara Cowan.

In Tahiti, there has been a series of cultural revival practices, and with the support of the likes of Professor Rangi Mātāmua, there is hope to bring these practices out into the public arena, he said.

The people of Tahiti had always lived in accordance with Matari’i i ni’a and Matari’i i raro, with six months of abundance and six months of scarcity, he said.

“Bringing that back into the public space is good to sort of recognise the ancestral practice of not only Matariki in terms of the abundance but also giving more credence to our tūpuna kōrero and mātauranga tuku iho.”

Little controversy
Whakataka-Brightwell said there had been a little controversy around the new holiday as it replaced another public holiday, Internal Autonomy Day, on June 29, which marked the French annexation of Tahiti.

But he said a lot of people in Tahiti liked the shift towards having local practices represented in a holiday.

There would be several public celebrations organised for the inaugural public holiday but most people on the islands would be holding more intimate ceremonies at home, he said.

“A lot of people already had practices of celebrating Matariki which was more about now marking the season of abundance, so I think at a whānau level people will continue to do that, I think this will be a little bit more of an incentive for everything else to align to those sorts of celebrations.”

Many of the traditions surrounding Matari’i related to the Arioi clan, whose ranks included artists, priests, navigators and diplomats who would celebrate the rituals of Matari’i, he said.

“Tahiti is an island of artists, it’s an island of rejuvenation, so I’m pretty sure they’ll be doing a lot of that and basing some of those traditions on the Arioi traditions.”

Whakataka-Brightwell encouraged anyone with Māori heritage to make the pilgrimage to Tahiti at some point in their lives, as the place where many of the waka that carried Māori ancestors were launched.

“I’ve always been a firm believer of particular people with whakapapa Māori to come back, hoki mai ki te whenua o Tahiti roa, Tahiti pāmamao.

“Those connections still exist, I mean, people still have the same last names as people in Aotearoa, and it’s not very far away, so I would encourage everybody to explore their own connections but also hoki mai ki te whenua (return to the land).”

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

]]>
https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/29/tahiti-prepares-for-its-first-matarii-public-holiday/feed/ 0 541871
Charter Schools and “Paperism” https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/28/charter-schools-and-paperism/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/28/charter-schools-and-paperism/#respond Sat, 28 Jun 2025 15:00:50 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=159511 It is standard practice for most charter school owners, operators, promoters, commentators, reporters, and even some “critics” of charter schools to habitually describe charter schools, word-for-word, as they are spelled out in state charter school laws (while often overlooking inconvenient or unflattering descriptions as well). Even those who try to be somewhat nuanced or grounded […]

The post Charter Schools and “Paperism” first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
It is standard practice for most charter school owners, operators, promoters, commentators, reporters, and even some “critics” of charter schools to habitually describe charter schools, word-for-word, as they are spelled out in state charter school laws (while often overlooking inconvenient or unflattering descriptions as well). Even those who try to be somewhat nuanced or grounded in their descriptions of charter schools engage in this pattern.

This is “paperism”—dogmatically repeating what appears on paper without deeply thinking about, let alone questioning, how charter schools actually operate in practice. Part of this stems from an ossified prejudice that says there is no gap between charter school rhetoric and charter school reality. Whatever appears on paper is automatically assumed to be correct and indisputable. One is supposed to instantly believe what they read in state charter school laws while ignoring how charter schools work in real life. In this way, words on paper are reified to the extreme, thereby fostering anti-consciousness.

Writers who enumerate the differences between charter schools, public schools, and private schools in order to “educate the public” about their “educational options” are one of the groups most guilty of paperism. Such writers pop up regularly and nonchalantly repeat all kinds of things that bear little resemblance to how charter schools really operate. More often than not, such forces promote a neoliberal view of phenomena, thereby undermining the public interest and a socially responsible path forward. Such a view distorts reality by mixing facts with myths, half-truths, omissions, and falsehoods.

In doing so, many charter school promoters and commentators present a distorted view of charter schools to the public, causing many to reach comclusions about charter schools that are different from the reality of countless charter schools. For example, charter school supporters and commentators consistently promote half-truths and disinformation about student admission and enrollment practices (including “lotteries”), tuition policies, teacher credentials and qualifications, funding sources, the nature and philosophy of high-stakes standardized tests, student achievement, the origin and rationale for charter schools, the “publicness” of charter schools, the condition, history, and programmatic offerings in traditional public schools, the nature of charter school accountability, the meaning of “choice” versus rights, so-called “innovation” in charter schools, and the factors common to all charter schools no matter how “different” they are said to be from each other.

Charter school supporters and commentators do not present the whole story so that people are properly informed and oriented. They regularly overlook many important facts and relationships. Coherence, context, connections, and correct conclusions become major casualties in this flawed scheme designed to wreck public opinion.

Importantly, charter school promoters and commentators fail to analyze, let alone reject, a fend-for-yourself, egocentric, consumerist, competitive, “free market” model of education. They do not see education as a modern social responsibility and basic right that must be guaranteed in practice. In their view, it is superb that parents are “customers,” not humans, who have to “shop” for a school the same way they shop for shoes and hope they find something good. A brutal dog-eat-dog world of competing consumers (”winners” and “losers”) is seen as the best of all worlds. In this outmoded set-up, all the pressure is put on parents to figure out everything. They have to ask a million questions, verify a million things, and hold tons of people accountable every day in an exhausting, never-ending, up-hill battle—all while trying to earn a living in an increasingly chaotic, expensive, and alienating world. The unspoken assumption is that zero social responsibility for basic needs like education in a modern society is somehow acceptable. You are entirely on your own in the name of “choice,” “freedom,” and “rugged individualism” in this arrangement that privileges private property over all else. There are no guarantees or certainty in this kind of world. Thus, if your charter school is one of the many that fail and close every year in America—oh well, better luck next time!

The racist and imperialist doctrine of Social Darwinism is taken to the extreme in this old set-up in which only “the fittest survive.” Meaningful accountability and redress are largely absent in this divisive context. This arrangement is also buttressed by a set of ideas that uncritically presupposes that all forms of government are inevitably bad, dangerous, undesirable; the risk-taking ego-centric consumer is the end-all and be-all, the center of the universe.

To be sure, these neoliberal forces do not possess, let alone defend, a modern definition of “public” or the “public interest.” They do not see charter schools as the privatized education arrangements that they are. They ignore or downplay the fact that charter schools differ from public schools in their structure, operation, governance, oversight, funding, philosophy, and aims. They casually treat deregulated, segregated, unaccountable, de-unionized charter schools operated by unelected private persons as if they were public schools. Despite dozens of differences between charter schools and public schools, many charter school supporters, researchers, and commentators continue to irresponsibly assert that both types of schools are public schools, as if “public” can mean anything one wants it to mean. Key differences between these two types of schools magically disappear in this ahistorical approach to phenomena.

The gap between charter school rhetoric and charter school reality has been wide for 34 years. Relentless top-down neoliberal disinformation about charter schools has left many rudderless and confused. This will not change until the pressure to not investigate phenomena is actively rejected. Disinformation and anticonsciousness can take hold, spread, intensify, and wreak havoc only when serious uninterrupted investigation disappears.

Special Note

On the question of the origin of charter schools as being schools that supposedly started out decades ago to empower teachers by giving them the “flexibility,” “freedom,” and “autonomy” to “innovate” and “think outside the box,” it is revealing that 34 years later, 95% of charter schools are not started, owned, or operated by teachers. “Innovate” is just a another way of undermining teachers unions and the institution of public education in a modern society. “Innovation” includes demonizing public schools and attacking collective bargaining agreements that enshrine the valid claims of workers.

About 90% of charter schools are deunionized. It is thus no accident that charter school teachers are less experienced and less credentialed than public school teachers, and they are also paid less while working longer days and years than their public school counterparts. Not surprisingly, the teacher turnover rate in charter schools is very high coast to coast. This constant upheaval invariably undermines learning, continuity, stability, and collegiality.

More charter schools equals more problems for education, society, and the economy. Charter schools on the whole do not solve any major problems, they just exacerbate them. Privatization makes everything worse. Fully fund public schools and keep all private interests out of public education at all times. No public wealth of any kind should be funneled to private entities.

The post Charter Schools and “Paperism” first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Shawgi Tell.

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Charter Schools and “Paperism” https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/28/charter-schools-and-paperism-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/28/charter-schools-and-paperism-2/#respond Sat, 28 Jun 2025 15:00:50 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=159511 It is standard practice for most charter school owners, operators, promoters, commentators, reporters, and even some “critics” of charter schools to habitually describe charter schools, word-for-word, as they are spelled out in state charter school laws (while often overlooking inconvenient or unflattering descriptions as well). Even those who try to be somewhat nuanced or grounded […]

The post Charter Schools and “Paperism” first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
It is standard practice for most charter school owners, operators, promoters, commentators, reporters, and even some “critics” of charter schools to habitually describe charter schools, word-for-word, as they are spelled out in state charter school laws (while often overlooking inconvenient or unflattering descriptions as well). Even those who try to be somewhat nuanced or grounded in their descriptions of charter schools engage in this pattern.

This is “paperism”—dogmatically repeating what appears on paper without deeply thinking about, let alone questioning, how charter schools actually operate in practice. Part of this stems from an ossified prejudice that says there is no gap between charter school rhetoric and charter school reality. Whatever appears on paper is automatically assumed to be correct and indisputable. One is supposed to instantly believe what they read in state charter school laws while ignoring how charter schools work in real life. In this way, words on paper are reified to the extreme, thereby fostering anti-consciousness.

Writers who enumerate the differences between charter schools, public schools, and private schools in order to “educate the public” about their “educational options” are one of the groups most guilty of paperism. Such writers pop up regularly and nonchalantly repeat all kinds of things that bear little resemblance to how charter schools really operate. More often than not, such forces promote a neoliberal view of phenomena, thereby undermining the public interest and a socially responsible path forward. Such a view distorts reality by mixing facts with myths, half-truths, omissions, and falsehoods.

In doing so, many charter school promoters and commentators present a distorted view of charter schools to the public, causing many to reach comclusions about charter schools that are different from the reality of countless charter schools. For example, charter school supporters and commentators consistently promote half-truths and disinformation about student admission and enrollment practices (including “lotteries”), tuition policies, teacher credentials and qualifications, funding sources, the nature and philosophy of high-stakes standardized tests, student achievement, the origin and rationale for charter schools, the “publicness” of charter schools, the condition, history, and programmatic offerings in traditional public schools, the nature of charter school accountability, the meaning of “choice” versus rights, so-called “innovation” in charter schools, and the factors common to all charter schools no matter how “different” they are said to be from each other.

Charter school supporters and commentators do not present the whole story so that people are properly informed and oriented. They regularly overlook many important facts and relationships. Coherence, context, connections, and correct conclusions become major casualties in this flawed scheme designed to wreck public opinion.

Importantly, charter school promoters and commentators fail to analyze, let alone reject, a fend-for-yourself, egocentric, consumerist, competitive, “free market” model of education. They do not see education as a modern social responsibility and basic right that must be guaranteed in practice. In their view, it is superb that parents are “customers,” not humans, who have to “shop” for a school the same way they shop for shoes and hope they find something good. A brutal dog-eat-dog world of competing consumers (”winners” and “losers”) is seen as the best of all worlds. In this outmoded set-up, all the pressure is put on parents to figure out everything. They have to ask a million questions, verify a million things, and hold tons of people accountable every day in an exhausting, never-ending, up-hill battle—all while trying to earn a living in an increasingly chaotic, expensive, and alienating world. The unspoken assumption is that zero social responsibility for basic needs like education in a modern society is somehow acceptable. You are entirely on your own in the name of “choice,” “freedom,” and “rugged individualism” in this arrangement that privileges private property over all else. There are no guarantees or certainty in this kind of world. Thus, if your charter school is one of the many that fail and close every year in America—oh well, better luck next time!

The racist and imperialist doctrine of Social Darwinism is taken to the extreme in this old set-up in which only “the fittest survive.” Meaningful accountability and redress are largely absent in this divisive context. This arrangement is also buttressed by a set of ideas that uncritically presupposes that all forms of government are inevitably bad, dangerous, undesirable; the risk-taking ego-centric consumer is the end-all and be-all, the center of the universe.

To be sure, these neoliberal forces do not possess, let alone defend, a modern definition of “public” or the “public interest.” They do not see charter schools as the privatized education arrangements that they are. They ignore or downplay the fact that charter schools differ from public schools in their structure, operation, governance, oversight, funding, philosophy, and aims. They casually treat deregulated, segregated, unaccountable, de-unionized charter schools operated by unelected private persons as if they were public schools. Despite dozens of differences between charter schools and public schools, many charter school supporters, researchers, and commentators continue to irresponsibly assert that both types of schools are public schools, as if “public” can mean anything one wants it to mean. Key differences between these two types of schools magically disappear in this ahistorical approach to phenomena.

The gap between charter school rhetoric and charter school reality has been wide for 34 years. Relentless top-down neoliberal disinformation about charter schools has left many rudderless and confused. This will not change until the pressure to not investigate phenomena is actively rejected. Disinformation and anticonsciousness can take hold, spread, intensify, and wreak havoc only when serious uninterrupted investigation disappears.

Special Note

On the question of the origin of charter schools as being schools that supposedly started out decades ago to empower teachers by giving them the “flexibility,” “freedom,” and “autonomy” to “innovate” and “think outside the box,” it is revealing that 34 years later, 95% of charter schools are not started, owned, or operated by teachers. “Innovate” is just a another way of undermining teachers unions and the institution of public education in a modern society. “Innovation” includes demonizing public schools and attacking collective bargaining agreements that enshrine the valid claims of workers.

About 90% of charter schools are deunionized. It is thus no accident that charter school teachers are less experienced and less credentialed than public school teachers, and they are also paid less while working longer days and years than their public school counterparts. Not surprisingly, the teacher turnover rate in charter schools is very high coast to coast. This constant upheaval invariably undermines learning, continuity, stability, and collegiality.

More charter schools equals more problems for education, society, and the economy. Charter schools on the whole do not solve any major problems, they just exacerbate them. Privatization makes everything worse. Fully fund public schools and keep all private interests out of public education at all times. No public wealth of any kind should be funneled to private entities.

The post Charter Schools and “Paperism” first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Shawgi Tell.

]]>
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Public Schools, Climate Disasters, Workers’ Control https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/28/public-schools-climate-disasters-workers-control/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/28/public-schools-climate-disasters-workers-control/#respond Sat, 28 Jun 2025 12:09:26 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=159525 When teachers’ union president Ray Cummings told the superintendent that her plan could put students in danger, he brought together problems of excluding workers from critical decisions and schemes to use climate disasters to privatize public schools. On May 16, 2025 a tornado tore through predominantly Black north St. Louis, killing 5, and leaving thousands […]

The post Public Schools, Climate Disasters, Workers’ Control first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
When teachers’ union president Ray Cummings told the superintendent that her plan could put students in danger, he brought together problems of excluding workers from critical decisions and schemes to use climate disasters to privatize public schools.

On May 16, 2025 a tornado tore through predominantly Black north St. Louis, killing 5, and leaving thousands of homes, businesses and schools either destroyed or with roofs ripped off. A month later, many buildings still had blue tarps over the top as the only way to protect them from hot summer downpours.

Without consulting the teachers’ union, School Superintendent Millicent Borishade outlined a policy to move students from seven damaged buildings to other schools which were selected according to “bell schedules, proximity from the original schools, space utilization, athletics and principal input.”

Upon learning of the proposal, Ray Cummings, presidents of the American Federation of Teachers (AFT) Local 420 in St. Louis, wrote to the superintendent that it could result in serious conflicts between students. He explained that there is often mistrust between students from different neighborhoods. Cummings warned that violence could easily erupt by cramming such groups together.

Missouri AFT President Carron “CJ” Johnson told me during an interview that she agreed with Cummings that Borishade’s proposal “threatens to create unsafe conditions by consolidating students from different areas into overcrowded, unfamiliar environments, heightening tensions and security risks to those who may not be wearing the right color shoes for that neighborhood.” She also emphasized that St. Louis already has problems with school buses and that the administration should not be making the transportation situation worse.

But the superintendent’s plan would crowd Yeatman-Liddell Middle School into Gateway Middle, which has a capacity of 658 students. Their combined total would be 737 students. Johnson pointed out that “Dunbar Middle School never should have been closed and if it could be re-opened it could accommodate students from Yeatman-Liddell or any other school that would be able to enter it.”

The capacity of Miller Career Academy is 1013 students. A similarly dubious part of the superintendent’s measure would be to transfer students from two damaged schools to Miller, bringing its enrollment to 1253.

Superintendent Borishade relocated from Seattle to St. Louis in 2023. AFT’s president Johnson said that the superintendent “is not in tune with students, families or workers. She is not listening to people on the ground. She is not changing her narrative to fit with the people of St. Louis.”

One of the big concerns for Cummings and Johnson, as well as other union members and parents, is that schools hit hard by the May 2025 tornado may never be reopened and that the buildings could be sold to charter school operators. For years, pro-privatization groups such “Opportunity Trust” have provided money to those pushing charter schools in St. Louis. They try, and often succeed, in electing candidates to the St. Louis Board of Education (i.e., “School Board”) who typically advocate closing as many public schools as possible. Others run for the School Board to win approval for their own charter school.

Privatizers push hard to open charters in Black neighborhoods, claiming that Black parents must send their children to charter schools if they want them to learn how to read. The two great ironies of this argument are that (a) those coordinating such charter school schemes are typically white and (b) there is no evidence that Black children who attend Missouri charters have better reading scores than those attending public schools.

Critics have documented that charter schools represent a range of threats to public education. Charters typically do not require professional and non-professional staff to have the same level of degrees and qualifications as do public schools. As a result, they offer lower pay and fewer benefits to staff that may result in greater turn-around and less bonding with students.

Charters often offer fewer academic hours and extra-curricular activities as do public schools. They can “cream” students, meaning that they only admit students with the best academic records or fewest behavioral problems. Even if they do not “cream,” they are very likely to “dump” problem students back to public schools.

Charter schools may not test the proficiency of students the same way public schools do, meaning it is harder to evaluate their claims of success. Above all, decision-making processes for charters are not done by publicly elected boards, meaning that parents and others may have little to no ability to influence governing bodies set up to increase corporate profits.

When Hurricane Katrina slammed New Orleans in 2005 privatizers smelled a gold mine. The May 7, 2025 webinar on “Defending Public Education” was co-hosted by the Green Party of St. Louis and AFT Local 420. Dave Cash, President of the United Teachers of New Orleans, described how the “near total privatization of New Orleans public schools had devastating consequences for communities, teaching staff and students.”

Like St. Louis, New Orleans teachers have had a hard time getting decision-makers to listen to them, a task made more challenging to those organizing a union when the privatizers are motivated by profit rather than concern with education. Like New Orleans, those in St. Louis are worried that those interested in undermining public education will let no catastrophe be overlooked as an opportunity to destroy what should be our right as citizens. As climate-related crises escalate, so will openings to dismantle public services.

The problem of top administrators ignoring sound advice from those who carry out daily tasks brings up the very old question of “workers control.” Should unions limit themselves to “bread and butter” issues like pay, benefits, sick leave and vacation? Or, should unions seek more control over the work lives and decision-making power for employees? It is a core question of whether working people should accept their roles as mere cogs in the wheel of production or seek to humanize labor by defining their own jobs.

One of the best known current advocate of workers’ control is Michael Albert, who originated the idea of “participatory economics” or “parecon.” Albert emphasizes ways tasks can be shared so that there are “more and more people having a more and more appropriate level of say over their own lives.”

Historically, the concept of workers control has been emphasized as a safety and health issue. People working in factories are worried about injuries from unsafe use of tools or speed-up causing accidents and injuries. But now that a huge number of union members are in professional jobs, workers’ control applies to issues such as stress, treatment by administrators and how work affects the public – such as students who could be endangered by poorly thought out policies that could increase clashes at school.

The dispute over what should be done for St. Louis schools following the climate disaster has deeper ramifications than might meet the eye. More that just asking how students should be relocated after the 2025 tornado, it brings up the question of how decisions should be made. Teachers know student strengths and weaknesses because they are in touch with them daily. It may not be enough to say school bureaucrats must listen to teachers. Is it time to establish veto power for elected worker representatives who are themselves directly affect by decisions and represent others who are similarly affected?

The post Public Schools, Climate Disasters, Workers’ Control first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Don Fitz.

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Zionist “anti-semitic racism” Report Expected to be Given to School Boards Canada-wide https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/23/zionist-anti-semitic-racism-report-expected-to-be-given-to-school-boards-canada-wide/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/23/zionist-anti-semitic-racism-report-expected-to-be-given-to-school-boards-canada-wide/#respond Mon, 23 Jun 2025 07:44:05 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=159370 Ontario’s education ministry supposedly bans “political” bias, but with the TDSB, that “bias” means banning support of Palestinian rights: Zionism is not apparently “political”!  The most  disturbing aspect is that these damaging CIJA-developed recommendations will probably be attempted at school boards across Canada. Director of Education LaTouche, and Trustees: Many of us have been disappointed […]

The post Zionist “anti-semitic racism” Report Expected to be Given to School Boards Canada-wide first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
Ontario’s education ministry supposedly bans “political” bias, but with the TDSB, that “bias” means banning support of Palestinian rights: Zionism is not apparently “political”!  The most  disturbing aspect is that these damaging CIJA-developed recommendations will probably be attempted at school boards across Canada.

Director of Education LaTouche, and Trustees:

Many of us have been disappointed by the TDSB’s highly political pro-Israel actions for years, but the actions this year (the trustees’ secret discussion and support of the “Affirming Jewish Identities & Addressing Antisemitism” report not to mention it’s support of the discredited “Nova Music Festival Exhibit” and dismissing of “No Other Land”!) have crossed a line of what should be acceptable by any school board.

I read the “Affirming Jewish Identities” report and believe that, if it were implemented, it would damage all non-Jewish students by giving Jewish students and staff the power to complain about what should be Charter- protected speech (and action).  Its recommendations could be entitled, No Jew may be offended.  The Toronto TDSB’s efforts to ensure students are exposed only to (political!) Zionist perspectives are described.

I attended the Nova Exhibit when I read that TDSB had sent students there and was appalled by the pornographic propaganda: tales that had been thoroughly documented as untrue before this exhibit was constructed. My experience visiting the Nova exhibit are described here.

I spent hours trying to find the Trustees’ discussion about this report in the public February meeting, but realized that that discussion had been held secretly and with voting results that were not visible.  I understand that holding secret discussions like that is not legal in Ontario.  On February 24th, the Justice Center for Constitutional Freedoms sent a complaint to the Waterloo Catholic District School Board (WCDSB) that its secrecy in a public meeting was unconstitutional.

My attempts to find out the status of the possible implementation of this report have been disappointing, with no response to calls to my trustee, the head trustee, or my letter to Education Director LaTouche.  I have had the impression for the last several years that if a member of their public does not agree with TDSB’s Zionist agenda, no Trustee or employee feels any obligation to have any contact with them.  The TDSB looks as if it is run like a little fiefdom with no responsibility to deal with any dissent from those who voted them in.

As things now stand, I would not want any child in our family to attend a TDSB school until it shows that it is fully compliant with Charter rights and the implications of international humanitarian law in Canada.  It is unacceptable that children in at least one TDSB school have been subjected to racist hatred: “Kids in Gaza deserve what they get.”  TDSB’s “anti-racism” program should deal with all racism together, not piece-meal.

The post Zionist “anti-semitic racism” Report Expected to be Given to School Boards Canada-wide first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Karin Brothers.

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100 Students in a School Meant for 1,000: Inside Chicago’s Refusal to Deal With Its Nearly Empty Schools https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/13/100-students-in-a-school-meant-for-1000-inside-chicagos-refusal-to-deal-with-its-nearly-empty-schools/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/13/100-students-in-a-school-meant-for-1000-inside-chicagos-refusal-to-deal-with-its-nearly-empty-schools/#respond Fri, 13 Jun 2025 09:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/chicago-public-schools-enrollment-costs by Mila Koumpilova, Chalkbeat, and Jennifer Smith Richards, ProPublica

ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week. To keep up with the latest education news, sign up for Chalkbeat Chicago’s free daily newsletter.

More than 4,000 students once crowded DuSable High School, then an all-Black academic powerhouse on Chicago’s South Side. Its three-story Art Deco building drew students with a full lineup of honors classes, a nationally known music program and standout sports teams.

Nat King Cole played the piano in his classroom as a DuSable student. Harold Washington, Chicago’s first Black mayor, studied there. On Friday nights, teenagers zipped through its hallways on roller skates and danced in the gymnasium.

But at the turn of the millennium, enrollment plunged as Chicago closed a massive public housing complex nearby and a growing number of Black families left the city. Amid a national infatuation with smaller high schools 20 years ago, Chicago Public Schools conducted a grant-funded experiment to chop DuSable into three separate schools sharing a campus. What remains today, after that grant money ran out, is an enormous building and, inside, two tiny schools clinging to life.

One has about 115 students and claims the north corridors. The other, with only 70 students, takes the south wings. The inoperable pool is off-limits.

Hundreds of unneeded hallway lockers hide behind decorative paper and student posters of Pakistani activist Malala Yousafzai, Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor and former first lady Michelle Obama, whose father attended in the 1950s.

The two little high schools in Bronzeville share the same entrance and sports teams, but other things are doubled: two main offices, two principals, two assistant principals, two school counselors. Even though there’s a teacher for roughly every five students, the course offerings are limited.

Chicago Public Schools operates more than 500 schools and spends about $18,700 per student to run buildings that it considers well-utilized. At the DuSable schools, the cost is closer to $50,000 a student.

The DuSable schools are emblematic of an unyielding predicament facing the district. Enrollment has shrunk. Three of every 10 of its schools sit at least half-empty, and they are costly to run.

More critically, there are 47 schools, including those inside DuSable, operating at less than one-third capacity, by the district’s measure. That’s almost twice as many severely underenrolled buildings as Chicago had in 2013, when it carried out the largest mass school closings in the country’s history, Chalkbeat and ProPublica found. The most extreme example is Frederick Douglass Academy High School, which has 28 students this year and a per-student cost of $93,000.

Many of those schools are in historic buildings that need millions of dollars in repairs.

The costs are not only financial. Students in the city’s smallest schools have fewer courses to choose from and often miss out on clubs, extracurricular activities and sports. Chicago’s underenrolled high schools are more likely to have lower graduation and college enrollment rates. They tend to struggle with chronic truancy and higher dropout rates, a ProPublica and Chalkbeat analysis found.

But officials in Chicago have chosen not to confront the problem of the city’s tiny schools. The teachers union and Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson, who used to be an organizer and legislative liaison for the union, are quick to shut down discussion of downsizing. Widespread anger over the 2013 closures helped fuel the union’s rise to political power over the past decade; the union has also wielded the radioactive closure issue to undermine opponents, notably outgoing district CEO Pedro Martinez.

Union leaders, many community activists and some researchers say closures disrupt displaced students’ learning and harm the city’s predominantly Black and Latino neighborhoods, which were disproportionately affected by that earlier wave of closures. They argue the district needs to do much more to try revitalizing these campuses before it considers shuttering or merging them.

Helping to delay a reckoning: Since 2013, the district has operated under a series of moratoriums on closing schools, including one state lawmakers enacted with strong support from the teachers union. And a statewide school finance overhaul under former Republican Gov. Bruce Rauner increases or at least holds funding steady for districts even if enrollment declines.

Chicago has too many schools for the number of students it serves today, Martinez said in an interview with ProPublica and Chalkbeat. The district is spending too much on aging buildings, and it’s not providing a rich experience for students in many of its tiny schools, he said, adding: “They’re not having joy in that environment.”

But he said he inherited a closure moratorium and worked with school boards that had no appetite for closing or merging schools. “Our footprint is too large,” said Martinez, who leaves the district this month. “Every time somebody wants to address this issue, you see at all levels of politics, nobody wants to do it.”

He said he hopes a fully elected school board that will take over in 2027 will tackle the issue head-on, working closely with the communities it serves.

In a statement, the district noted its building utilization formula is “just one measure,” and it could overestimate available space.

The mayor’s office did not respond to requests for comment.

With public school enrollment declining across the country, a growing number of cities — Milwaukee; Denver; Flint, Michigan; Boston; San Francisco; Philadelphia — are grappling with the issue of underenrollment. Some plan to close schools.

But Chicago, the country’s fourth-largest district, operates on a larger scale: It has more students and more buildings than most other cities. The city’s school-age population, meanwhile, is on a downward trajectory, federal COVID-19 aid ran out this year and the district faces a budget deficit of more than $500 million.

And yet, Chicago “doesn’t seem to be having an honest conversation about the challenges it’s facing,” said Carrie Hahnel, a school finance researcher with the nonprofit Bellwether.

The DuSable High School building houses two smaller schools, the Bronzeville Scholastic Institute and Daniel Hale Williams Preparatory School of Medicine. Unused lockers are covered with posters and decorative crafts. (Akilah Townsend for ProPublica) “A Lack of Political Courage”

The 2013 closings of 49 Chicago elementary schools and one small high school were more than controversial. Families there felt that their communities were being torn apart as the city moved to shutter schools with long and rich histories. After protests and angry meetings, students were displaced to schools that were farther away from home. Neighborhood hubs were mothballed.

Deep distrust of Chicago Public Schools after the mass closures lingers, especially in Black neighborhoods like DuSable’s Bronzeville. University of Chicago research showed those closures set students back academically, though a small number who moved to high-performing campuses fared better. Some community groups and the teachers union in Chicago see schools as a public good; shuttering them is another mark of disinvestment.

That was the backdrop when a group of DuSable High School alumni grew concerned about dwindling enrollment at their beloved school and worried the district might target the building for closure. They approached CPS just before the pandemic with an alternative idea: Consolidate the two tiny schools at DuSable and focus classes on STEM careers.

The Bronzeville Scholastic Institute and the Daniel Hale Williams Preparatory School of Medicine would unite and revert to the name DuSable.

The alumni had no illusions that they could fully restore DuSable to what it once was. Compared to the school’s heyday, a much smaller number of school-age children live in Bronzeville today. But the alumni wanted more for the school.

The group met repeatedly with school and district leaders in DuSable’s wood-paneled social room, where trophies mark decades of athletic and musical excellence.

Officials told the group to get more input from current families at both schools — a daunting task given that the district would not provide their names or contact information. The plan fizzled out.

Hal Woods, now a policy director with the parent advocacy nonprofit Kids First Chicago, worked as the district’s school development director at the time and sat in on those meetings. He said the bottom line was that the plan smacked too much of a closure.

“We didn’t want to be seen with our fingerprints on this,” he said.

The Robert Taylor Homes — at one time the largest public housing project in the United States — once loomed over DuSable High School, as seen in these images from 1966. The complex was demolished by 2007, and DuSable High School never recovered from the loss of that student population. (Chicago Sun-Times Collection/Chicago History Museum)

Former school board President Jianan Shi, a Johnson appointee who served from 2023 to 2024, said rebuilding trust and planning for schools’ future with local communities at the helm takes time; it must begin now.

But, he said, “There’s a lack of political courage to have this conversation, and yet it’s often weaponized.”

Amid the uproar over the 2013 closings, Chicago’s then-mayor, Rahm Emanuel, vowed that his appointed school board would not close schools for five years. The state legislature then imposed a 2021 moratorium on closing Chicago schools until January of this year, part of a bill that changed the Chicago Board of Education to an elected, rather than mayor-appointed, body.

Today, Chicago has 634 schools, including 119 charter and contract schools run by outside entities, and a teachers union ally holds the mayor’s office. Last September, amid a power struggle between Johnson and Martinez, the Chicago Teachers Union publicized a facilities analysis that the district had done in late 2023, which included hypothetical scenarios for consolidating 75 schools, including Williams and Bronzeville. The union argued that even entertaining that idea was cause to fire Martinez immediately.

As the CTU pounced, Martinez pushed back, saying the district had concluded that no school would be closed while he was in charge — which he now says was really the school board’s decision. At the next school board meeting, he presented a new resolution that got unanimous support: CPS would not close any schools until 2027.

But the city’s demographic realities are not on hold. About 325,000 students enrolled this year, a drop of more than 70,000 from a decade ago. District officials project that three school years from now, there could be as few as 300,000 or, in a best-case scenario, as many as 334,000 students. Those estimates are based in part on the city’s sharply falling birth rates. Citywide, from 2011 to 2021, the number of births dropped by more than 43%.

Still, CTU leaders insist that the city is actually poised for a population turnaround. During President Donald Trump’s second administration, Chicago under Johnson can bill itself as a progressive refuge — a place that protects immigrants, abortion care, LGBTQ+ rights and access to gender-affirming care for transgender youth and adults, said Jackson Potter, vice president of the CTU.

“We are going to need to be a citadel of protection,” he said, adding that the last thing the city wants is to shutter some of its schools, then see families arriving in these neighborhoods en masse only to find limited classroom seats.

The union’s real issue with school closures, Potter said, is that Chicago has done them without enough educator and community input and has rushed them, destabilizing other nearby schools.

An influx of immigrant families allowed CPS to stabilize its enrollment and the city to notch modest population increases in the past two years after a lengthy decline. But some demographers think the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown might mean these gains are short-lived.

Jim Lewis, a senior researcher at the Great Cities Institute, a research hub at the University of Illinois Chicago, is skeptical about the possibility of an influx of school-age children in areas with shrinking schools. Some gentrifying Chicago neighborhoods have drawn new residents, but they tend to be higher earners who generally have fewer kids.

Lewis cautions that people tend to overestimate the power of schools to attract residents. Studies have shown that crumbling schools can deter families, he said. But research also suggests new programs and attractive campuses can only do so much to draw them — unless those schools come with a complete package of job opportunities, safe neighborhoods, affordable housing and more.

“I’m all for beautiful new schools,” Lewis said. “Do I think by itself it changes the demography of a place? I don’t think so.”

What to do about underenrolled schools and Chicago’s diminished school-age population is a decision for Chicago’s school board. Currently, 10 members are elected and 11 are appointed by the mayor. Next year, all will be up for election.

Some members, who said they could only speak candidly if they aren’t named, said the board must discuss solutions for tiny schools, including consolidation. But being branded “school closers” is a concern ahead of elections. Others said they’re open to discussing alternatives to school closings, including bringing health clinics or other family services into vacant parts of underenrolled schools.

“I think we have to talk about small schools as a result of historic racism, underfunding, neglect and inequity,” said member Debby Pope, a former CTU employee. A conversation is going to be essential, she said, but with a moratorium on closings in place and the possibility that the board could extend it, “I don’t think this is the moment for that conversation.”

Dozens of Chicago schools are operating at less than one-third capacity. (Taylor Glascock for ProPublica) Small Enrollment, Limited Opportunities

About 5 miles southeast of DuSable is Hirsch High School, which was one of the district’s largest school building projects when it opened in the 1920s and once dealt with severe overcrowding. It’s gotten so small now that M’Kya Craig had taken all the electives the school offered by her junior year.

She was one of roughly 100 students at Hirsch, which could enroll 1,000. She browsed the school’s limited courses and decided to take yearbook for a second time. She was bracing to take the course a third time her senior year, but Hirsch added an African American literature class.

Craig appreciated that staff at the small school got to know her well, including a counselor who helped her get into Chicago State University. But she often felt frustrated by the school’s slim course offerings and scarce extracurriculars over the years.

“We lost a lot over the years due to being a small school,” she said.

Most of the district’s underenrolled schools serve students who do not participate in Chicago’s expansive system of school choice, where high-performing students test into selective schools ranked the best in the state, and other students find their way to magnets, charters or strong neighborhood schools, often in wealthier parts of Chicago.

Many of the district’s small schools serve Chicago’s highest-needs students.

Hirsch High School on Chicago’s South Side opened in 1926 and has the capacity for 1,000 students. It currently has around 100. (Taylor Glascock for ProPublica)

At the Daniel Hale Williams Preparatory School of Medicine, one of the schools inside DuSable, junior Georgia Deaye was drawn to the school’s medical career program and loves the close-knit feel.

“The connection with teachers is way deeper than if I was at another school,” she said.

She participated in a summer internship program that Williams accesses through one of the larger district high schools and recently got her CPR certification. The most recent graduation rate at Williams was 93%, among the highest in the district. The graduating class was 14 students. There are a total of 70 students enrolled there, at a cost of $54,000 per student.

“Small schools are not always painted in a positive light,” said Williams Principal Leonetta Sanders, but the smaller environment is ideal for some students. In part because of its size, the campus hasn’t had to deal with gang problems or violence, she said.

“Safety,” she said, “is always money well spent.”

Some research has suggested that students tend to do better in smaller schools, notes Bruce Fuller, an expert at the University of California, Berkeley. But those findings apply to small-by-design campuses with healthy enrollments, not schools that have shrunk dramatically as families have moved away.

Fuller doesn’t think that student outcomes at those underenrolled schools have been studied rigorously because it would be too hard to control for factors such as the high needs of the students they tend to serve. “There’s consistent evidence that smaller can be better,” Fuller said. “But small in this lifecycle of decline is a totally different story.”

In Chicago’s tiny schools, the limitations, even at a high per-student cost, are substantial. Bronzeville Scholastic Institute, the other school inside DuSable, used to be able to teach Spanish and French but now offers Spanish only. The school once offered Advanced Placement and International Baccalaureate courses but realized it could not continue to offer both; it kept the IB program.

The schools have tried to make up for the limited course offerings by encouraging students to take online courses and dual-enrollment classes that local community colleges offer to high school students.

“You’ve got 12 kids in a class. The board is not going to pay for a calculus teacher,” Grace Dawson, who leads DuSable’s robust alumni group, said of the school district. Students are being “robbed” of opportunity, said Dawson, a former Chicago school principal.

Flush with federal COVID aid, the district added more than 7,500 new positions over the past four years even as enrollment kept declining. It also recently started guaranteeing a certain number of staff, including 10 teachers, at each school regardless of enrollment. Williams and Bronzeville, which used to share an assistant principal and a gym teacher, each hired their own. Douglass High School on the city’s West Side now has 27 employees for 28 students.

That includes six regular education teachers, six special education teachers, a school counselor, a college and career coach, a conflict resolution specialist, a restorative justice coordinator, and an assistant principal and principal. The cost to run the school is $93,000 per student.

“Is a Douglass student getting a $93,000-a-year experience? No,” said Woods of Kids First Chicago. “We can confidently say that. CPS pumps extra dollars into these schools so they can offer the bare minimum."

The district, which handles requests for comment about individual schools, did not dispute the high per-pupil price tag at Douglass. It has said its new budgeting approach gives all schools a fiscal boost regardless of size.

David Narain, who was principal at Hirsch until 2023, said the school’s smaller size allowed his staff to focus intensely on a highly mobile student body, where many students came in reading at the third or fourth grade level. But it was challenging to build a school culture on a campus with so few students.

“You try to have a homecoming, but there’s no football team,” he said. “There’s nothing to come home to.”

And Narain understands the financial tension the district faces. “The writing is on the wall,” he said. “You can’t continue to run these schools and give them all of these resources.”

Williams Preparatory School, one of the schools inside DuSable, offers students a medical career program. (Akilah Townsend for ProPublica) Old Buildings, Big Expenses

In a district with a $10 billion budget, the overall spending on staff and programs at small schools can seem negligible. But keeping aging campuses running is costly no matter how many students are there. The average Chicago school building is 85 years old; dozens of them were built before 1900.

Analysis of capital spending data by ProPublica and Chalkbeat found that since 2017, the district’s 47 severely underenrolled schools — ones that sit more than two-thirds empty — have cost more than $213 million to maintain and renovate.

The emptiest buildings account for $400 million of the district’s estimated $3.1 billion in needed critical repairs. The DuSable building alone needs $21 million in urgent repairs.

Adding to the financial uncertainty at CPS is the Trump administration’s threat to withhold federal funding from districts such as Chicago that have maintained their diversity, equity and inclusion efforts.

Education policy researcher Chad Aldeman, the former policy director of the Edunomics Lab at Georgetown University, said some closures or consolidations seem inevitable on the heels of Chicago’s massive enrollment losses. If the district doesn’t make a plan now — with community input and help to ease the transition for students — it could find itself scrambling later to reorganize in crisis mode.

“A lot of places that are closing schools are in financial distress,” Aldeman said. “They are trying to save money rather than thinking holistically.”

Closing schools can also carry steep costs. In 2013, the district spent big to add staff at schools that took in students, spruce up those schools and move furniture out of the closed buildings.

Then there’s what to do with vacant buildings. The district is still trying to sell 20 vacant schools from the 2013 closures, which it pays to maintain.

CTU leaders, who pushed to add thousands of new school staff positions in recent contract talks, have long advocated spending more to breathe new life into underenrolled schools — an invest-and-they’ll-come theory.

Potter, the CTU vice president, holds up Dyett High School — which the district closed but later reopened after a CTU-supported hunger strike in protest — as an example of a “phoenix rising from the ashes.” Its basketball team won a state title this year. Though the school is still at 58% capacity, enrollment has stabilized at roughly 500 students, a benchmark CPS has used to weigh whether a high school is big enough.

“Why would you start with a question about consolidations when you can start with a question about support?” he said.

But recent years have tested the power of added investments to boost enrollment.

In 2018, the district and teachers union jointly launched an initiative to target 20 high-poverty campuses, including Dyett, with an additional $500,000 a year. They’ve used the money to partner with a local nonprofit to offer more services for students and families.

Some of these schools have since reported parent and student engagement gains. But with a few exceptions, they have steadily lost enrollment since then, in some cases dramatically.


This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Mila Koumpilova, Chalkbeat, and Jennifer Smith Richards, ProPublica.

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Bougainville legal dept looking towards sorcery violence policy https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/13/bougainville-legal-dept-looking-towards-sorcery-violence-policy/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/13/bougainville-legal-dept-looking-towards-sorcery-violence-policy/#respond Fri, 13 Jun 2025 00:01:58 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=116005 RNZ Pacific

The Department of Justice and Legal Services in Bougainville is aiming to craft a government policy to deal with violence related to sorcery accusations.

The Post-Courier reports that a forum, which wrapped up on Wednesday, aimed to dissect the roots of sorcery/witchcraft beliefs and the severe violence stemming from accusations.

An initial forum was held in Arawa last month.

Central Bougainville’s Director of Justice and Legal Services, Dennis Kuiai, said the forums’ ultimate goal is crafting a government policy.

Further consultations are planned for South Bougainville next week and a regional forum in Arawa later this year.

“This policy will be deliberated and developed into law to address sorcery and [sorcery accusation-related violence] in Bougainville,” he said.

“We aim to provide an effective legal mechanism.”

Targeted 3 key areas
He said the future law’s structure was to target three key areas: the violence linked to accusations, sorcery practices themselves, and addressing the phenomenon of “glass man”.

A glassman or glassmeri has the power to accuse women and men of witchcraft and sorcery.

Papua New Guinea outlawed the practice in 2022.

The forum culminated in the compilation and signing of a resolution on its closing day, witnessed by officials.

Sorcery has long been an issue in PNG.

Those accused of sorcery are frequently beaten, tortured, and murdered, and anyone who manage to survive the attacks are banished from their communities.

Saved mother rejected
In April, a mother-of-four was was reportedly rejected by her own family after she was saved by a social justice advocacy group.

In August last year, an advocate told people in Aotearoa – where she was raising awareness – that Papua New Guinea desperately needed stronger laws to protect innocents and deliver justice for victims of sorcery related violence.

In October 2023, Papua New Guinea MPs were told that gender-based and sorcery violence was widespread and much higher than reported.

In November 2020, two men in the Bana district were hacked to death by members of a rival clan, who claimed the men used sorcery against them.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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To Maryland college students, speaking out about Gaza means more than any potential discipline https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/12/to-maryland-college-students-speaking-out-about-gaza-means-more-than-any-potential-discipline/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/12/to-maryland-college-students-speaking-out-about-gaza-means-more-than-any-potential-discipline/#respond Thu, 12 Jun 2025 20:02:17 +0000 https://therealnews.com/?p=334778 Graduates of Hunter College walk out of graduation ceremonies to protest Israel's continued war in Gaza, May 30, 2025, outside of Barclays Center in the borough of Brooklyn, New York City. Photo by Andrew Lichtenstein/Corbis via Getty Images
In conversations with more than a dozen local student activists, Baltimore Beat heard that they see their Pro-Palestine advocacy as part of a broader, generational fight against injustice.]]> Graduates of Hunter College walk out of graduation ceremonies to protest Israel's continued war in Gaza, May 30, 2025, outside of Barclays Center in the borough of Brooklyn, New York City. Photo by Andrew Lichtenstein/Corbis via Getty Images

This story originally appeared in Baltimore Beat on June 12, 2025. It is shared here with permission.

At graduation ceremonies across Baltimore this spring, students turned their moments of celebration into protest — waving Palestinian flags, denouncing their schools’ complicity in Gaza’s devastation, and risking discipline from both their universities and the Trump administration.

“I can’t just walk across the stage and not say anything,” said August, a University of Maryland School of Social Work graduate and member of the Anti-Imperial Movement,  who asked that their full name be withheld out of fear of harassment. “I can’t just sleep well knowing that my tuition money is complicit in this.” 

August was among the students that marked their May 19 commencement ceremony by demanding their school cut ties with Israel. Over a dozen students wore keffiyehs, waved Palestinian flags, covered their hands in blood-red dyed water and signs reading, “Genocide is not a social work value” and “Disclose, Divest from Israel.”

Colleges across the country have cracked down on similar displays: days earlier, at George Washington University, Cecilia Culver was banned from campus after using her graduation speech to declare, “I am ashamed to know my tuition is being used to fund genocide.” At NYU, Logan Rozos’s diploma was withheld after denouncing the “genocide… paid for by our tax dollars and live-streamed to our phones.”

The goal was urgent: to speak out against institutional complicity in Gaza’s humanitarian catastrophe, where the official death toll nears 55,000, hundreds of thousands of people face starvation, and Israel has vowed to enact President Donald Trump’s ethnic cleansing plan for the survivors. 

Protest has become a constant on college campuses since Hamas’s deadly attack on October 7, 2023, and Israel’s genocidal response. Over 19 months, students have staged walkouts, encampments, hunger strikes, and civil disobedience — even as administrators rewrite rules to ban and restrict protests and impose harsh discipline. More than 3,000 protesters across the country have been arrested, with hundreds suspended or expelled. Protestors are routinely accused of antisemitism, their calls for accountability dismissed as hatred rather than outrage over humanitarian law. 

Resistance has grown since this March, when the U.S.-backed Israeli blockade choked off food, water, and medicine to Gaza — and public perception is starting to shift with it. An April Pew survey showed a majority of Americans now view Israel unfavorably for the first time in decades. That finding was confirmed by a May University of Maryland poll that also found more than a third of Americans, including a majority of Democrats, see Israel’s actions in Gaza as war crimes or “akin to genocide.”

“The only way forward is for everyday Americans — not just students or leftists — to speak up,” said August. “Sometimes it feels hopeless, but the data shows we’re not fringe. A lot of people are waking up to what’s happening in Gaza.”

“Sometimes it feels hopeless, but the data shows we’re not fringe. A lot of people are waking up to what’s happening in Gaza.”

August, a University of Maryland School of Social Work graduate

In conversations with more than a dozen local student activists, Baltimore Beat heard that they see their Pro-Palestine advocacy as part of a broader, generational fight against injustice.

As the crisis in Gaza has deepened, so too has the Trump administration’s crackdown on campus activism — framing student protest as antisemitism. Federal investigations are now underway at more than 60 universities, and hundreds of student visas have been revoked. At institutions like Johns Hopkins University, the administration has threatened to pull billions in federal funding unless university leaders suppress dissent. A federal antisemitism task force — backed by Republicans, key Democrats, and major Jewish organizations — has vowed to stamp out what it deems antisemitism at Hopkins and other campuses.

The administration has targeted prominent foreign-born student activists, claiming their advocacy constitutes support for Hamas and antisemitic incitement. In March, Mahmoud Khalil, a prominent organizer at Columbia University and a legal U.S. resident, was detained by ICE, had his green card revoked, and has languished in detention for several months. “As a Palestinian student, I believe that the liberation of the Palestinian people and the Jewish people are intertwined — you cannot achieve one without the other,” Khalil told CNN in 2024.

Pro-Palestinian protesters — including many Jewish students — emphasize that their opposition is to Israel’s occupation, not Judaism. They warn that equating criticism of Israel with antisemitism threatens free speech and undermines Jewish safety by turning antisemitism into a political weapon.

Avery Misterka, Jewish student at Towson University and lead organizer of the campus Pro-Palestine movement, has spoken out at multiple protests against Trump administration policies and in defense of targeted student activists. 

“Trump isn’t serious about fighting antisemitism — it’s a weapon for his Christian nationalist project,” said Misterka. He heads the campus chapter of Jewish Voice for Peace, the nation’s largest anti-Zionist Jewish organization. Misterka noted that Trump has long-standing ties to antisemitic extremists, including several current White House officials.

“We’ve seen what happens when students speak out — they get punished. But we’re still showing up,” he added.

The protests have persisted even as university responses grow increasingly harsh. In the early hours of May 8, tents sprang up on the Keyser Quad at Johns Hopkins University. Students quickly established a small encampment, renaming it the Dr. Hussam Abu Safiya Liberated Zone, in honor of a Gazan pediatrician abducted by Israeli forces. While last year’s encampment at Hopkins lasted for two weeks, this time it was cleared immediately: more than 30 Hopkins armed private police force and Baltimore police officers swept onto the quad within the hour, tearing down tents and detaining students.

The crackdown at Hopkins — carried out by its newly empowered private police force — sparked swift criticism from students and faculty alike. 

“Campuses have always been strongholds of dissent. Trump knows critical thinking lives here, and his agenda can’t survive it.”

Claude Guillemard, French Professor at Johns Hopkins University

“Campuses have always been strongholds of dissent. Trump knows critical thinking lives here, and his agenda can’t survive it,” said Claude Guillemard, a French professor at Johns Hopkins University, at a recent rally. 

Both students and faculty have led calls for the Baltimore City Council to hold a hearing on the Hopkins Police Department, arguing that the force remains unaccountable to the communities it is supposed to serve. They argue that university leaders are capitulating to a pressure campaign designed to stifle dissent and academic freedom.

At Morgan State University, where student protest played a key role in the civil rights movement, professor Jared Ball sees the pattern repeating: “Faculty in Maryland can’t unionize, governance keeps shrinking, and corporate and military influence keeps growing. Private security is everywhere, yet students still say they don’t feel safe. Administrators confine protests to ‘designated spaces’ and punish anyone who strays — proof that the crackdown on dissent isn’t new, just more aggressive.”

At Towson University, the movement has only broadened. One year after passing a 12-1 divestment resolution, university leaders have rejected calls to divest from Israel as students built an even larger coalition. 

Mina, vice president of Towson’s Muslim Student Association, withheld their last name due to ongoing Islamophobic harassment. Despite administrators rejecting their demands, Mina says they remain undeterred.

“We’ve been here since October 7, and we’re not going anywhere,” Mina said. 

Even after meeting with the president, none of their demands have been met.

“I guess he thought if he met with us, we’d stop — but we haven’t.”

While protesters face arrest, suspension, and expulsion, no U.S. official has been held accountable for violating laws that prohibit aid to governments committing war crimes.

Organizing extends well beyond protests and marches. On a chilly Saturday in April, Red Emma’s became a marketplace of resistance for students’ political art.

At Morgan State University, where student protest played a key role in the civil rights movement, professor Jared Ball sees the pattern repeating: “Administrators confine protests to ‘designated spaces’ and punish anyone who strays — proof that the crackdown on dissent isn’t new, just more aggressive.”

Students from area schools shared food and strategies for continued action, including University of Maryland College Park, where in April, students voted to divest from Israel and other countries that fuel human rights abuses, joining Towson and University of Maryland Baltimore County, where student bodies approved divestment resolutions last year. The event, organized by Baltimore Artists Against Apartheid, raised more than $3,600 for Palestinian families. 

“If we let the repression students face stand, artists will be next,” said organizer Nic Koski. “Defending students under attack is inseparable from defending Palestinian rights — and everyone’s rights.”

One of the participating artists was Qamar Hassan, a graduating senior at the Maryland Institute College of Art, who raised over $500 by selling pieces that had been removed from public spaces by campus administrators.

In May, Hassan also took part in a protest during their graduation. “We really wanted to highlight that [MICA was] still actively censoring students,” Hassan said. They coordinated with classmates to disrupt the ceremony with chants for Palestine, and a few walked the stage carrying Palestinian flags, determined to make their message visible even as most held back, fearing repercussions. The school president refused to shake their hand — a small gesture that captured the tension of the moment.

“We wanted to show that even if it’s just a handful of us, we’re not going to let our school go about with a land acknowledgment and then censor students who want to talk about Palestine,” Hassan reflected. 

“It’s important to show others who are scared that you can do these things — and you’ll be okay. You have a voice, and you can use it.” 

In a year defined by fear and repression, even a small act of defiance became an example for others — and a signal to Baltimore that the city’s students, and their movement, aren’t going away.


This content originally appeared on The Real News Network and was authored by Jaisal Noor.

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https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/12/to-maryland-college-students-speaking-out-about-gaza-means-more-than-any-potential-discipline/feed/ 0 538365 Tennessee’s Law on School Threats Ensnared Students Who Posed No Risks. Two States Passed Similar Laws. https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/10/tennessees-law-on-school-threats-ensnared-students-who-posed-no-risks-two-states-passed-similar-laws/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/10/tennessees-law-on-school-threats-ensnared-students-who-posed-no-risks-two-states-passed-similar-laws/#respond Tue, 10 Jun 2025 16:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/school-threats-laws-georgia-new-mexico by Aliyya Swaby

ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

New laws in Georgia and New Mexico are requiring harsher punishments for students — or anyone else — who make threats against schools, despite growing evidence that a similar law is ensnaring students who posed no risk to others.

ProPublica and WPLN News have documented how a 2024 Tennessee law that made threats of mass violence at school a felony has led to students being arrested based on rumors and for noncredible threats. In one case, a Hamilton County deputy arrested an autistic 13-year-old in August for saying his backpack would blow up, though the teen later said he just wanted to protect the stuffed bunny inside.

In the same county almost two months later, a deputy tracked down and arrested an 11-year-old student at a family birthday party. The child later explained he had overheard one student asking if another was going to shoot up the school tomorrow, and that he answered “yes” for him. Last month, the public charter school agreed to pay the student’s family $100,000 to settle a federal lawsuit claiming school officials wrongly reported him to police. The school also agreed to implement training on how to handle these types of incidents, including reporting only “valid” threats to police.

Tennessee requires schools to assess whether threats of mass violence are valid before expelling students. But the felony law does not hold police to the same standard, which has led to the arrests of students who had no intent to disrupt school or carry out a threat.

In Tennessee’s recent legislative session, civil and disability rights advocates unsuccessfully pushed to change the law to specify that police could arrest only students who make credible threats. They argued that very young students and students who act disruptively as a result of a disability should be excluded from felony charges.

Several Tennessee lawmakers from both parties also voiced their dissatisfaction with the school threats law during the session, citing the harm done to children who did not pose real danger. “I’m still struggling through the unintended consequences because I’m still not entirely happy with what we did before,” Sen. Kerry Roberts, a Republican, said at a committee hearing in April. “We’re still struggling to get that right.”

But Greg Mays, the deputy commissioner of the Department of Safety and Homeland Security, told a committee of lawmakers in March that in his “informed opinion,” the law was having a “deterrent effect” on students who make threats. Mays told ProPublica that the number of threats his office was tracking had decreased since the law went into effect. His office did not immediately release that number and previously denied requests for the number of threats it has tracked, calling the information “confidential.”

According to data ProPublica obtained through a records request, the number of students criminally charged is growing, not shrinking. This past school year through the end of March, the number of charges for threats of mass violence in juvenile court has jumped to 652, compared to 519 the entire previous school year, when it was classified as a misdemeanor. Both years, students were rarely found “delinquent,” which is equivalent to guilty in adult court. The youngest child charged so far this year is 6.

Rather than tempering its approach, Tennessee toughened it this year. The Legislature added another, higher-level felony to the books for anyone who “knowingly” makes a school threat against four or more people if others “reasonably” believe the threat will be carried out. Legal and disability rights advocates told lawmakers they worried the new law would result in even more confusion among police and school officials who handle threats.

Despite the outcry over increased arrests in Tennessee, two states followed its lead by passing laws that will crack down harder on hoax threats.

In New Mexico, lawmakers increased the charge for a shooting threat from a misdemeanor to a felony, in response to the wave of school threats over the previous year. To be charged with a felony, a person must “intentionally and maliciously” communicate the threat to terrorize others, cause the evacuation of a public building or prompt a police response.

Critics of the bill warned that even with the requirement to prove intent, it was written too vaguely and could harm students.

“This broad definition could criminalize what is described as ‘thought crimes’ or ‘idle threats,’ with implications for statements made by children or juveniles without a full appreciation of the consequences,” the public defenders’ office argued, according to a state analysis of an earlier, similar version of the legislation.

After a 14-year-old shot and killed four people at Apalachee High School in Georgia last September, the state’s House Speaker Jon Burns vowed to take tougher action against students who make threats.

He sponsored legislation that makes it a felony to issue a death threat against a person at a school that terrorizes people or causes an evacuation. The law, which went into effect in April, says someone can be charged either if they intend to cause such harm or if they make a threat “in reckless disregard of the risk” of that harm.

Neither Burns nor the sponsor of the New Mexico bill responded to requests for comment.

Georgia also considered a bill that would treat any 13- to 17-year-old who makes a terroristic threat at school as an adult in court. But after pushback from advocates, the bill’s author, Sen. Greg Dolezal, a Republican, removed threats from the list of offenses that could result in transfer to adult court.

During a March committee hearing, Dolezal acknowledged advocates’ concerns with the original bill language. “We recognize that there is actually a difference between people who actually commit these crimes and minors who are unwisely threatening but perhaps without an intent to ever actually follow through on it,” he said.

Other states also considered passing harsher penalties for school threats.

In Alabama, Rep. Alan Baker, a Republican, sponsored a bill that removes the requirement that a threat be “credible and imminent” to result in a criminal charge. The bill passed easily in both chambers but did not go through the final steps necessary to make it through the Legislature.

Baker said the broader version of the penalty was intended to target hoax threats that cause panic at schools. A first offense would be a misdemeanor; any threats after that would be a felony. “You’re just talking about a very disruptive type of scenario, even though it may be determined that it was just a hoax,” Baker said. “That’s why there needed to be something that would be a little bit more harsh.”

Baker told ProPublica that he plans to reintroduce the bill next session.

Pennsylvania is considering legislation that would make threats against schools a felony, regardless of credibility. The bill would also require offenders to pay restitution, including the cost of supplies and compensation for employees’ time spent responding to the threat.

In a memo last December, state Sen. Michele Brooks, a Republican, cited the “cruel and extremely depraved hoax” threats following Nashville’s Covenant School shooting as the reason for the proposal. “These calls triggered a massive emergency response, creating perilous conditions for students, teachers and public safety agencies alike,” she wrote.

The ACLU of Pennsylvania opposes the legislation, calling it a “broad expansion” of current law that could lead to “excessive” costs for children.

Pennsylvania’s Legislature adjourns at the end of December.

Paige Pfleger of WPLN/Nashville Public Radio contributed reporting.


This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Aliyya Swaby.

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Trump’s Absurd War on Education https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/07/trumps-absurd-war-on-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/07/trumps-absurd-war-on-education/#respond Sat, 07 Jun 2025 13:27:52 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=158853 The US is at war. It has always been at war. Whether a world war, a proxy conflict, an armed intervention, a psyop, or a regime change mission, the United States has not enjoyed a single moment of true, unadulterated peace. And it’s not just at war with nations abroad. The US is also at […]

The post Trump’s Absurd War on Education first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
The US is at war. It has always been at war.

Whether a world war, a proxy conflict, an armed intervention, a psyop, or a regime change mission, the United States has not enjoyed a single moment of true, unadulterated peace.

And it’s not just at war with nations abroad. The US is also at war with itself.

Positive peace is not just the absence of violence, but also the absence of oppression. In all the years of this country’s existence, oppression has flourished, leaching away the lies told about the land of the free. Many pretend not to see the institutional apartheid and chronic subjection of minorities, but it lurks in every city, town, and neighborhood, right under the nose of the social theater we all take part in.

Well, the US is in hospice, and it’s lashing out—a last gasping breath of the inhumane, psychopathic systems that perpetuate violence, at home and abroad.

As Ariel Durant wrote, “A great civilization is not conquered from without until it has destroyed itself from within.” No country needs to declare war on the United States—it’s caught in its own self-destructive web.

There are many casualties in war other than people. Truth was killed a long time ago, a necessary death for the proliferation of our military and the subjugation of countries and people that act against our interests. The next casualties will be the very values we tell ourselves we stand for, written boldly in our Constitution—though weren’t they also a lie? Overseas, human rights are meaningless. We’ve bombed and murdered scores of people, over and over and over again, and we’ve smiled with rotting teeth and declared it was all for the greater good.

Turns out the rot was coming from within.

If the US is at war with the world and itself, then every battlefield is a frontline—Ukraine, Gaza, China, the entire exploited global south, the self-declared allies with no true sovereignty… and here, university campuses are merely one more frontline.

Universities have a particular power in the US. They generally enjoy the ability to intellectually critique the US, its subjection of people, and the crimes it has inflicted on the global population. They are meant to have a level of separation from government interference and operate as beacons of education and places of global interaction and community. This doesn’t always happen, but sometimes it does.

Why are educational institutions a threat? Because they have the tools needed to see through the cognitive shroud of militarized capitalism and talk about it. Students are the real change-makers because they haven’t spent a lifetime beaten down by the system, exhausted by its impossibilities, and bent hopeless by the apparent futility of trying to make change. Change is slow, but students are young, energized, hopeful, open-minded, and visionary. They are also the future.

Students observe injustice, and they act on it. They’ve protested every war we’ve decided was wrong long after the fact—Vietnam, Korea, Iraq, Afghanistan, and now Palestine. And every time, the government has cracked down on students, demanding arrests and university compliance with its global agenda. The Trump administration is not doing anything new—they’ve just crossed a few more lines and been obvious about it.

University protests and encampments protesting the Gaza genocide were the major catalyst for the most recent crackdowns on academia, providing the government justification for launching probes to investigate “antisemitism” on campuses. The Trump administration has also been actively targeting what they perceive to be “anti-American” fields of study, like postcolonialism, critical race theory, gender studies, and social theory—the very fields that act as tools to outthink the militarized capitalism thinking bubble. They emphasize a need for “patriotic education,” which is the newest terminology for imperialist propaganda.

These actions coincided with unprecedented persecution of students and professors who have actively criticized the Gaza genocide and the United States’ role in funding it. Visa and green card holders alike have been arrested and face ongoing deportations merely for having an opinion that acts in opposition to state interests… the very definition of fascism.

Harvard is an interesting case. Widely seen as a symbol of American elitism, it almost seems counterintuitive for an oligarchic government to oppose. But there are no rules here, and the internal power systems have gone rabid, turning on themselves in an effort to choke out their own active failings. Trump plays the populist card well, but he’s hiding behind a mirror of his own gross corruption. He calls to “drain the swamp,” while bringing his ragtag group of billionaire friends into the White House and giving them political power they should never have—a blatant contradiction many choose to ignore.

Initially, Harvard University refused to capitulate to Trump’s demands, arguing they directly violated the university’s independence and constitutional rights. In response, Trump ordered federal agencies to freeze over $100 million in funds and attempted to revoke Harvard’s ability to enroll international students.

Harvard president Alan Gerber remains steadfast in his refusal to surrender, saying that Harvard must “stand firm” and set an example for other universities that will continue to be targeted.

To counter Harvard’s steadfastness, the administration’s most recent move reached absurd new heights. Last week, a joint letter from three congressional committees accused Harvard of partaking in global supervillain-esque activities such as training genocidal paramilitary groups from China, partnering with the Chinese military using US defense funds, collaborating with Iranian government-backed scientists, and even potentially helping to develop next-gen spy robots and transplant technology with illegal organ-harvesters.

The letter was ridiculous, reading less like a serious national security inquiry and more like a bureaucratic fever dream fueled by a conspiracy-laced Wikipedia binge. The “training” of a Chinese paramilitary group was actually a public health course that was attended by members of a Chinese administrative body. The accusations of Iran funding was regarding medical research on the bacterial properties of particles done in conjunction between Imam Khomeini International University, Harvard Medical School, and Zhejiang University-University of Edinburgh Joint Institute—a great display of an international, collaborative scientific study that could help improve the lives of all people (There is clearly a profound misunderstanding on how scientific and medical research works. These fields are collaborative by design, and all nearly of these studies are public, peer-reviewed work).

And the most bizarre claim of all is that Harvard’s liver regeneration research is somehow aiding and abetting organ harvesting conspiracies. Do I even need to speak to that?

Ultimately, this letter has nothing to do with national security concerns and is merely another weapon for the current administration to throw at Harvard in its efforts to get it to capitulate to their demands. And if the anti-China warhawks can push their agenda a bit more by using their red-baiting, xenophobic grab-bag of buzzwords, then what’s stopping them? They will conflate academic exchange with espionage, collaboration with treason, and conference panels with covert operations as long as it helps obtain their end goal of wiping independent thinking off syllabuses and replacing it with strictly I-love-America propaganda. At the end of the day, they don’t want you to know how to think—they want to tell you what to think.

If the Trump administration thinks that defunding our top academic institutions will improve the already lagging education systems, and that censoring free speech and prohibiting collaborative research will be a boon for progress and productivity, they have another thing coming. These actions will only hurt the US and drag it further behind on its last-ditch efforts to maintain its slipping grasp on world domination.

Montesquieu wrote, “The corruption of each government almost always begins with that of its principles.” Well, the US has never represented the principles that it’s long claimed to stand for. Men have never been treated equally, speech has never been free, and liberty and liberation have always been things to strive for, never things that are. This is not a change that spontaneously occurred, but something that is inherent within the imperialist system. And now the decay is becoming visible, and the empire with its “immoderate greatness” is turning on itself—eating itself—and we are all vulnerable to its collapse.

The post Trump’s Absurd War on Education first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Megan Russell.

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Promoting Women’s Human Rights Through Human Rights Education https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/06/promoting-womens-human-rights-through-human-rights-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/06/promoting-womens-human-rights-through-human-rights-education/#respond Fri, 06 Jun 2025 16:00:30 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=27aecdb5e16308f931f2c38368337e5c
This content originally appeared on Amnesty International and was authored by Amnesty International.

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Trump Wants to Cut Tribal College Funding by Nearly 90%, Putting Them at Risk of Closing https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/03/trump-wants-to-cut-tribal-college-funding-by-nearly-90-putting-them-at-risk-of-closing/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/03/trump-wants-to-cut-tribal-college-funding-by-nearly-90-putting-them-at-risk-of-closing/#respond Tue, 03 Jun 2025 19:30:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/tribal-colleges-universities-trump-cuts-funding by Matt Krupnick for ProPublica

ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

The Trump administration has proposed cutting funding for tribal colleges and universities by nearly 90%, a move that would likely shut down most or all of the institutions created to serve students disadvantaged by the nation’s historic mistreatment of Indigenous communities.

The proposal is included in the budget request from the Department of the Interior to Congress, which was released publicly on Monday. The document mentions only the two federally controlled tribal colleges — Haskell Indian Nations University and Southwestern Indian Polytechnic Institute — but notes the request for postsecondary programs will drop from more than $182 million this year to just over $22 million for 2026.

If Congress supports the administration’s proposal, it would devastate the nation’s 37 tribal colleges and universities, said Ahniwake Rose, president and CEO of the American Indian Higher Education Consortium, which represents the colleges in Washington, D.C.

“The numbers that are being proposed would close the tribal colleges,” Rose told ProPublica. “They would not be able to sustain.”

ProPublica found last year that Congress was underfunding tribal colleges by a quarter-billion dollars per year. The Bureau of Indian Education, tasked with requesting funding for the institutions, had never asked lawmakers to fully fund the institutions at the levels called for in the law, ProPublica found.

But rather than remedy the problem, the Trump administration’s budget would devastate the colleges, tribal education leaders said.

The Bureau of Indian Education, which administers federal funding for tribal colleges, and the Department of the Interior, the bureau’s parent agency, declined to answer questions.

Rose said she and other college leaders had not been warned of the proposed cuts nor consulted during the budgeting process. Federal officials had not reached out to the colleges by the end of the day Monday.

The proposal comes as the Trump administration has outlined a host of funding cuts related to the federal government’s trust and treaty obligations to tribes. The Coalition for Tribal Sovereignty said last month that the administration’s proposed discretionary spending for the benefit of Native Americans would fall to its lowest point in more than 15 years, which it viewed as “an effort to permanently impact trust and treaty obligations to Tribal Nations.”

Congress passed legislation in 1978 committing to fund the tribal college system and promising inflation-adjusted appropriations based on the number of students enrolled in federally recognized tribes. But those appropriations have consistently lagged far behind inflation.

The colleges have managed, despite the meager funds, to preserve Indigenous languages, conduct high-level research and train local residents in nursing, meat processing and other professions and trades. But with virtually no money available for infrastructure or construction, the schools have been forced to navigate broken water pipes, sewage leaks, crumbling roofs and other problems that have compounded the financial shortcomings.

Tribal college leaders said they were stunned by the proposed cuts to their already insufficient funding and had more questions than answers.

“I’m shivering in my boots,” said Manoj Patil, president of Little Priest Tribal College in Nebraska. “This would basically be a knife in the chest. It’s a dagger, and I don’t know how we can survive these types of cuts.”

Congress will have the final say on the budget, noted Rep. Teresa Leger Fernández, the ranking Democrat on the House Subcommittee on Indian and Insular Affairs, whose New Mexico district includes three tribal colleges. Tribal colleges “are lifelines in Indian Country,” Leger Fernández said in a statement. “They provide higher education rooted in language, culture and community. These cuts would rob Native students of opportunity and violate our trust responsibilities.”

Other members of the House and Senate Indian Affairs committees did not immediately respond to questions from ProPublica. The White House also did not respond to a request for more information.

Monday’s budget release was the latest in a string of bad financial news for tribal colleges since President Donald Trump began his second term. The administration suspended Department of Agriculture grants that funded scholarships and research, and tribal college presidents spent the past week trying to fend off deep cuts to the Pell Grant program for low-income students. The vast majority of tribal college students rely on Pell funding to attend school.

Tribal colleges contend their funding is protected by treaties and the federal trust responsibility, a legal obligation requiring the United States to protect Indigenous education, resources, rights and assets. And they note that the institutions are economic engines in some of North America’s poorest areas, providing jobs, training and social services in often remote locations.

“It doesn’t make sense for them to (approve the cuts) when they’re relying on us to train the workforce,” said Dawn Frank, president of Oglala Lakota College in South Dakota. “We’re really relying on our senators and representatives to live up to their treaty and trust obligation.”

But others noted they have spent years meeting with federal representatives to emphasize the importance of tribal colleges to their communities and have been disappointed by the chronic underfunding.

“It is a bit disheartening to feel like our voice is not being heard,” said Chris Caldwell, president of College of Menominee Nation in Wisconsin. “They don’t hear our message.”


This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Matt Krupnick for ProPublica.

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Fiji coup culture and political meddling in media education gets airing https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/03/fiji-coup-culture-and-political-meddling-in-media-education-gets-airing/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/03/fiji-coup-culture-and-political-meddling-in-media-education-gets-airing/#respond Tue, 03 Jun 2025 12:59:49 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=115565 Pacific Media Watch

Taieri MP Ingrid Leary reflected on her years in Fiji as a television journalist and media educator at a Fiji Centre function in Auckland celebrating Fourth Estate values and independence at the weekend.

It was a reunion with former journalism professor David Robie — they had worked together as a team at the University of the South Pacific amid media and political controversy leading up to the George Speight coup in May 2000.

Leary was the guest speaker at a gathering of human rights activists, development advocates, academics and journalists hosted at the Whānau Community Centre and Hub, the umbrella base for the Fiji Centre and Asia Pacific Media Network.

She said she was delighted to meet “special people in David’s life” and to be speaking to a diverse group sharing “similar values of courage, freedom of expression, truth and tino rangatiratanga”.

“I want to start this talanoa on Friday, 19 May 2000 — 13 years almost to the day of the first recognised military coup in Fiji in 1987 — when failed businessman George Speight tore off his balaclava to reveal his identity.

She pointed out that there had actually been another “coup” 100 years earlier by Ratu Cakobau.

“Speight had seized Parliament holding the elected government at gunpoint, including the politician mother, Lavinia Padarath, of one of my best friends — Anna Padarath.

Hostage-taking report
“Within minutes, the news of the hostage-taking was flashed on Radio Fiji’s 10 am bulletin by a student journalist on secondment there — Tamani Nair. He was a student of David Robie’s.”

Nair had been dispatched to Parliament to find out what was happening and reported from a cassava patch.

“Fiji TV was trashed . . . and transmission pulled for 48 hours.

“The university shut down — including the student radio facilities, and journalism programme website — to avoid a similar fate, but the journalism school was able to keep broadcasting and publishing via a parallel website set up at the University of Technology Sydney.

“The pictures were harrowing, showing street protests turning violent and the barbaric behaviour of Speight’s henchmen towards dissenters.

“Thus began three months of heroic journalism by David’s student team — including through a period of martial law that began 10 days later and saw some of the most restrictive levels of censorship ever experienced in the South Pacific.”

Leary paid tribute to some some of the “brave satire” produced by senior Fiji Times reporters filling paper with “non-news” (such as haircuts, drinking kava) as act of defiance.

“My friend Anna Padarath returned from doing her masters in law in Australia on a scholarship to be closer to her Mum, whose hostage days within Parliament Grounds stretched into weeks and then months.

Whanau Community Centre and Hub co-founder Nik Naidu
Whanau Community Centre and Hub co-founder Nik Naidu speaking at the Asia Pacific Media Network event at the weekend. Image: Khairiah A. Rahman/APMN

Invisible consequences
“Anna would never return to her studies — one of the many invisible consequences of this profoundly destructive era in Fiji’s complex history.

“Happily, she did go on to carve an incredible career as a women’s rights advocate.”

“Meanwhile David’s so-called ‘barefoot student journalists’ — who snuck into Parliament the back way by bushtrack — were having their stories read and broadcast globally.

“And those too shaken to even put their hands to keyboards on Day 1 emerged as journalism leaders who would go on to win prizes for their coverage.”

Speight was sentenced to life in prison, but was pardoned in 2024.

Taeri MP Ingrid Leary speaking
Taeri MP Ingrid Leary speaking at the Whānau Community Centre and Hub. Image: Nik Naidu/APMN

Leary said that was just one chapter in the remarkable career of David Robie who had been an editor, news director, foreign news editor and freelance writer with a number of different agencies and news organisations — including Agence France-Presse, Rand Daily Mail, The Auckland Star, Insight Magazine, and New Outlook Magazine — “a family member to some, friend to many, mentor to most”.

Reflecting on working with Dr Robie at USP, which she joined as television lecturer from Fiji Television, she said:

“At the time, being a younger person, I thought he was a little but crazy, because he was communicating with people all around the world when digital media was in its infancy in Fiji, always on email, always getting up on online platforms, and I didn’t appreciate the power of online media at the time.

“And it was incredible to watch.”

Ahead of his time
She said he was an innovator and ahead of his time.

Dr Robie viewed journalism as a tool for empowerment, aiming to provide communities with the information they needed to make informed decisions.

“We all know that David has been a champion of social justice and for decolonisation, and for the values of an independent Fourth Estate.”

She said she appreciated the freedom to develop independent media as an educator, adding that one of her highlights was producing the groundbreaking documentary Maire about Maire Bopp Du Pont, who was a student journalist at USP and advocate for the Pacific community living with HIV/AIDs community.

She later became a nuclear-free Pacific parliamentarian in Pape’ete.

Leary presented Dr Robie with a “speaking stick” carved from an apricot tree branch by the husband of a Labour stalwart based in Cromwell — the event doubled as his 80th birthday.

In response, Dr Robie said the occasion was a “golden opportunity” to thank many people who had encouraged and supported him over many years.

Massive upheaval
“We must have done something right,” he said about USP, “because in 2000, the year of George Speight’s coup, our students covered the massive upheaval which made headlines around the world when Mahendra Chaudhry’s Labour-led coalition government was held at gunpoint for 56 days.

“The students courageously covered the coup with their website Pacific Journalism Online and their newspaper Wansolwara — “One Ocean”.  They won six Ossie Awards – unprecedented for a single university — in Australia that year and a standing ovation.”

He said there was a video on YouTube of their exploits called Frontline Reporters and one of the students, Christine Gounder, wrote an article for a Commonwealth Press Union magazine entitled, “From trainees to professionals. And all it took was a coup”.

Dr Robie said this Fiji experience was still one of the most standout experiences he had had as a journalist and educator.

Along with similar coverage of the 1997 Sandline mercenary crisis by his students at the University of Papua New Guinea.

He made some comments about the 1985 Rainbow Warrior voyage to Rongelap in the Marshall islands and the subsequent bombing by French secret agents in Auckland.

But he added “you can read all about this adventure in my new book” being published in a few weeks.

Taieri MP Ingrid Leary (right) with Dr David Robie and his wife Del Abcede
Taieri MP Ingrid Leary (right) with Dr David Robie and his wife Del Abcede at the Fiji Centre function. Image: Camille Nakhid

Biggest 21st century crisis
Dr Robie said the profession of journalism, truth telling and holding power to account, was vitally important to a healthy democracy.

Although media did not succeed in telling people what to think, it did play a vital role in what to think about. However, the media world was undergoing massive change and fragmentation.

“And public trust is declining in the face of fake news and disinformation,” he said

“I think we are at a crossroads in society, both locally and globally. Both journalism and democracy are under an unprecedented threat in my lifetime.

“When more than 230 journalists can be killed in 19 months in Gaza and there is barely a bleep from the global community, there is something savagely wrong.

“The Gazan journalists won the UNESCO/Guillermo Cano World Press Freedom Prize collectively last year with the judges saying, “As humanity, we have a huge debt to their courage and commitment to freedom of expression.”

“The carnage and genocide in Gaza is deeply disturbing, especially the failure of the world to act decisively to stop it. The fact that Israel can kill with impunity at least 54,000 people, mostly women and children, destroy hospitals and starve people to death and crush a people’s right to live is deeply shocking.

“This is the biggest crisis of the 21st century. We see this relentless slaughter go on livestreamed day after day and yet our media and politicians behave as if this is just ‘normal’. It is shameful, horrendous. Have we lost our humanity?

“Gaza has been our test. And we have failed.”

Other speakers included Whānau Hub co-founder Nik Naidu, one of the anti-coup Coalition for Democracy in Fiji (CDF) stalwarts; the Heritage New Zealand’s Antony Phillips; and Multimedia Investments and Evening Report director Selwyn Manning.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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Pasifika recipients say King’s Birthday honours not just theirs alone https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/02/pasifika-recipients-say-kings-birthday-honours-not-just-theirs-alone/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/02/pasifika-recipients-say-kings-birthday-honours-not-just-theirs-alone/#respond Mon, 02 Jun 2025 07:08:52 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=115517 By Teuila Fuatai, RNZ Pacific senior journalist, Iliesa Tora, and Christina Persico

A New Zealand-born Niuean educator says being recognised in the King’s Birthday honours list reflects the importance of connecting young tagata Niue in Aotearoa to their roots.

Mele Ikiua, who hails from the village of Hakupu Atua in Niue, has been named a member of the New Zealand Order of Merit for services to vagahau Niue language and education.

She told RNZ Pacific the most significant achievement in her career to date had been the promotion of vagahau Niue in the NCEA system.

The change in 2023 enabled vagahau Niue learners to earn literacy credits in the subject, and receive recognition beyond “achieved” in the NCEA system. That, Ikiua said, was about continuing to increase learning opportunities for young Niue people in Aotearoa.

“Because if you look at it, the work that we do — and I say ‘we’ because there’s a lot of people other than myself — we’re here to try and maintain, and try and hold onto, our language because they say our language is very, very endangered.

“The bigger picture for young Niue learners who haven’t connected, or haven’t been able to learn about their vagahau or where they come from [is that] it’s a safe place for them to come and learn . . . There’s no judgement, and they learn the basic foundations before they can delve deeper.”

Her work and advocacy for Niuean culture and vagahau Niue has also extended beyond the formal education system.

Niue stage at Polyfest
Since 2014, Ikiua had been the co-ordinator of the Niue stage at Polyfest, a role she took up after being involved in the festival as a tutor. She also established Three Star Nation, a network which provides leadership, educational and cultural programmes for young people.

Last year, Ikiua also set up the Tokiofa Arts Academy, the world’s first Niue Performing Arts Academy. And in February this year, Three Star Nation held Hologa Niue — the first ever Niuean arts and culture festival in Auckland.

Niuean community in Auckland: Mele Ikiua with Derrick Manuela Jackson (left) and her brother Ron Viviani (right). Photo supplied.
Niuean community members in Auckland . . . Mele Ikiua with Derrick Manuela Jackson (left) and her brother Ron Viviani. Image: RNZ Pacific

She said being recognised in the King’s Birthday honours list was a shared achievement.

“This award is not only mine. It belongs to the family. It belongs to the village. And my colleagues have been amazing too. It’s for us all.”

She is one of several Pasifika honoured in this weekend’s list.

Others include long-serving Auckland councillor and former National MP Anae Arthur Anae; Air Rarotonga chief executive officer and owner Ewan Francis Smith; Okesene Galo; Ngatepaeru Marsters and Viliami Teumohenga.

Cook Islander, Berry Rangi has been awarded a King’s Service Medal for services to the community, particularly Pacific peoples.

Berry Rangi has been awarded a King's Service Medal for services to the community, particularly Pacific peoples.
Berry Rangi has been awarded a King’s Service Medal for services to the community, particularly Pacific peoples. Image: Berry Rangi/RNZ Pacific

Lifted breast screening rates
She has been instrumental in lifting the coverage rates of breast and cervical screening for Pacific women in Hawke’s Bay.

“When you grow up in the islands, you’re not for yourself – you’re for everybody,” she said.

“You’re for the village, for your island.”

She said when she moved to Napier there were very few Pasifika in the city — there were more in Hastings, the nearby city to the south.

“I did things because I knew there was a need for our people, and I’d just go out and do it without having to be asked.”

Berry Rangi also co-founded Tiare Ahuriri, the Napier branch of the national Pacific women’s organisation, PACIFICA.

She has been a Meals on Wheels volunteer with the Red Cross in Napier since 1990 and has been recognised for her 34 years of service in this role.

Maintaining a heritage craft
She also contributes to maintaining the heritage craft of tivaevae (quilting) by delivering workshops to people of all ages and communities across Hawke’s Bay.

Another honours recipient is Uili Galo, who has been made a Member of the New Zealand Order of Merit for services to the Tokelau community.

Galo, of the Tokelau Aotearoa Leaders Council, said it is very gratifying to see his community’s efforts acknolwedged at the highest level.

“I’ve got a lot of people behind me, my elders that I need to acknowledge and thank . . .  my kainga,” he said.

“While the award has been given against my name, it’s them that have been doing all the hard work.”

He said his community came to Aotearoa in the 1970s.

“Right through they’ve been trying to capture their culture and who they are as a people. But obviously as new generations are born here, they assimilate into the pa’alangi world, and somehow lose a sense of who they are.

“A lot of our youth are not quite sure who they are. They know obviously the pa’alangi world they live in, but the challenge of them is to know their identity, that’s really important.”

Pasifika sports duo say recognition is for everyone
Two sporting recipients named as Members of the New Zealand Order of Merit in the King’s Birthday Honours say the honour is for all those who have worked with them.

Pauline-Jean Henrietta Luyten, who is of Tongan heritage, has been involved with rugby at different levels over the years, and is currently a co-chair of New Zealand Rugby's Pacific Advisory Group. Pauline with Eroni Clarke of the Pasifika Rugby Advisory group.
Pauline-Jean Henrietta Luyten with Eroni Clarke of the Pasifika Rugby Advisory group. Image: RNZ Pacific

Pauline-Jean Henrietta Luyten, who is of Tongan heritage, has been involved with rugby at different levels over the years, and is currently a co-chair of New Zealand Rugby’s Pacific Advisory Group.

Annie Burma Teina Tangata Esita Scoon, of Cook Islands heritage, has been involved with softball since she played the sport in school years ago.

While they have been “committed” to their sports loves, their contribution to the different Pasifika communities they serve is being recognised.

Luyten told RNZ Pacific she was humbled and shocked that people took the time to actually put a nomination through.

“You know, all the work we do, it’s in service of all of our communities and our families, and you don’t really look for recognition,” she said.

“The family, the community, everyone who have worked with me and encouraged me they all deserve this recognition.”

Luyten, who has links in Ha’apai, Tonga, said she has loved being involved in rugby, starting off as a junior player and went through the school competition.

Community and provincial rugby
After moving down to Timaru, she was involved with community and provincial rugby, before she got pulled into New Zealand Rugby Pacific Advisory Group.

Luyten made New Zealand rugby history as the first woman of Pacific Island descent to be appointed to a provincial union board in 2019.

She was a board member of the South Canterbury Rugby Football Union and played fullback at Timaru Girls’ High School back in 1997, when rugby competition was first introduced .

Her mother Ailine was one of the first Tongan women to take up residence in Timaru. That was back in the early 1970s.

As well as a law degree at Otago University Luyten completed a Bachelor of Science in 2005 and then went on to complete post-graduate studies in sports medicine in 2009.

Pauline-Jean Henrietta Luyten with Sina Latu of the Tonga Society in South Canterbury.
Pauline-Jean Henrietta Luyten with Sina Latu of the Tonga Society in South Canterbury. Image: RNZ Pacific

She is also a founding member of the Tongan Society South Canterbury which was established in 2016.

Opportunities for Pasifika families
On her rugby involvement, she said the game provides opportunities for Pasifika families and she is happy to be contributing as an administrator.

“Where I know I can contribute has been in that non-playing space and sort of understanding the rugby system, because it’s so big, so complex and kind of challenging.”

Fighting the stereotypes that “Pasifika can’t be directors” has been a major one.

“Some people think there’s not enough of us out there. But for me, I’m like, nah we’ve got people,” she stated.

“We’ve got heaps of people all over the show that can actually step into these roles.

“They may be experienced in different sectors, like the health sector, social sector, financial, but maybe haven’t quite crossed hard enough into the rugby space. So I feel it’s my duty to to do everything I can to create those spaces for our kids, for the future.”

Call for two rugby votes
Earlier this month the group registered the New Zealand Pasifika Rugby Council, which moved a motion, with the support of some local unions, that Pasifika be given two votes within New Zealand Rugby.

“So this was an opportunity too for us to actually be fully embedded into the New Zealand Rugby system.

“But unfortunately, the magic number was 61.3 [percent] and we literally got 61, so it was 0.3 percent less voting, and that was disappointing.”

Luyten said she and the Pacific advisory team will keep working and fighting to get what they have set their mind on.

For Scoon, the acknowledgement was recognition of everyone else who are behind the scenes, doing the work.

Annie Scoon, of Cook Islands heritage, has been involved with softball since she played the sport in school years ago.
Annie Scoon, of Cook Islands heritage, has been involved with softball since she played the sport in school years ago. Image: RNZ Pacific

She said the award was for the Pasifika people in her community in the Palmerston North area.

Voice is for ‘them’
“To me what stands out is that our Pasifika people will be recognized that they’ve had a voice out there,” she said.

“So, it’s for them really; it’s not me, it’s them. They get the recognition that’s due to them. I love my Pacific people down here.”

Scoon is a name well known among the Palmerston North Pasifika and softball communities.

The 78-year-old has played, officiated, coached and now administers the game of softball.

She was born in the Cook Islands and moved with her family to New Zealand in 1948. Her first involvement with softball was in school, as a nine-year-old in Auckland.

Then she helped her children as a coach.

“And then that sort of lead on to learning how to score the game, then coaching the game, yes, and then to just being an administrator of the game,” she said.

Passion for the game
“I’ve gone through softball – I’ve been the chief scorer at national tournaments, I’ve selected at tournaments, and it’s been good because I’d like to think that what I taught my children is a passion for the game, because a lot of them are still involved.”

A car accident years ago has left her wheelchair-bound.

She has also competed as at the Paraplegic Games where she said she proved that “although disabled, there were things that we could do if you just manipulate your body a wee bit and try and think it may not pan out as much as possible, but it does work”.

“All you need to do is just try get out there, but also encourage other people to come out.”

She has kept passing on her softball knowledge to school children.

In her community work, Scoon said she just keeps encouraging people to keep working on what they want to achieve and not to shy away from speaking their mind.

Setting a goal
“I told everybody that they set a goal and work on achieving that goal,” she said.

“And also encouraged alot of them to not be shy and don’t back off if you want something.”

She said one of the challenging experiences, in working with the Pasifika community, is the belief by some that they may not be good enough.

Her advice to many is to learn what they can and try to improve, so that they can get better in life.

“I wasn’t born like this,” she said, referring to her disability.

“You pick out what suits you but because our island people — we’re very shy people and we’re proud. We’re very proud people. Rather than make a fuss, we’d rather step back.

“They shouldn’t and they need to stand up and they want to be recognised.”

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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The Gong Show, Jerry Springer, Maury Povitch, Howard Stern, Seinfeld https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/31/the-gong-show-jerry-springer-maury-povitch-howard-stern-seinfeld/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/31/the-gong-show-jerry-springer-maury-povitch-howard-stern-seinfeld/#respond Sat, 31 May 2025 14:56:09 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=158660 And we thought the Borscht Belt had died out. We have it in the corridors of power, in the White Man’s House, in every corner of media and the law. To take this to its silliness level: The name comes from borscht, a soup of Ukrainian origin (made with beets as the main ingredient, giving it a deep reddish-purple […]

The post The Gong Show, Jerry Springer, Maury Povitch, Howard Stern, Seinfeld first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>

And we thought the Borscht Belt had died out. We have it in the corridors of power, in the White Man’s House, in every corner of media and the law. To take this to its silliness level: The name comes from borscht, a soup of Ukrainian origin (made with beets as the main ingredient, giving it a deep reddish-purple color) that is popular in many Central and Eastern European countries and brought by Ashkenazi Jewish and Slavic immigrants to the United States. The alliterative name was coined by Abel Green, editor of Variety starting in 1933, and is a play on existing colloquial names for other American regions (such as the Bible Belt and Rust Belt). An alternate name, the Yiddish Alps was used by Larry King and is satirical: a classic example of borscht belt humor.

This country has devolved, man, into disgrace. No real journalists in corporate Press, and the goofy celebrity cults, and the billionaires and their Eichmann Millionaires. It is a dirty dirty country, and so why not more of the Rapist in Chief Trump’s Room Temperature IQ antics? ….Disgraced reality TV stars Todd and Julie Chrisley, convicted in a scheme to swindle banks out of tens of millions of dollars, walked free from prison Wednesday after they were pardoned by President Donald Trump, their lawyers said.

The pair, known for the show “Chrisley Knows Best,” were headed home to Nashville following their release, law firm Litson PLLC said.

The “Trumps of the South,” who were convicted in 2022 of fraud, tax evasion and conspiracy to defraud the United States, received the pardons after intervention by one of their daughters.

Clown show in the trillion$: And this is accepted as reality? What, 250,000 people sacked since that Jan. 20 Trump Coronation?

Elon Musk has said he is leaving the Trump administration after helping lead a tumultuous drive to shrink size of US government that saw thousands of federal jobs axed.

In a post on his social media platform X, the world’s richest man thanked Trump for the opportunity to help run the Department of Government Efficiency, known as Doge.

The White House began “offboarding” Musk as a special government employee on Wednesday night, the BBC understands.

His role was temporary and his exit is not unexpected, but it comes a day after Musk criticised the legislative centrepiece of Trump’s agenda.

“As my scheduled time as a Special Government Employee comes to an end, I would like to thank President @realDonaldTrump for the opportunity to reduce wasteful spending,” Musk wrote on X. “The @DOGE mission will only strengthen over time as it becomes a way of life throughout the government.”

Measured from Trump’s inauguration on 20 January, he would hit that limit towards the end of May. But his exit comes after a day after he said he was “disappointed” with Trump’s budget bill, which proposes multi-trillion dollar tax breaks and a boost to defence spending.

The SpaceX and Tesla boss said in an interview with BBC’s US partner CBS that the “big, beautiful bill”, as Trump calls it, would increase the federal deficit.

Musk also said he thought it “undermines the work” of Doge.

“I think a bill can be big or it could be beautiful,” Musk said. “But I don’t know if it could be both.”

It is significant that this guy Chesky is Jewish because, drum roll, the company they keep, the family they cherish, the boardrooms they populate, the anti-Palestine thinking they hold ….

….from the Guardian:

Hotel rooms or holiday rentals listed on both sites were counted only once. Duplicates were removed by assigning holiday lets (those in apartments and houses) as Airbnbs and hotel rooms as Booking.com. Looking at listings instead of properties, there were 402 in total across the West Bank including East Jerusalem – 350 on Airbnb and 52 on Booking.com.

The Airbnb listings found by the Guardian analysis include 18 situated in outposts – settlements considered illegal under international law and also not officially authorised by the Israeli government and against Israeli law.

‘War crimes are not a tourist attraction’

By operating in settlements, multinational companies including Booking.com and Airbnb are violating international law, human rights activists warn. Booking.com and Airbnb are among 16 non-Israeli companies identified by the UN as having ties to Israeli settlements in the West Bank.

“Any company doing business in Israel’s illegal settlements is enabling a war crime and helping to prop up Israel’s system of apartheid,” Kristyan Benedict, Amnesty International UK’s crisis response manager, said in response to the Guardian’s findings.

“With Israeli military forces and settlers having killed and injured huge numbers of Palestinian civilians in the West Bank including East Jerusalem in the last 15 months, tourist companies are making themselves complicit in a blood-soaked system of Israeli war crimes and systematic repression.

“War crimes are not a tourist attraction – Airbnb, Booking.com and the wider business community should immediately sever all links with Israel’s illegal occupation and ongoing annexation of Palestinian territory.”

Sari Bashi, programme director at Human Rights Watch, said that, in allowing properties in Israeli settlements to be listed on their sites, “Airbnb and Booking.com are contributing to land grabs, crippling movement restrictions and even the forced displacement of Palestinians in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem, abuses that Israeli authorities commit in order to maintain oppression and domination over Palestinians as part of the crime against humanity of apartheid”.

“Businesses should not enable, facilitate, or profit from serious violations of international law. The time has come for both companies to stop doing business in the occupied territories on stolen land.”


[Photo Credit: (From left) Michelle Obama, her brother Craig Robinson, and Airbnb CEO Brian Chesky during the IMO podcast on May 21, 2025.]

There seems to be no end to the profiteers gouging the world even at the cost of hundreds of thousands dead or dying in that concentration camp now turned into a killing field. It’s as if the scabs America and the west have won through capital-capitalism punishment have turned most in the west into zombies or lobotomies or Stepford Wives and Husbands. Handmaid Tale? Think hard. Read the piece — fiction but oh so real — by Ursula le Guin below this rant. It will run shivers down your spine.

But first, that Airbnb:

Seized, settled, let: how Airbnb and Booking.com help Israelis make money from stolen Palestinian land

Billionaire Airbnb CEO Brian Chesky went back to school prior to the company going public—but it wasn’t to obtain a degree, it was to seek the guidance of a former president. Chesky reveals that during weekly chats with Barack Obama, he would receive “assignments” that revolutionized his leadership.

To build Airbnb into a billion-dollar business, Brian Chesky sometimes worked gruesome 100-hour weeks. However, on top of that, he would regularly carve out time to pick the brains of one of the most important people in the world: former President Barack Obama.

*****

I say it a thousand times — “no precautionary principle, so anything goes; or, “no at first and always do NO harm, so a billion harms are the result,” and, finally, “intended and unintended (usually already known) consequences should be prosecuted as crimes against humanity and ecosystems.”

The question is the wrong question, as always with Mainlining Corporate Media, and, well, how about proposing an end to AI — the war on drugs, well, how about the war on AI? No?

And so the most unqualified people in the world, again, his tribal connections count, but I’ll not beat that dead horse, do have a chair at the Star Chamber: Meta’s Mark Zuckerberg Warns Colleges of ‘a Reckoning’ Because They’re Not ‘Preparing People for the Jobs That They Need’

And so it’s not a Mad Mad Mad Mad World of rotten reality TV in real time? Give me a break. Gates and Fink and Ellison and Mark Cuban and Bezos and hell throw in Kissinger or Sean Penn or Ben Stiller, they all, like Zuckerberg, have the world, our world, in the palm of their collective hand.

In a recent interview with comedian Theo Von on his podcast, Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg offered a blunt critique of the modern college system, questioning its relevance in preparing young people for today’s evolving job market. The remarks add to a growing chorus of skepticism from tech industry leaders about the role and value of higher education in an increasingly skills-driven economy.

“I’m not sure that college is preparing people for the jobs that they need to have,” Zuckerberg said when asked whether he believes college is still necessary in today’s world. “There’s a big issue on that, and all the student debt issues are really big issues. The fact that college is so expensive for so many people.” He did offer the idea that college has its place as a means of living on one’s own, away from one’s parents, while they learn to be an adult. However, the CEO added that the massive debt people often graduate with doesn’t make sense for many.

Oh, insightful nothing burger from that “criminal,” Zuckerberg, with, well, a comic with a podcast? Theodor Capitani von Kurnatowski III?? So, Chromebooks and Zoom Remote School and an end to humanities and history and all the crap they don’t like so they can get partially employed folk who are on universal chump change incomes while their drones and missiles and 100,000 satellites in the heavens and sky can do their dirty work.

And language and such mean nothing. MAHA? Right, tell that to the people in Gaza, even outside of Gaza, where bombs bursting in air, all the dust, all the depleted uranium atoms, well well, how’s that going to work on cancers and birth-defects and birth-deaths? RFK Jr, though, don’t you know, believes Palestinians are spoiled and all Hamas.

Orwell would be spinning in his urn:

As he has promoted the Trump administration’s “Make America Healthy Again” agenda, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the U.S. Health and Human Services secretary, has lamented the toll that processed foods have taken on the health of Americans, in particular Native Americans.

Prepackaged foods have “mass poisoned” tribal communities, he said last month when he met with tribal leaders and visited a Native American health clinic in Arizona.

Weeks later, in testimony before the House Appropriations Committee, he said processed foods had resulted in a “genocide” among Native Americans, who disproportionately live in places where there are few or no grocery stores.

“One of my big priorities will be getting good food — high-quality food, traditional foods — onto the reservation because processed foods for American Indians is poison,” Kennedy told the committee. Healthy food is key to combating the high rates of chronic disease in tribal communities, he said.

Yet even as the president tasks Kennedy’s agency and the U.S. Department of Agriculture with improving healthy eating programs, the USDA has terminated the very program that dozens of tribal food banks say has helped them provide fresh, locally produced food that is important to their traditions and cultures.

That program — the USDA’s Local Food Purchase Assistance Cooperative Agreement program — began under President Joe Biden in late 2021 as a response to challenges accessing food that were magnified by the pandemic. Its goal was to boost purchases from local farmers and ranchers, and the funding went to hundreds of food banks across the country, including 90 focused on serving tribes.

(Hint hint: Meals on Wheels is on the chopping block, and so are programs to lower prices of groceries for that program and for food banks thoughout the land . . . healthy diets include 800 calories a day for grandma?)

Nah, AI in their hands will not be a criminal facilitation of destroying human agency and human connections and just plain ol’ book smarts and on the job intelligence. The gift that keeps on corroding, AI, VR, MR, AR, AGI.

And no, this isn’t another ‘the internet is a series of tubes‘ moment. Think about this for more than half a second and it seems obvious: The high-level interactions that we have in any software is always a veil over the low-level machinations rolling forward underneath. But it’s interesting to be reminded of this fact in the context of a supposedly new phase, paradigm, or stage of computing and the internet.

Then this? From the Associated Press? Headlines? AP? I used to respect the outfit, five decades ago.  “Get ready for several years of killer heat, top weather forecasters warn.” And so is it AI getting us ready for wet bulb temperatures out the roof? AirB&B? Michelle Obama? DOGE?

And it all comes down to shit. Sewage and all the other shit. No way forward with this Jerry Springer Show.

UCSD study: Tijuana sewage isn’t the only pollutant detectible in the air

Researchers found illicit drugs and chemicals from tires in the Tijuana River becoming airborne.

*****

Jewish Springer, Seinfeld, Chuck Barris (Gong Show), Maury Povitch, and Stern, what a Mad Mad Mad Mad World, and now this?

Comedy Central for Jews in Israel? [Israeli police officers assist a Palestinian after he was pushed by right-wing Israelis as they mark Jerusalem Day, in Jerusalem’s Old City, May 26, 2025. (AP Photo/Ohad Zwigenberg)]

The United Arab Emirates lays into Israel over this week’s Jerusalem Flag March, characterizing it as an “annual spectacle of unchecked violence and extremist provocation” and issuing a rare warning against Israel if Jerusalem doesn’t take “decisive steps” against the phenomenon.

“It is utterly unfathomable that, amid the ongoing carnage in Gaza, the Israeli government — underscored by the presence of one of its ministers — continues to permit” the flag march an Emirati official tells The Times of Israel in a statement issued shortly after Abu Dhabi summoned Israel’s ambassador to the Gulf country for a rare reprimand.

*****

Let’s go out with Gerald Horne, a true winner: Oh Canada! and more!! Gerald Horne Around The Horne: G7 Unite Against China, But Is the Era of US World Dominance Over?

Mad Mad Mad Mad World Indeed.

The Ones Who Walk Away From Omelas

by Ursula K LeGuin – from The Wind’s Twelve Quarters 

With a clamor of bells that set the swallows soaring, the Festival of Summer came to the city Omelas, bright-towered by the sea. The ringing of the boats in harbor sparkled with flags. In the streets between houses with red roofs and painted walls, between old moss-grown gardens and under avenues of trees, past great parks and public buildings, processions moved.

Some were decorous: old people in long stiff robes of mauve and gray, grave master workmen, quiet, merry women carrying their babies and chatting as they walked. In other streets the music beat faster, a shimmering of gong and tambourine, and the people went dancing, the procession was a dance. Children dodged in and out, their high calls rising like the swallows’ crossing flights over the music and the singing. All the processions wound towards the north side of the city, where on the great water-meadow called the Green Fields boys and girls, naked in the bright air, with mud-stained feet and ankles and long, lithe arms,exercised their restive horses before the race. The horses wore no gear at all but a halter without bit. Their manes were braided with streamers of silver, gold, and green. They flared their nostrils and pranced and boasted to one another; they were vastly excited, the horse being the only animal who has adopted our ceremonies as his own. Far off to the north and west the mountains stood up half encircling Omelas on her bay. The air of morning was so clear that the snow still crowning the Eighteen Peaks burned with white-gold fire across the miles of sunlit air, under the dark blue of the sky. There was just enough wind to make the banners that marked the racecourse snap and flutter now and then. In the silence of the broad green meadows one could hear the music winding throughout the city streets, farther and nearer and ever approaching, a cheerful faint sweetness of the air from time to time trembled and gathered together and broke out into the great joyous clanging of the bells.

Joyous! How is one to tell about joy? How describe the citizens of Omelas?

They were not simple folk, you see, though they were happy. But we do not say the words of cheer much any more. All smiles have become archaic. Given a description such as this one tends to make certain assumptions. Given a description such as this one tends to look next for the King, mounted on a splendid stallion and surrounded by his noble knights, or perhaps in a golden litter borne by great-muscled slaves. But there was no king. They did not use swords, or keep slaves. They were not barbarians, I do not know the rules and laws of their society, but I suspect that they were singularly few. As they did without monarchy and slavery, so they also got on without the stock exchange, the advertisement, the secret police, and the bomb. Yet I repeat that these were not simple folk, not dulcet shepherds, noble savages, bland utopians. There were not less complex than us.

The trouble is that we have a bad habit, encouraged by pedants and sophisticates, of considering happiness as something rather stupid. Only pain is intellectual, only evil interesting. This is the treason of the artist: a refusal to admit the banality of evil and the terrible boredom of pain. If you can’t lick ’em, join ’em. If it hurts, repeat it. But to praise despair is to condemn delight, to embrace violence is to lose hold of everything else. We have almost lost hold; we can no longer describe happy man, nor make any celebration of joy. How can I tell you about the people of Omelas? They were not naive and happy children–though their children were, in fact, happy. They were mature, intelligent, passionate adults whose lives were not wretched. O miracle! But I wish I could describe it better. I wish I could convince you. Omelas sounds in my words like a city in a fairy tale, long ago and far away, once upon a time. Perhaps it would be best if you imagined it as your own fancy bids, assuming it will rise to the occasion, for certainly I cannot suit you all. For instance, how about technology? I think that there would be no cars or helicopters in and above the streets; this follows from the fact that the people of Omelas are happy people. Happiness is based on a just discrimination of what is necessary, what is neither necessary nor destructive, and what is destructive. In the middle category, however–that of the unnecessary but undestructive, that of comfort, luxury, exuberance, etc.– they could perfectly well have central heating, subway trains, washing machines, and all kinds of marvelous devices not yet invented here, floating light-sources, fuelless power, a cure for the common cold. Or they could have none of that: it doesn’t matter. As you like it. I incline to think that people from towns up and down the coast have been coming to to Omelas during the last days before the Festival on very fast little trains and double-decked trams, and that the trains station of Omelas is actually the handsomest building in town, though plainer than the magnificent Farmers’ Market. But even granted trains, I fear that Omelas so far strikes some of you as goody-goody. Smiles, bells, parades, horses, bleh. If so, please add an orgy. If an orgy would help, don’t hesitate. Let us not, however, have temples from which issue beautiful nude priests and priestesses already half in ecstasy and ready to copulate with any man or woman, lover or stranger, who desires union with the deep godhead of the blood, although that was my first idea. But really it would be better not to have any temples in Omelas–at least, not manned temples. Religion yes, clergy no. Surely the beautiful nudes can just wander about, offering themselves like divine souffles to the hunger of the needy and the rapture of the flesh. Let them join the processions. Let tambourines be struck above the copulations, and the gory of desire be proclaimed upon the gongs, and (a not unimportant point) let the offspring of these delightful rituals be beloved and looked after by all. One thing I know there is none of in Omelas is guilt. But what else should there be? I thought at first there were no drugs, but that is puritanical. For those who like it, the faint insistent sweetness of drooz may perfume the ways of the city, drooz which first brings a great lightness and brilliance to the mind and limbs, and then after some hours a dreamy languor, and wonderful visions at last of the very arcane and inmost secrets of the Universe, as well as exciting the pleasure of sex beyond all belief; and it is not habit-forming. For more modest tastes I think there ought to be beer. What else, what else belongs in the joyous city? The sense of victory, surely, the celebration of courage. But as we did without clergy, let us do without soldiers. The joy built upon successful slaughter is not the right kind of joy; it will not do; it is fearful and it is trivial. A boundless and generous contentment, a magnanimous triumph felt not against some outer enemy but in communion with the finest and fairest in the souls of all men everywhere and the splendor of the world’s summer: This is what swells the hearts of the people of Omelas, and the victory they celebrate is that of life. I don’t think many of them need to take drooz.

Most of the processions have reached the Green Fields by now. A marvelous smell of cooking goes forth from the red and blue tents of the provisioners. The faces of small children are amiably sticky; in the benign gray beard of a man a couple of crumbs of rich pastry are entangled. The youths and girls have mounted their horses and are beginning to group around the starting line of the course. An old woman, small, fat, and laughing, is passing out flowers from a basket, and tall young men wear her flowers in their shining hair. A child of nine or ten sits at the edge of the crowd alone, playing on a wooden flute.

People pause to listen, and they smile, but they do not speak to him, for he never ceases playing and never sees them, his dark eyes wholly rapt in the sweet, thing magic of the tune.

He finishes, and slowly lowers his hands holding the wooden flute.

Omelas

As if that little private silence were the signal, all at once a trumpet sounds from the pavilion near the starting line: imperious, melancholy, piercing. The horses rear on their slender legs, and some of them neigh in answer. Sober-faced, the young riders stroke the horses’ necks and soothe them, whispering. “Quiet, quiet, there my beauty, my hope…” They begin to form in rank along the starting line. The crowds along the racecourse are like a field of grass and flowers in the wind. The Festival of Summer has begun.

Do you believe? Do you accept the festival, the city, the joy? No? Then let me describe one more thing.

The Ones Who Walk Away From Omelas Reflection - Araaa Aquarian's Digital Portfolio

In a basement under one of the beautiful public buildings of Omelas, or perhaps in the cellar of one of its spacious private homes, there is a room. It has one locked door, and no window. A little light seeps in dustily between cracks in the boards, secondhand from a cobwebbed window somewhere across the cellar. In one corner of the little room a couple of mops, with stiff, clotted, foul-smelling heads, stand near a rusty bucket. The floor is dirt, a little damp to the touch, as cellar dirt usually is.

The room is about three paces long and two wide: a mere broom closet or disused tool room. In the room, a child is sitting. It could be a boy or a girl. It looks about six, but actually is nearly ten. It is feeble-minded. Perhaps it was born defective, or perhaps it has become imbecile through fear, malnutrition, and neglect. It picks its nose and occasionally fumbles vaguely with its toes or genitals, as it sits hunched in the corner farthest from the bucket and the two mops. It is afraid of the mops. It finds them horrible. It shuts its eyes, but it knows the mops are still standing there; and the door is locked; and nobody will come. The door is always locked; and nobody ever comes, except that sometimes–the child has no understanding of time or interval–sometimes the door rattles terribly and opens, and a person, or several people, are there. One of them may come in and kick the child to make it stand up. The others never come close, but peer in at it with frightened, disgusted eyes. The food bowl and the water jug are hastily filled, the door is locked; the eyes disappear. The people at the door never say anything, but the child, who has not always lived in the tool room, and can remember sunlight and its mother’s voice, sometimes speaks. “I will be good, ” it says. “Please let me out. I will be good!” They never answer. The child used to scream for help at night, and cry a good deal, but now it only makes a kind of whining, “eh-haa, eh-haa,” and it speaks less and less often. It is so thin there are no calves to its legs; its belly protrudes; it lives on a half-bowl of corn meal and grease a day. It is naked. Its buttocks and thighs are a mass of festered sores, as it sits in its own excrement continually.

Response to "The Ones Who Walk Away From Omelas" | bulb

They all know it is there, all the people of Omelas. Some of them have come to see it, others are content merely to know it is there. They all know that it has to be there. Some of them understand why, and some do not, but they all understand that their happiness, the beauty of their city, the tenderness of their friendships, the health of their children, the wisdom of their scholars, the skill of their makers, even the abundance of their harvest and the kindly weathers of their skies, depend wholly on this child’s abominable misery.

How to distract a starving child: Hunger in Rafah amid Israel’s war on Gaza

This is usually explained to children when they are between eight and twelve, whenever they seem capable of understanding; and most of those who come to see the child are young people, though often enough an adult comes, or comes back, to see the child. No matter how well the matter has been explained to them, these young spectators are always shocked and sickened at the sight. They feel disgust, which they had thought themselves superior to. They feel anger, outrage, impotence, despite all the explanations. They would like to do something for the child. But there is nothing they can do. If the child were brought up into the sunlight out of that vile place, if it were cleaned and fed and comforted, that would be a good thing, indeed; but if it were done, in that day and hour all the prosperity and beauty and delight of Omelas would wither and be destroyed. Those are the terms. To exchange all the goodness and grace of every life in Omelas for that single, small improvement: to throw away the happiness of thousands for the chance of happiness of one: that would be to let guilt within the walls indeed.

The terms are strict and absolute; there may not even be a kind word spoken to the child.

4 Children Have Died of Hunger This Week in Gaza as Half a Million Face Famine | Truthout

Often the young people go home in tears, or in a tearless rage, when they have seen the child and faced this terrible paradox. They may brood over it for weeks or years. But as time goes on they begin to realize that even if the child could be released, it would not get much good of its freedom: a little vague pleasure of warmth and food, no real doubt, but little more. It is too degraded and imbecile to know any real joy. It has been afraid too long ever to be free of fear. Its habits are too uncouth for it to respond to humane treatment. Indeed, after so long it would probably be wretched without walls about it to protect it, and darkness for its eyes, and its own excrement to sit in. Their tears at the bitter injustice dry when they begin to perceive the terrible justice of reality, and to accept it. Yet it is their tears and anger, the trying of their generosity and the acceptance of their helplessness, which are perhaps the true source of the splendor of their lives. Theirs is no vapid, irresponsible happiness. They know that they, like the child, are not free. They know compassion. It is the existence of the child, and their knowledge of its existence, that makes possible the nobility of their architecture, the poignancy of their music, the profundity of their science. It is because of the child that they are so gentle with children. They know that if the wretched one were not there sniveling in the dark, the other one, the flute-player, could make no joyful music as the young riders line up in their beauty for the race in the sunlight of the first morning of summer.

Now do you believe them? Are they not more credible? But there is one more thing to tell, and this is quite incredible.

At times one of the adolescent girls or boys who go see the child does not go home to weep or rage, does not, in fact, go home at all. Sometimes also a man or a woman much older falls silent for a day or two, then leaves home. These people go out into the street, and walk down the street alone. They keep walking, and walk straight out of the city of Omelas, through the beautiful gates. They keep walking across the farmlands of Omelas. Each one goes alone, youth or girl, man or woman.

Night falls; the traveler must pass down village streets, between the houses with yellow- lit windows, and on out into the darkness of the fields. Each alone, they go west or north, towards the mountains. They go on. They leave Omelas, they walk ahead into the darkness, and they do not come back. The place they go towards is a place even less imaginable to most of us than the city of happiness. I cannot describe it at all. It is possible that it does not exist. But they seem to know where they are going, the ones who walk away from Omelas.

A 50 per cent reduction in aid entering war-torn Gaza in February has led to sharp increases in malnutrition, hunger and starvation.

The post The Gong Show, Jerry Springer, Maury Povitch, Howard Stern, Seinfeld first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Paul Haeder.

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Fighting Gender-Based Violence Through Human Rights Education https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/30/fighting-gender-based-violence-through-human-rights-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/30/fighting-gender-based-violence-through-human-rights-education/#respond Fri, 30 May 2025 16:01:16 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=47c70d977923d6c99b1ee1677dbd7bca
This content originally appeared on Amnesty International and was authored by Amnesty International.

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A Tennessee School Agreed to Pay $100,000 to Family of 11-Year-Old Student Arrested Under School Threats Law https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/29/a-tennessee-school-agreed-to-pay-100000-to-family-of-11-year-old-student-arrested-under-school-threats-law/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/29/a-tennessee-school-agreed-to-pay-100000-to-family-of-11-year-old-student-arrested-under-school-threats-law/#respond Thu, 29 May 2025 15:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/tennessee-school-threats-law-lawsuit-settlement by Aliyya Swaby, ProPublica, and Paige Pfleger, WPLN/Nashville Public Radio

ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

A Chattanooga, Tennessee, public charter school has agreed to pay the family of an 11-year-old boy $100,000 to settle a federal lawsuit claiming that it wrongfully reported the student to police for an alleged threat of mass violence.

The incident happened at the beginning of the school year when Junior, who is autistic, overheard two students talking. (We are using a nickname to protect his privacy.) As Junior later described it, one asked if the other was going to shoot up the school tomorrow. Junior looked at the other student, who seemed like he was going to say yes, and answered yes for him. Students then reported that Junior had threatened to shoot up the school.

Administrators said he could return to school the next day, but hours later, a sheriff’s deputy tracked him down at a family birthday dinner and handcuffed him in the restaurant parking lot.

ProPublica and WPLN News wrote about the case last October as part of a larger investigation into a new law in Tennessee making threats of mass violence at school a felony.

According to the settlement, Chattanooga Preparatory School also agreed to implement training on how to handle threats of mass violence at school, including reporting only “valid” threats to police and differentiating between “clearly innocuous statements” and “imminent” violence.

A federal judge will hold a final hearing on the settlement on July 1. According to the family’s lawyer, this is the first known monetary settlement in a case challenging this law. Chattanooga Prep did not immediately respond to a request for comment from the news organizations.

Junior’s mother, Torri, said the settlement is “bittersweet.” He still gets fearful when he sees police cars, reminded of the evening he was taken to juvenile detention. We are only using Torri’s first name at her request, to prevent her son from being identifiable. His case was dismissed in juvenile court in December.

But Torri said she is happy that employees at the school will get training on how to do better in the future.

Junior with his mother, Torri (Andrea Morales for ProPublica)

“I don’t want anyone — any child, anyone, any parent — to go through it or witness it,” she said. “Other kids will be more protected if they are ever put in that situation.”

Junior’s lawyers argued in the lawsuit that the school was at fault for reporting him to police as though he had made a valid threat, while knowing he had not. “Instead of reporting only valid threats of mass violence to police, Chattanooga Prep reports all threats to law enforcement regardless of validity,” an amended version of the lawsuit against the school reads. The school did not file a response to the legal complaint.

During the last legislative session, advocates for children with disabilities testified about problems with the law — but lawmakers did not alter the existing statute. Instead they added another similar statute to the books, which could open the door for children to be charged with harsher penalties.

The family’s lawyer, Justin Gilbert, said he hopes this settlement will force lawmakers to pay attention and make necessary changes to the law.

“Monetary figures — for better or for worse — can be a driver for policy change, and sometimes legislators can react to that, school districts can react to that,” Gilbert said. “Then that results in a deeper look at the settlement terms and what kind of training is necessary to hopefully prevent these kids from being arrested and expelled unnecessarily.”


This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Aliyya Swaby, ProPublica, and Paige Pfleger, WPLN/Nashville Public Radio.

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Illinois Lawmakers Ban Police From Ticketing and Fining Students for Minor Infractions in School https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/29/illinois-lawmakers-ban-police-from-ticketing-and-fining-students-for-minor-infractions-in-school/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/29/illinois-lawmakers-ban-police-from-ticketing-and-fining-students-for-minor-infractions-in-school/#respond Thu, 29 May 2025 01:45:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/illinois-bans-police-ticketing-students-school-price-kids-pay by Jodi S. Cohen and Jennifer Smith Richards

ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

Illinois legislators on Wednesday passed a law to explicitly prevent police from ticketing and fining students for minor misbehavior at school, ending a practice that harmed students across the state.

The new law would apply to all public schools, including charters. It will require school districts, beginning in the 2027-28 school year, to report to the state how often they involve police in student matters each year and to separate the data by race, gender and disability. The state will be required to make the data public.

The legislation comes three years after a ProPublica and Chicago Tribune investigation, “The Price Kids Pay,” revealed that even though Illinois law bans school officials from fining students directly, districts skirted the law by calling on police to issue citations for violating local ordinances.

“The Price Kids Pay” found that thousands of Illinois students had been ticketed in recent years for adolescent behavior once handled by the principal’s office — things like littering, making loud noises, swearing, fighting or vaping in the bathroom. It also found that Black students were twice as likely to be ticketed at school than their white peers.

From the House floor, Rep. La Shawn Ford, a Democrat from Chicago, thanked the news organizations for exposing the practice and told legislators that the goal of the bill “is to make sure if there is a violation of school code, the school should use their discipline policies” rather than disciplining students through police-issued tickets.

State Sen. Karina Villa, a Democrat from suburban West Chicago and a sponsor of the measure, said in a statement that ticketing students failed to address the reasons for misbehavior. “This bill will once and for all prohibit monetary fines as a form of discipline for Illinois students,” she said.

The legislation also would prevent police from issuing tickets to students for behavior on school transportation or during school-related events or activities.

The Illinois Association of Chiefs of Police opposed the legislation. The group said in a statement that while school-based officers should not be responsible for disciplining students, they should have the option to issue citations for criminal conduct as one of a “variety of resolutions.” The group said it’s concerned that not having the option to issue tickets could lead to students facing arrest and criminal charges instead.

The legislation passed the House 69-44. It passed in the Senate last month 37-17 and now heads to Gov. JB Pritzker, who previously has spoken out against ticketing students at school. A spokesperson said Wednesday night that he “was supportive of this initiative” and plans to review the bill.

The legislation makes clear that police can arrest students for crimes or violence they commit, but that they cannot ticket students for violating local ordinances prohibiting a range of minor infractions.

That distinction was not clear in previous versions of the legislation, which led to concern that schools would not be able to involve police in serious matters — and was a key reason legislation on ticketing foundered in previous legislative sessions. Students also may still be ordered to pay for lost, stolen or damaged property.

“This bill helps create an environment where students can learn from their mistakes without being unnecessarily funneled into the justice system,” said Aimee Galvin, government affairs director with Stand for Children, one of the groups that advocated for banning municipal tickets as school-based discipline.

The news investigation detailed how students were doubly penalized: when they were punished in school, with detention or a suspension, and then when they were ticketed by police for minor misbehavior. The investigation also revealed how, to resolve the tickets, children were thrown into a legal process designed for adults. Illinois law permits fines of up to $750 for municipal ordinance violations; it’s difficult to fight the charges, and students and families can be sent to collections if they don’t pay.

After the investigation was published, some school districts stopped asking police to ticket students. But the practice has continued in many other districts.

The legislation also adds regulations for districts that hire school-based police officers, known as school resource officers. Starting next year, districts with school resource officers must enter into agreements with local police to lay out the roles and responsibilities of officers on campus. The agreements will need to specify that officers are prohibited from issuing citations on school property and that they must be trained in working with students with disabilities. The agreements also must outline a process for data collection and reporting. School personnel also would be prohibited from referring truant students to police to be ticketed as punishment.

Before the new legislation, there had been some piecemeal changes and efforts at reform. A state attorney general investigation into a large suburban Chicago district confirmed that school administrators were exploiting a loophole in state law when they asked police to issue tickets to students. The district denied wrongdoing, but that investigation found the district broke the law and that the practice disproportionately affected Black and Latino students. The state’s top legal authority declared the practice illegal and said it should stop.


This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jodi S. Cohen and Jennifer Smith Richards.

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Why NZ must act against Israel’s ethnic cleansing and genocide https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/28/why-nz-must-act-against-israels-ethnic-cleansing-and-genocide/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/28/why-nz-must-act-against-israels-ethnic-cleansing-and-genocide/#respond Wed, 28 May 2025 23:36:17 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=115414 ANALYSIS: By Ian Powell

When I despairingly contemplate the horrors and cruelty that Palestinians in Gaza are being subjected to, I sometimes try to put this in the context of where I live.

I live on the Kāpiti Coast in the lower North Island of Aotearoa New Zealand.

Geographically it is around the same size as Gaza. Both have coastlines running their full lengths. But, whereas the population of Gaza is a cramped two million, Kāpiti’s is a mere 56,000.

The Gaza Strip
The Gaza Strip . . . 2 million people living in a cramped outdoor prison about the same size as Kāpiti. Map: politicalbytes.blog

I find it incomprehensible to visualise what it would be like if what is presently happening in Gaza occurred here.

The only similarities between them are coastlines and land mass. One is an outdoor prison while the other’s outdoors is peaceful.

New Zealand and Palestine state recognition
Currently Palestine has observer status at the United Nations General Assembly. In May last year, the Assembly voted overwhelmingly in favour of Palestine being granted full membership of the United Nations.

To its credit, New Zealand was among 143 countries that supported the resolution. Nine, including the United States as the strongest backer of Israeli genocide  outside Israel, voted against.

However, despite this massive majority, such is the undemocratic structure of the UN that it only requires US opposition in the Security Council to veto the democratic vote.

Notwithstanding New Zealand’s support for Palestine broadening its role in the General Assembly and its support for the two-state solution, the government does not officially recognise Palestine.

While its position on recognition is consistent with that of the genocide-supporting United States, it is inconsistent with the over 75 percent of UN member states who, in March 2025, recognised Palestine as a sovereign state (by 147 of the 193 member states).

NZ Prime Minister Christopher Luxon
NZ Prime Minister Christopher Luxon . . . his government should “correct this obscenity” of not recognising Palestinians’ right to have a sovereign nation. Image: RNZ/politicalbytes.blog/

Prime Minister Christopher Luxon’s government does have the opportunity to correct this obscenity as Palestine recognition will soon be voted on again by the General Assembly.

In this context it is helpful to put the Hamas-led attack on Israel in its full historical perspective and to consider the reasons justifying the Israeli genocide that followed.

7 October 2023 and genocide justification
The origin of the horrific genocide of Palestinians in Gaza and the associated increased persecution, including killings, of Palestinians in the Israeli occupied West Bank (of the River Jordan) was not the attack by Hamas and several other militant Palestinian groups on 7 October 2023.

This attack was on a small Israeli town less than 2 km north of the border. An estimated 1,195 Israelis and visitors were killed.

The genocidal response of the Israeli government that followed this attack can only be justified by three factors:

  1. The Judaism or ancient Jewishness of Palestine in Biblical times overrides the much larger Palestinian population in Mandate Palestine prior to formation of Israel in 1948;
  2. The right of Israelis to self-determination overrides the right of Palestinians to self-determination; and
  3. The value of Israeli lives overrides the value Palestinian lives.

The first factor is the key. The second and third factors are consequential. In order to better appreciate their context, it is first necessary to understand the Nakba.

Understanding the Nakba
Rather than the October 2023 attack, the origin of the subsequent genocide goes back more than 70 years to the collective trauma of Palestinians caused by what they call the Nakba (the Disaster).

The foundation year of the Nakba was in 1948, but this was a central feature of the ethnic cleansing that was kicked off between 1947 and 1949.

During this period  Zionist military forces attacked major Palestinian cities and destroyed some 530 villages. About 15,000 Palestinians were killed in a series of mass atrocities, including dozens of massacres.

Nakba Day in Auckland this week
The Nakba – the Palestinian collective trauma in 1948 that started ethnic cleansing by Zionist paramilitary forces. Image: David Robie/APR

During the Nakba in 1948, approximately half of Palestine’s predominantly Arab population, or around 750,000 people, were expelled from their homes or forced to flee. Initially this was  through Zionist paramilitaries.

After the establishment of the State of Israel in May this repression was picked up by its military. Massacres, biological warfare (by poisoning village wells) and either complete destruction or depopulation of Palestinian-majority towns, villages, and urban neighbourhoods (which were then given Hebrew names) followed

By the end of the Nakba, 78 percent of the total land area of the former Mandatory Palestine was controlled by Israel.

Genocide to speed up ethnic cleansing
Ethnic cleansing was unsuccessfully pursued, with the support of the United Kingdom and France, in the Suez Canal crisis of 1956. More successful was the Six Day War of 1967,  which included the military and political occupation of the West Bank and Gaza.

Throughout this period ethnic cleansing was not characterised by genocide. That is, it was not the deliberate and systematic killing or persecution of a large number of people from a particular national or ethnic group with the aim of destroying them.

Israeli ethnic cleansing of Palestinians
Israeli ethnic cleansing of Palestinians began in May 1948 and has accelerated to genocide in 2023. Image: politicalbytes.blog

In fact, the acceptance of a two-state solution (Israel and Palestine) under the ill-fated Oslo Accords in 1993 and 1995 put a temporary constraint on the expansion of ethnic cleansing.

Since its creation in 1948, Israel, along with South Africa the same year (until 1994), has been an apartheid state.   I discussed this in an earlier Political Bytes post (15 March 2025), When apartheid met Zionism.

However, while sharing the racism, discrimination, brutal violence, repression and massacres inherent in apartheid, it was not characterised by genocide in South Africa; nor was it in Israel for most of its existence until the current escalation of ethnic cleansing in Gaza.

Following 7 October 2023, genocide has become the dominant tool in the ethnic cleansing tool kit. More recently this has included accelerating starvation and the bombing of tents of Gaza Palestinians.

The magnitude of this genocide is discussed further below.

The Biblical claim
Zionism is a movement that sought to establish a Jewish nation in Palestine. It was established as a political organisation as late as 1897. It was only some time after this that Zionism became the most influential ideology among Jews generally.

Despite its prevalence, however, there are many Jews who oppose Zionism and play leading roles in the international protests against the genocide in Gaza.

Zionist ideology is based on a view of Palestine in the time of Jesus Christ
Zionist ideology is based on a view of Palestine in the time of Jesus Christ. Image: politicalbytes.blog

Based on Zionist ideology, the justification for replacing Mandate Palestine with the state of Israel rests on a Biblical argument for the right of Jews to retake their “homeland”. This justification goes back to the time of that charismatic carpenter and prophet Jesus Christ.

The population of Palestine in Jesus’ day was about 500,000 to 600,000 (a little bigger than both greater Wellington and similar to that of Jerusalem today). About 18,000 of these residents were clergy, priests and Levites (a distinct male group within Jewish communities).

Jerusalem itself in biblical times, with a population of 55,000, was a diverse city and pilgrimage centre. It was also home to numerous Diaspora Jewish communities.

In fact, during the 7th century BC at least eight nations were settled within Palestine. In addition to Judaeans, they included Arameans, Samaritans, Phoenicians and Philistines.

A breakdown based on religious faiths (Jews, Christians and Muslims) provides a useful insight into how Palestine has evolved since the time of Jesus. Jews were the majority until the 4th century AD.

By the fifth century they had been supplanted by Christians and then from the 12th century to 1947 Muslims were the largest group. As earlier as the 12th century Arabic had become the dominant language. It should be noted that many Christians were Arabs.

Adding to this evolving diversity of ethnicity is the fact that during this time Palestine had been ruled by four empires — Roman, Persian, Ottoman and British.

Prior to 1948 the population of the region known as Mandate Palestine approximately corresponded to the combined Israel and Palestine today. Throughout its history it has varied in both size and ethnic composition.

The Ottoman census of 1878 provides an indicative demographic profile of its three districts that approximated what became Mandatory Palestine after the end of World War 1.

Group Population Percentage
Muslim citizens 403,795 86–87%
Christian citizens 43,659 9%
Jewish citizens 15,011 3%
Jewish (foreign-born) Est. 5–10,000 1–2%
Total Up to 472,465 100.0%

In 1882, the Ottoman Empire revealed that the estimated 24,000 Jews in Palestine represented just 0.3 percent of the world’s Jewish population.

The self-determination claim
Based on religion the estimated population of Palestine in 1922 was 78 percent Muslim, 11 percent Jewish, and 10 percent Christian.

By 1945 this composition had changed to 58 percent Muslim, 33 percent Jewish and 8 percent Christian. The reason for this shift was the success of the Zionist campaigning for Jews to migrate to Palestine which was accelerated by the Jewish holocaust.

By 15 May 1948, the total population of the state of Israel was 805,900, of which 649,600 (80.6 percent) were Jews with Palestinians being 156,000 (19.4 percent). This turnaround was primarily due to the devastating impact of the Nakba.

Today Israel’s population is over 9.5 million of which over 77 percent are Jewish and more than 20 percent are Palestinian. The latter’s absolute growth is attributable to Israel’s subsequent geographic expansion, particularly in 1967, and a higher birth rate.

Palestine today
Palestine today (parts of West Bank under Israeli occupation). Map: politicalbytes.blog

The current population of the Palestinian Territories, including Gaza, is more than 5.5 million. Compare this with the following brief sample of much smaller self-determination countries —  Slovenia (2.2 million), Timor-Leste (1.4 million), and Tonga (104,000).

The population size of the Palestinian Territories is more than half that of Israel. Closer to home it is a little higher than New Zealand.

The only reason why Palestinians continue to be denied the right to self-determination is the Zionist ideological claim linked to the biblical time of Jesus Christ and its consequential strategy of ethnic cleansing.

If it was not for the opposition of the United States, then this right would not have been denied. It has been this opposition that has enabled Israel’s strategy.

Comparative value of Palestinian lives
The use of genocide as the latest means of achieving ethnic cleansing highlights how Palestinian lives are valued compared with Israeli lives.

While not of the same magnitude appropriated comparisons have been made with the horrific ethnic cleansing of Jews through the means of the holocaust by Nazi Germany during the Second World War. Per capita the scale of the magnitude gap is reduced considerably.

Since October 2023, according to the Gaza Health Ministry (and confirmed by the World Health Organisation) more than 54,000 Palestinians have been killed. Of those killed over 16,500 were children. Compare this with less than 2000 Israelis killed.

Further, at least 310 UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency) team members have been killed along with over 200 journalists and media workers. Add to this around 1400 healthcare workers including doctors and nurses.

What also can’t be forgotten is the increasing Israeli ethnic cleansing on the occupied West Bank. Around 950 Palestinians, including around 200 children, have also been killed during this same period.

Time for New Zealand to recognise Palestine
The above discussion is in the context of the three justifications for supporting the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians strategy that goes back to 1948 and which, since October 2023, is being accelerated by genocide.

  • First, it requires the conviction that the theology of Judaism in Palestine in the biblical times following the birth of Jesus Christ trumps both the significantly changing demography from the 5th century at least to the mid-20th century and the numerical predominance of Arabs in Mandate Palestine;
  • Second, and consequentially, it requires the conviction that while Israelis are entitled to self-determination, Palestinians are not; and
  • Finally, it requires that Israeli lives are much more valuable than Palestinian lives. In fact, the latter have no value at all.

Unless the government, including Foreign Affairs Minister Winston Peters, shares these convictions (especially the “here and now” second and third) then it should do the right thing first by unequivocally saying so, and then by recognising the right of Palestine to be an independent state.

Ian Powell is a progressive health, labour market and political “no-frills” forensic commentator in New Zealand. A former senior doctors union leader for more than 30 years, he blogs at Second Opinion and Political Bytes, where this article was first published. Republished with the author’s permission.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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Split Supreme Court Ruling on Catholic Charter School Still a Big Win for School Privatizers https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/27/split-supreme-court-ruling-on-catholic-charter-school-still-a-big-win-for-school-privatizers/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/27/split-supreme-court-ruling-on-catholic-charter-school-still-a-big-win-for-school-privatizers/#respond Tue, 27 May 2025 16:05:01 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=158561 On April 30, 2025, the Supreme Court of the United States (SCOTUS) heard the much-awaited and much-discussed case of St. Isidore of Seville Catholic Virtual Charter School v. Drummond, which originated in Oklahoma.1 On May 22, 2025, less than a month later, and without issuing an actual opinion, the SCOTUS delivered a 4-4 split ruling […]

The post Split Supreme Court Ruling on Catholic Charter School Still a Big Win for School Privatizers first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
On April 30, 2025, the Supreme Court of the United States (SCOTUS) heard the much-awaited and much-discussed case of St. Isidore of Seville Catholic Virtual Charter School v. Drummond, which originated in Oklahoma.1

On May 22, 2025, less than a month later, and without issuing an actual opinion, the SCOTUS delivered a 4-4 split ruling on the landmark case, which effectively leaves intact the lower court’s decision (in Oklahoma) that blocked the establishment of the online K-12 religious charter school. While it is not known how the eight Justices voted, it is likely that three “liberal” Justices and one “conservative” Justice (Chief Justice John Roberts?) joined forces and voted against the religious virtual charter school.

“Conservative” Justice Amy Coney Barrett recused herself from this pivotal case months ago because of a conflict of interest. She is connected to a Notre Dame Law School clinic that backs the Catholic virtual charter school. Her presence may well have produced a different ruling. Barret is seen as playing a key role in future education cases that further erode the public-private divide.

The Oklahoma State Supreme Court ruled 6-2 on June 25, 2024, that St. Isidore of Seville Catholic K-12 Virtual Charter School is unconstitutional and cannot open and enroll students. Writing for the majority at the time, Justice James Winchester said that, “the contract between the state board and St. Isidore violates the Oklahoma Constitution, the Oklahoma Charter Schools Act and the Establishment Clause of the U.S. Constitution.” Reflecting decades of widespread confusion about the “publicness”/”privateness” of charter schools, the Oklahoma State Supreme Court correctly identified the Catholic cyber charter school as sectarian but erroneously claimed that charter schools are public schools. To be clear, there is no such thing as a “public” charter school or “hybrid” public/private charter school in the United States. Not a single charter school in America is operated by publicly elected officials. There are dozens of other big differences between charter schools, which are contract schools, and public schools.

It is also worth noting here that virtual charter schools across the country have a notoriously abysmal academic record and a long history of fraud and corruption. Further, both brick-and-mortar charter schools and virtual charter schools often operate with little accountability and offer fewer services and programs than traditional public schools. They also tend to have fewer nurses and more inexperienced teachers than traditional public schools.

The main takeaway from the 4-4 split decision from the SCOTUS is that thousands of deregulated charter schools across the country, all operated by unelected private persons, will continue to siphon hundreds of millions of public dollars a year from methodically under-funded and demonized public schools. The May 22, 2025, U.S. Supreme Court decision in no way stops or restricts school privatization and the assault on traditional public schools by so-called “public” charter schools that fail and close every week. Indeed, no matter how the court vote worked out, privately-operated charter schools of all kinds would still continue to bleed public schools of money and property in the name of “choice” and “freedom.”

Another takeaway is that cases like this one are likely to come before the SCOTUS again. This is not the first and last such case to come before the Supreme Court. Neoliberals and others are determined to blur the critical distinction between public and private so as to maximize profits in a failing economy that has left owners of capital with no choice but to raid the public sector for their self-serving interests. This financial parasitism is always undertaken under the veneer of high ideals. In other words, charter schools have long been a political-economic project, not an educational one. Endless disinformation about “empowering parents” and “expanding choices” cannot hide this.

While opinions and views issued by the SCOTUS are often interesting and revealing, there is practically no chance that any court ruling anywhere will change the fundamentally privatized character of non-profit and for-profit charter schools. Neoliberal ideology permeates all spheres and sectors in society, generating anticonsciousness everywhere. Privatization and deregulation, hallmarks of the charter school sector, are key aspects of the neoliberal agenda launched 50 years ago at home and abroad. This is why all charter schools, unlike traditional public schools, operate largely independently of the government.

Charter schools are private by design, not by accident. They have been about privatization, not “innovation” or “choice,” from the very start. The oft-repeated assertion that charter schools did not start out as privatization schemes 30+ years ago but were hijacked along the way by privatizers and set on a terrible path is incorrect and inconsistent with the historical record.

Not only are charter schools created and started by unelected private citizens, they also cannot levy taxes, avoid many laws and regulations, treat teachers as “at-will” employees, are mostly deunionized, routinely cherry-pick students, have high teacher turnover rates, siphon tons of money from public schools, increase segregation, and more. What would be the point of making them “public” or “more public” if the 34-year-old raison d’etre for their existence and operation is to be set up independent of and different from traditional public schools (see here, here, here, and here)? It is wishful thinking to believe that 8,000+ autonomous, rules-free, “innovative” charter schools will stop being privatized arrangements and suddenly become state actors after existing and operating as private actors for more than three decades.

In the final analysis the fundamental principle at stake is that the public sphere and the private sphere are distinct spheres with different structures and purposes, and that no public funds or public property should ever be handed over to the private sector. Public money and public property belong only to the public and must be used for purely public purposes, free of the narrow aim of maximizing profit for a handful of individuals. Public funds and public property must not flow to any private entities, religious or secular.

Retrogressive trends and forces can only be reversed by an empowered polity that opens the path of progress to society. Such a historic responsibility is not possible without organizing spaces for serious discussion and analysis of what is going on. Neoliberal views and ideas serve only to block the path of progress on all fronts.

ENDNOTE:

1 Some have stated that Oklahoma Attorney General Gentner Drummond is an Islamophobe. Drummond has long stated that religious charter schools would open the door to the promotion of “radical Islam.” Justice Samuel Alito even said, “We have statement after statement by the attorney general that reeks of hostility toward Islam.”

The post Split Supreme Court Ruling on Catholic Charter School Still a Big Win for School Privatizers first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Shawgi Tell.

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Split Supreme Court Ruling on Catholic Charter School Still a Big Win for School Privatizers https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/27/split-supreme-court-ruling-on-catholic-charter-school-still-a-big-win-for-school-privatizers-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/27/split-supreme-court-ruling-on-catholic-charter-school-still-a-big-win-for-school-privatizers-2/#respond Tue, 27 May 2025 16:05:01 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=158561 On April 30, 2025, the Supreme Court of the United States (SCOTUS) heard the much-awaited and much-discussed case of St. Isidore of Seville Catholic Virtual Charter School v. Drummond, which originated in Oklahoma.1 On May 22, 2025, less than a month later, and without issuing an actual opinion, the SCOTUS delivered a 4-4 split ruling […]

The post Split Supreme Court Ruling on Catholic Charter School Still a Big Win for School Privatizers first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
On April 30, 2025, the Supreme Court of the United States (SCOTUS) heard the much-awaited and much-discussed case of St. Isidore of Seville Catholic Virtual Charter School v. Drummond, which originated in Oklahoma.1

On May 22, 2025, less than a month later, and without issuing an actual opinion, the SCOTUS delivered a 4-4 split ruling on the landmark case, which effectively leaves intact the lower court’s decision (in Oklahoma) that blocked the establishment of the online K-12 religious charter school. While it is not known how the eight Justices voted, it is likely that three “liberal” Justices and one “conservative” Justice (Chief Justice John Roberts?) joined forces and voted against the religious virtual charter school.

“Conservative” Justice Amy Coney Barrett recused herself from this pivotal case months ago because of a conflict of interest. She is connected to a Notre Dame Law School clinic that backs the Catholic virtual charter school. Her presence may well have produced a different ruling. Barret is seen as playing a key role in future education cases that further erode the public-private divide.

The Oklahoma State Supreme Court ruled 6-2 on June 25, 2024, that St. Isidore of Seville Catholic K-12 Virtual Charter School is unconstitutional and cannot open and enroll students. Writing for the majority at the time, Justice James Winchester said that, “the contract between the state board and St. Isidore violates the Oklahoma Constitution, the Oklahoma Charter Schools Act and the Establishment Clause of the U.S. Constitution.” Reflecting decades of widespread confusion about the “publicness”/”privateness” of charter schools, the Oklahoma State Supreme Court correctly identified the Catholic cyber charter school as sectarian but erroneously claimed that charter schools are public schools. To be clear, there is no such thing as a “public” charter school or “hybrid” public/private charter school in the United States. Not a single charter school in America is operated by publicly elected officials. There are dozens of other big differences between charter schools, which are contract schools, and public schools.

It is also worth noting here that virtual charter schools across the country have a notoriously abysmal academic record and a long history of fraud and corruption. Further, both brick-and-mortar charter schools and virtual charter schools often operate with little accountability and offer fewer services and programs than traditional public schools. They also tend to have fewer nurses and more inexperienced teachers than traditional public schools.

The main takeaway from the 4-4 split decision from the SCOTUS is that thousands of deregulated charter schools across the country, all operated by unelected private persons, will continue to siphon hundreds of millions of public dollars a year from methodically under-funded and demonized public schools. The May 22, 2025, U.S. Supreme Court decision in no way stops or restricts school privatization and the assault on traditional public schools by so-called “public” charter schools that fail and close every week. Indeed, no matter how the court vote worked out, privately-operated charter schools of all kinds would still continue to bleed public schools of money and property in the name of “choice” and “freedom.”

Another takeaway is that cases like this one are likely to come before the SCOTUS again. This is not the first and last such case to come before the Supreme Court. Neoliberals and others are determined to blur the critical distinction between public and private so as to maximize profits in a failing economy that has left owners of capital with no choice but to raid the public sector for their self-serving interests. This financial parasitism is always undertaken under the veneer of high ideals. In other words, charter schools have long been a political-economic project, not an educational one. Endless disinformation about “empowering parents” and “expanding choices” cannot hide this.

While opinions and views issued by the SCOTUS are often interesting and revealing, there is practically no chance that any court ruling anywhere will change the fundamentally privatized character of non-profit and for-profit charter schools. Neoliberal ideology permeates all spheres and sectors in society, generating anticonsciousness everywhere. Privatization and deregulation, hallmarks of the charter school sector, are key aspects of the neoliberal agenda launched 50 years ago at home and abroad. This is why all charter schools, unlike traditional public schools, operate largely independently of the government.

Charter schools are private by design, not by accident. They have been about privatization, not “innovation” or “choice,” from the very start. The oft-repeated assertion that charter schools did not start out as privatization schemes 30+ years ago but were hijacked along the way by privatizers and set on a terrible path is incorrect and inconsistent with the historical record.

Not only are charter schools created and started by unelected private citizens, they also cannot levy taxes, avoid many laws and regulations, treat teachers as “at-will” employees, are mostly deunionized, routinely cherry-pick students, have high teacher turnover rates, siphon tons of money from public schools, increase segregation, and more. What would be the point of making them “public” or “more public” if the 34-year-old raison d’etre for their existence and operation is to be set up independent of and different from traditional public schools (see here, here, here, and here)? It is wishful thinking to believe that 8,000+ autonomous, rules-free, “innovative” charter schools will stop being privatized arrangements and suddenly become state actors after existing and operating as private actors for more than three decades.

In the final analysis the fundamental principle at stake is that the public sphere and the private sphere are distinct spheres with different structures and purposes, and that no public funds or public property should ever be handed over to the private sector. Public money and public property belong only to the public and must be used for purely public purposes, free of the narrow aim of maximizing profit for a handful of individuals. Public funds and public property must not flow to any private entities, religious or secular.

Retrogressive trends and forces can only be reversed by an empowered polity that opens the path of progress to society. Such a historic responsibility is not possible without organizing spaces for serious discussion and analysis of what is going on. Neoliberal views and ideas serve only to block the path of progress on all fronts.

ENDNOTE:

1 Some have stated that Oklahoma Attorney General Gentner Drummond is an Islamophobe. Drummond has long stated that religious charter schools would open the door to the promotion of “radical Islam.” Justice Samuel Alito even said, “We have statement after statement by the attorney general that reeks of hostility toward Islam.”

The post Split Supreme Court Ruling on Catholic Charter School Still a Big Win for School Privatizers first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Shawgi Tell.

]]>
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A Tennessee School Expelled a 12-Year-Old for a Social Post. Experts Say It Didn’t Properly Assess If He Made a Threat. https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/27/a-tennessee-school-expelled-a-12-year-old-for-a-social-post-experts-say-it-didnt-properly-assess-if-he-made-a-threat/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/27/a-tennessee-school-expelled-a-12-year-old-for-a-social-post-experts-say-it-didnt-properly-assess-if-he-made-a-threat/#respond Tue, 27 May 2025 09:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/tennessee-school-threat-assessment-expulsion by Aliyya Swaby

ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

The day after a teenager opened fire in a Nashville high school cafeteria early this year, officials in the district scrambled to investigate potential threats across their schools. Rumors flew that the shooter, who killed a student before turning the gun on himself, had accomplices at large.

At DuPont Tyler Middle School, the assistant principal’s most urgent concern was a 12-year-old boy. James, a seventh grader with a small voice and mop of brown hair, had posted a concerning screenshot on Instagram that morning, Jan. 23. He was arrested at school hours later and charged with making a threat of mass violence.

The assistant principal had to complete a detailed investigation called a threat assessment, as required by Tennessee law. First, she and other school employees had to figure out whether James’ threat was valid. Then, they had to determine what actions to take to help a potentially troubled child and protect other students.

Threat assessments are not public, but the district gave ProPublica a copy of James’ with his father’s permission. School officials did not carry out the threat assessment properly, according to experts who reviewed it at ProPublica’s request. Instead, the school expelled James without investigating further and skipped crucial steps that would help him or protect others. (We are using the child’s middle name to protect his privacy.)

The way school officials handled James’ case also exposes glaring contradictions in two recent Tennessee laws that aim to criminalize school threats and require schools to expel students who make them — with minimal recourse, transparency or accountability.

One obvious issue in the threat assessment, according to the experts, appeared on Page 20. That page features a checklist of options for how the school could address its concerns about James, including advising his parents to secure guns in their home and ensuring he has access to counseling.

Schools should take steps like these even when a student is expelled, according to John Van Dreal, a former school administrator who has spent decades helping schools improve their violence prevention strategies. Officials at James’ school opted for none of the options they could have taken. Instead, the assistant principal wrote under the list in blue pen, “student was expelled.”

“That’s actually about the most dangerous thing you can do for the student,” Van Dreal said, “and honestly for the community.”

Van Dreal’s name appears in tiny print at the bottom of each page of James’ threat assessment, because he helped the school district set up its current process. After ProPublica shared details about James’ case, Van Dreal said, “What I’m hearing is probably more training and more examples are needed.”

One page of the threat assessment form, created by John Van Dreal, used in James’ case (Obtained by ProPublica. Highlighted by ProPublica.)

Nashville’s school district does not collect data on how many threat assessments it does or how many result in expulsions, according to spokesperson Sean Braisted. “The goal is always to ensure the safety and well-being of all students while addressing incidents appropriately,” Braisted wrote. He later declined to answer questions ProPublica asked about James’ case, although James’ father signed a privacy waiver allowing the school to do so.

Tennessee schools must submit data to the state on how effective their threat assessments are — but the state does not release that information to the public. School districts are required to get training on threat assessments, but lawyers and parents say they often carry them out inconsistently and use varying definitions for what makes a threat valid.

Two recent contradictory Tennessee laws make it even harder to handle student threats. One mandates a felony charge for anyone who makes a “threat of mass violence” at school, without requiring police to investigate intent or credibility. The other requires schools to determine that a threat of mass violence is “valid” before expelling a student for at least a year.

James’ alleged threat was a screenshot of a text exchange. One person said they would “shoot up” a Nashville school and asked if the other would attack a different school. “Yea,” the other person replied. “I got some other people for other schools.” The FBI flagged the post for school officials and police. James told school officials that he reposted the screenshot from the Instagram page of a Spanish-language news site.

The Tennessean published a story in April detailing James’ arrest and overnight stay in juvenile detention. The story, and the ones ProPublica and WPLN published last year on other arrests, shows how quickly police move to take youth into custody.

Schools in Tennessee are supposed to follow a higher standard than police when it comes to investigating threats of mass violence: They’re supposed to determine whether a threat is valid. For instance, in Hamilton County, a few hours southeast of Nashville, school officials chose not to expel two students even after police arrested them for threats of mass violence, ProPublica and WPLN previously reported.

Yet when James’ father appealed his son’s expulsion at a March school district hearing, the assistant principal said repeatedly that James had to be expelled simply because he’d been arrested. “We did not investigate further,” she said. James’ father shared an audio recording of the hearing with ProPublica.

James, who turned 13 in February, is small for his age, still awaiting the teenage growth spurt of his three older brothers. At the hearing, his voice was soft but assured as he explained what happened. He said he understands why he shouldn’t have posted the screenshot. But he said he wanted to warn others and feel “heroic.”

Melissa Nelson, a national school safety consultant based in Pennsylvania who trains school employees on managing threats, reviewed James’ threat assessment at ProPublica’s request and concluded that “this is gross mismanagement of a case.”

“This tool has not been used as intended,” she said. “They didn’t do a behavior threat assessment. They filled out some paperwork.”

After the police took James away, assistant principal Angela Post convened a team of school employees to decide whether to expel him. They used a threat assessment form that Van Dreal had developed, one of the most commonly used across the country, to guide them on how to respond.

According to Van Dreal, Metro Nashville Public Schools is in an early phase of using the form, and its staff have flown to Oregon at least once to learn from his consulting group.

Van Dreal tells school officials to use the threat assessment to collect information about a student in trouble and address behavior that could signal future violence. If school officials worried that James was planning an act of violence, they should have pursued some of the many options outlined in the threat assessment to get him help and protect the school from harm.

Instead, they chose none of those options.

Experts said that is one of the biggest mistakes school officials make. “Even if a child is expelled, what I always train is: Out of sight, out of mind doesn’t help,” Nelson said. “Expelling a child doesn’t deescalate the situation or move them off the pathway of violence. A lot of times, it makes it worse.”

School officials also failed to seek out more information that could have helped them figure out whether the threat was valid. Post checked a box acknowledging that she hadn’t notified James’ parents of the threat assessment. She wrote beside it, as an explanation, “student was arrested and expelled.” On a line asking whether James had access to weapons, Post wrote that the threat assessment team did not know.

Interviewing parents is a crucial part of the process, said Rob Moore, a Tennessee psychologist who has helped schools conduct threat assessments for more than two decades. “When you sit in that room with those parents and you collect data from them, you really get a sense of things that teachers would never know, that the administrators would never know.”

Although school officials did not opt to investigate further or to monitor James, the threat assessment indicated they had concerns he may pose a threat. In response to a question about whether James’ caregivers, peers or staff were concerned about his potential for acting out aggressively, Post checked yes and wrote, “He has little to no supervision in discipline structures at home but might think he could get away with it.”

And although James told school administrators he was not a participant in the text thread he shared on Instagram, Post wrote that he had indicated a plan and intention to harm others. “See attached image. Shows location, intent to harm, targets and date,” she wrote, referencing a screenshot of James’ Instagram post. She also wrote that he had a motive: “The post indicated that he was being made fun of. See attached image.”

The threat assessment included questionnaires from James’ teachers; three out of four said they did not have concerns about potential aggression. One teacher, who taught James social studies, cited his disciplinary history: using racial slurs, fighting another student and “researching racially motivated things” on the school computer. “Dad seemed disengaged in conference & somewhat unaware of the child’s school or social or personal issues,” she wrote.

James’ dad and stepmom did not know that the threat assessment accused them of lax supervision at home. That’s because they didn’t even know the threat assessment existed until ProPublica told them about it, more than a week after it took place.

Upon reading the document, their first emotion, after shock, was anger. They said they hadn’t known about the incident with the racial slur, and it was not directly referenced in a copy of James’ disciplinary history. But they felt upset at the insinuation that they had not been involved in James’ life. “We’ve been asking for help, for grades, tutoring,” his dad, Kyle Caldwell, said. “And we really didn’t get any.”

James relaxes at home with his dad, Kyle Caldwell, and the family dog. James was put on court supervision following his arrest. (Andrea Morales for ProPublica)

James said that in early September, his social studies teacher taught the class about World War II. He said the teacher didn’t answer enough of his questions, so he started searching online. The school flagged that he had looked up swastikas. “I didn’t know much about it,” he said. “That’s why I searched it.”

As part of his discipline, the school prohibited him from using its computers. His stepmother, Breanne Metz, shared emails she sent to James’ teachers explaining she and Caldwell were worried about his grades and wanted to help him catch up.

James had been struggling with his parents’ contentious divorce; after his mom lost custody of him, he hadn’t been able to see her in months. Worried, his dad and stepmom arranged for him to see a school counselor. James said the counselor tried to connect with him through their mutual love of video games over about five sessions, which was nice, though “it didn’t really help.” Post wrote in the threat assessment that James had “disclosed confidential information to the school counselor that would support a feeling of being overwhelmed or distraught.”

Then James lost his best friend: Lieutenant Dan, a three-legged pitbull-lab mix named after a character from the movie “Forrest Gump.” Dan joined the family when he and James were both 1, and he died of cancer last November. As James describes it, he was at capacity with the emotions he was dealing with, and his dog’s death was the tipping point. “When someone you love or something you love for your whole life passes away, you can’t hold it,” he said. He sat in class feeling sad and exhausted.

Records show school staff talked with James’ parents about his attendance at school and he was disciplined for not complying with an unspecified request. Then in mid-December, he began a fight with another student, who had been “horseplaying” with him “off and on” and went too far, according to the school report. The following month, he was arrested and expelled.

In the days after the arrest, Caldwell considered hiring a lawyer. Reading the threat assessment “added the urgency” for him to finally make the call. “The puzzle pieces weren’t coming together in their story,” he said. “It really looked like they were going to try to be sweeping their stuff under the rug.”

In mid-March, James sat at the oval table in the district conference room next to his father and across from assistant principal Post. He wore a gray vest over his T-shirt in preparation for an appeal hearing that would determine whether he would be allowed back in school. It had been nearly two months since he had set foot on district property.

Caldwell brought his private lawyer, a rare resource for a school hearing. He showed up that morning nervous but eager to make his case directly to school administrators. The public rarely gets insight into what happens at a school appeal hearing, but Caldwell shared an audio recording with ProPublica.

Post started by reading aloud the social media post that landed James in trouble, stumbling over the shorthand and unfamiliar internet slang. Then, it was James’ turn to speak for himself.

Lisa Currie, the school district’s director of discipline, asked him to explain why he had reposted the screenshot of the texts. “You do understand that once you reposted them from somewhere else, it gave the appearance that this was a conversation that you were having?” she said.

“I just wanted to let people know, feel heroic,” James said. “I didn’t want more people to get hurt.”

James enjoys building and painting the model F-15E fighter jet his dad bought him. (Andrea Morales for ProPublica)

Over the next 40 minutes, Caldwell’s lawyer questioned Post about the process the school used to determine whether James should be expelled. When he pressed her for direct responses, Post repeatedly said that law enforcement and not the school held the primary responsibility for investigating the threat. Although the law requires schools to use a threat assessment to determine if the threat is “valid,” Post and her team based the expulsion entirely on the police’s arrest.

Once local police take over a case, she said, “then it’s not really our investigation anymore.”

“Was it your assessment at the time that he wrote this statement, like physically typed it out on a computer and posted it?” the lawyer asked.

“We did not make that determination,” Post said.

She said school staff did not look deeply through James’ disciplinary history as part of the threat assessment. “That’s not necessarily the purpose of the threat assessment,” she told the lawyer. Because James had been expelled and arrested, “there would not be a reason to be concerned about the return of a student.”

Currie indicated that Post’s approach was supported by district leaders. “The purpose of the threat assessment is to determine appropriate supports and interventions around the students while they’re in the building,” she said. Post and Currie did not respond to ProPublica’s requests for comment or to written questions.

Post told the lawyer she couldn’t remember whether school staff investigated the origin of the original threat.

“So if there was an actual threat made and somebody else authored this threat, then we don’t know who that is. Would that be a fair statement?” the lawyer asked.

“That is possible,” Post responded. She said James didn’t initially say that he had shared the post to warn others and it wasn’t her place to decide whether he intended to make a threat. “I don’t want to think, ‘Oh, he’s not going to do that.’ And then something just like the previous day happened,” she said, referring to the Antioch High School shooting. Once James was arrested, “it’s in MNPD’s hands,” Post said, referring to the Metropolitan Nashville Police Department.

The lawyer asked Post to explain whether the threat assessment could ever have changed school officials’ decision to expel James: What if school officials found out that the threat was not valid? “Had y’all come on information that he had not written these texts,” he asked, “would it have changed the punishment?”

“We would have had to let our [school resource officer] know and they would have had to go through the MNPD channels,” she said.

“You did not at that time know whether he wrote those text messages or not?” the lawyer asked again.

“Correct,” Post said.

Then, it was Caldwell’s turn to speak. He criticized the school’s decision to leave him out of the initial disciplinary process. He would have explained to James why he should go through “appropriate channels” to report a threat instead of posting it on Instagram. “As a dad,” he said, “there was a teachable parent moment that I didn’t get to have.”

As the hearing came to a close, Currie told Caldwell to expect a decision soon.

The arrest and expulsion cleaved James’ life in two. He now begins many sentences with the phrase “before everything happened.” Before everything happened, he would ride his bike with his brothers and friends to explore the forested land and abandoned houses in the surrounding neighborhoods. They found all sorts of strange garbage: a fire engine’s license plate, wooden pictures of “demonic rituals,” a dentist chair adorned with rusty handcuffs.

James looks for four-leaf clovers in his backyard. (Andrea Morales for ProPublica)

He was able to come home from his night in detention in exchange for agreeing to pretrial diversion with six months of court supervision, a common outcome for students charged with threats of mass violence. While under supervision, he wasn’t allowed to use the computer or phone unsupervised by an adult and was mostly restricted to the streets around his house. “It’s a big neighborhood, but once you get used to it, it’s small,” he said.

The court recently lifted his supervision, earlier than expected. Because he had completed the terms of pretrial diversion, his case was dismissed.

His parents declined Metro Nashville Public Schools’ offer to enroll him in the local alternative school, which primarily serves kids with disciplinary issues who were suspended or expelled from their original schools. Instead, they enrolled him at an online public charter school; he starts in the fall.

As James waited to hear the result of the expulsion hearing, he followed the schedule his dad and stepmom created for him — less a rigorous academic curriculum than a routine to keep him occupied while his stepmom takes calls in her home office. He gets most excited about the hands-on activities, like building and painting the model F-15E fighter jet his dad bought him online.

One night in early April, tornadoes touched down just outside Nashville. James, his five siblings, and two dogs huddled with Caldwell and Metz in the windowless laundry room; the kids wore helmets in case of falling debris. When they got up the next morning, groggy but unharmed, Caldwell checked the mailbox: A letter from the school district was inside.

District officials had reviewed the information from the hearing and determined that “there was not a due process violation of MNPS’ expulsion process.” James was still expelled. Caldwell had prepared his son for this outcome so that he wouldn’t be devastated. James would later joke that the storm had delivered the bad news.

The letter gave the family the option to escalate the appeal through the district process. But the odds of winning and the costs of retaining the lawyer made the effort feel futile. The more the family fought back, the more anxious the 13-year-old felt about his future. Would he feel even worse if they lost again? Would people start to think of him as a bad kid?

That afternoon, talking with his dad about the letter, James quietly considered these questions. Then he went outside to watch the storm clouds.

Paige Pfleger of WPLN contributed reporting.


This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Aliyya Swaby.

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Fiji can’t compete with Australia and NZ on teacher salaries, says deputy PM https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/26/fiji-cant-compete-with-australia-and-nz-on-teacher-salaries-says-deputy-pm/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/26/fiji-cant-compete-with-australia-and-nz-on-teacher-salaries-says-deputy-pm/#respond Mon, 26 May 2025 09:21:46 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=115303 By Lydia Lewis, RNZ Pacific presenter/bulletin editor

Fiji cannot compete with Australia and New Zealand to retain its teachers, the man in charge of the country’s finances says.

The Fijian education system is facing major challenges as the Sitiveni Rabuka-led coalition struggles to address a teacher shortage.

While the education sector receives a significant chunk of the budget (about NZ$587 million), it has not been sufficient, as global demand for skilled teachers is pulling qualified Fijian educators toward greener pastures.

Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Biman Prasad said that the government was training more teachers.

“The government has put in measures, we are training enough teachers, but we are also losing teachers to Australia and New Zealand,” he told RNZ Pacific Waves on the sidelines of the University of the South Pacific Council meeting in Auckland last week.

“We are happy that Australia and New Zealand gain those skills, particularly in the area of maths and science, where you have a shortage. And obviously, Fiji cannot match the salaries that teachers get in Australia and New Zealand.

Pal Ahluwalia, Biman Prasad and Aseri Radrodro at the opening of the 99th USP Council Meeting at Auckland University. 20 May 2025
USP vice-chancellor Professor Pal Ahluwalia, Fiji’s Finance Minister Professor Biman Prasad and Education Minister Aseri Radrodro at the opening of the 99th USP Council Meeting at Auckland University last week. Image: RNZ Pacific/Lydia Lewis

According to the Education Ministry’s Strategic Development Plan (2023-2026), the shortage of teachers is one of the key challenges, alongside limited resources and inadequate infrastructure, particularly for primary schools.

Hundreds of vacancies
Reports in local media in August last year said there were hundreds of teacher vacancies that needed to be filled.

However, Professor Prasad said there were a lot of teachers who were staying in Fiji as the government was taking steps to keep teachers in the country.

“We are training more teachers. We are putting additional funding, in terms of making sure that we provide the right environment, right support to our teachers,” he said.

“In the last two years, we have increased the salaries of the civil service right across the board, and those salaries and wages range from between 10 to 20 percent.

“We are again going to look at how we can rationalise some of the positions within the Education Ministry, right from preschool up to high school.”

Meanwhile, the Fiji government is currently undertaking a review of the Education Act 1966.

Education Minister Aseri Radrodro said in Parliament last month that a draft bill was expected to be submitted to Cabinet in July.

“The Education Act 1966, the foundational law for pre-tertiary education in Fiji, has only been amended a few times since its promulgation, and has not undergone a comprehensive review,” he said.

“It is imperative that this legislation be updated to reflect modern standards and address current issues within the education system.”

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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Motarilavoa Hilda Lini, ‘a trailblazer’ for Vanuatu women in politics, has died https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/26/motarilavoa-hilda-lini-a-trailblazer-for-vanuatu-women-in-politics-has-died/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/26/motarilavoa-hilda-lini-a-trailblazer-for-vanuatu-women-in-politics-has-died/#respond Mon, 26 May 2025 00:39:55 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=115271 RNZ Pacific

Motarilavoa Hilda Lini, a pioneering Ni-Vanuatu politician, has died.

Lini passed away at the Port Vila General Hospital on Sunday, according to local news media.

Lini was the first woman to be elected to the Vanuatu Parliament in 1987 as a member of the National United Party.

Motarilavoa Hilda Lini in 1989
Motarilavoa Hilda Lini in 1989 . . . She received the Nuclear-Free Future Award in 2005. Image: Wikipedia

She went on to become the country’s first female minister in 1991 after being appointed as the Minister for Health and Rural Water Supplies. She held several ministerial portfolios until the late 1990s, serving three terms in Parliament.

While Health Minister, she helped to persuade the World Health Organisation to bring the question of the legality of nuclear weapons to the International Court of Justice in The Hague.

She received the Nuclear-Free Future Award in 2005.

She was the sister of the late Father Walter Lini, who is regarded as the country’s founding father.

Chief of the Turaga nation
She was a chief of the Turaga nation of Pentecost Island in Vanuatu.

“On behalf of the government, we wish to extend our deepest condolences to the Lini family for the passing of late Motarilavoa Hilda Lini — one of the first to break through our male-dominated Parliament during those hey days,” the Vanuatu Ministry for the Prime Minister said in a statement today.

“She later championed many causes, including a Nuclear-Free Pacific. Rest in Peace soldier, for you have fought a great fight.

In a condolence message posted on Facebook, Vanuatu’s Speaker Stephen Dorrick Felix Ma Au Malfes said Lini was “a trailblazer who paved the way for women in leadership and politics in Vanuatu”.

“Her courage, dedication, and vision inspired many and have left an indelible mark on the history of our nation.

“As Vanuatu continues to grow and celebrate its independence, her story and contributions will forever be remembered and honoured. She has left behind a legacy filled with wisdom, strength, and cherished memories that we will carry with us always.”

A Vanuatu human rights women’s rights advocate, Anne Pakoa, said Lini was a “Pacific hero”.

‘Wise and humble leader’
“She was a woman of integrity, a prestigious, wise and yet very humble woman leader,” Pakoa wrote in a Facebook post.

Port Vila MP Marie Louise Milne, the third woman to represent the capital in Parliament after the late Lini and the late Maria Crowby, said “Lini was more than a leader”.

“She was a pioneer . . . serving our country with strength, dignity, and an unshakable commitment to justice and peace. She carried her chiefly title with pride, wisdom, and purpose, always serving with the voice of a true daughter of the land,” Milne said.

“I remember her powerful presence at the Independence Day flag-raising ceremonies, calling me ‘Marie Louise’ in her firm, commanding tone — a voice that resonated with leadership and care.”

“Though I am not in Port Vila to pay my last respects in person, I carry her memory with me in my heart, in my work, and in my prayers. My thoughts are with the Lini family and all who mourn this national loss.”

She said Lini’s legacy lives on in every woman who rises to serve, in every ni-Vanuatu who believes in justice and unity.

“She will forever remain a symbol of strength for Vanuatu and for all Melanesian women.”

Motarilavoa Hilda Lini will be buried in North Pentecost tomorrow.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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Asia Pacific Report editor honoured for contribution to Pacific journalism https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/25/asia-pacific-report-editor-honoured-for-contribution-to-pacific-journalism/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/25/asia-pacific-report-editor-honoured-for-contribution-to-pacific-journalism/#respond Sun, 25 May 2025 19:18:48 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=115282 Pacific Media Watch

Asia Pacific Report editor David Robie was honoured with Member of the New Zealand Order of Merit (MNZM) at the weekend by the Governor-General, Dame Cindy Kiro, in an investiture ceremony at Government House Tāmaki Makaurau.

He was one of eight recipients for various honours, which included Joycelyn Armstrong, who was presented with Companion of the King’s Service Order (KSO) for services to interfaith communities.

Dr Robie’s award, which came in the King’s Birthday Honours in 2024 but was presented on Saturday, was for “services to journalism and Asia-Pacific media education”.

His citation reads:

Dr David Robie has contributed to journalism in New Zealand and the Asia-Pacific region for more than 50 years.

Dr Robie began his career with The Dominion in 1965 and worked as an international journalist and correspondent for agencies from Johannesburg to Paris. He has won several journalism awards, including the 1985 Media Peace Prize for his coverage of the Rainbow Warrior bombing.

He was Head of Journalism at the University of Papua New Guinea from 1993 to 1997 and the University of the South Pacific in Suva from 1998 to 2002. He founded the Pacific Media Centre in 2007 while professor of journalism and communications at Auckland University of Technology.

He developed four award-winning community publications as student training outlets. He pioneered special internships for Pacific students in partnership with media and the University of the South Pacific. He has organised scholarships with the Asia New Zealand Foundation for student journalists to China, Indonesia and the Philippines.

He was founding editor of Pacific Journalism Review journal in 1994 and in 1996 he established the Pacific Media Watch, working as convenor with students to campaign for media freedom in the Pacific.

He has authored 10 books on Asia-Pacific media and politics. Dr Robie co-founded and is deputy chair of the Asia Pacific Media Network/Te Koakoa NGO.


The investiture ceremony on 24 May 2025.      Video: Office of the Governor-General  

In an interview with Global Voices last year, Dr Robie praised the support from colleagues and students and said:

“There should be more international reporting about the “hidden stories” of the Pacific such as the unresolved decolonisation issues — Kanaky New Caledonia, “French” Polynesia (Mā’ohi Nui), both from France; and West Papua from Indonesia.

“West Papua, in particular, is virtually ignored by Western media in spite of the ongoing serious human rights violations. This is unconscionable.”


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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An “In” on Getting in Small Town Newspapers https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/24/an-in-on-getting-in-small-town-newspapers/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/24/an-in-on-getting-in-small-town-newspapers/#respond Sat, 24 May 2025 15:12:43 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=158439 Thousand-word Opinion Editorials are a fine thing to pen, and you can cover a lot of ground in this amount of verbiage. Normally, local rags limit letters to the editor to 300 words, and alas, in this sound bite sort of scrolling-on-the-screen culture, going over a 500-words limit is the kiss of death — you […]

The post An “In” on Getting in Small Town Newspapers first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
Thousand-word Opinion Editorials are a fine thing to pen, and you can cover a lot of ground in this amount of verbiage. Normally, local rags limit letters to the editor to 300 words, and alas, in this sound bite sort of scrolling-on-the-screen culture, going over a 500-words limit is the kiss of death — you lose your reader.

But there is a method and mad dash of hope in this formula of once-a-month tributes to hard work, that is, highlighting the hard work of “heroes” in this hard land of penury and disaster and predatory (retaliatory) capitalism.

Today’s piece in my local rag (5/21) is emblematic of my own proof that we can fight the surge of shallow thinking and even shallower writing.

Here, just heading home from assisting at the 60+ Center (senior adult center), I caught this show, on the radio station where I broadcast my own Wednesday show, Finding Fringe. 6 PM, PST, streaming live on kyaq.org.

Hard work of reporting: Thirsting for Justice: East Orosi’s Struggle for Clean Drinking Water (Encore)

Over a blue-tinted map of East Orosi, California, hands hold a sign reading, "My family spends $65 on our water bill for toxic water," with an orange outline.

East Orosi hasn’t had safe drinking water in over 20 years. The water is full of nitrates, runoff from industrial agriculture, which is harmful to human health. The community has taken action to find a solution, from lobbying at the state capital to working with neighboring towns.

And they may finally have one. New California laws, passed  in the last five years, have opened up funding to build water infrastructure in small towns like East Orosi. But even as laws and funding develop, implementation has been challenging.

We visit East Orosi and talk to Berta Diaz Ochoa about what it’s like living without clean drinking water and the solutions on the horizon in part one of a two part series. — Listen.

Learn More:

So, imagine, a sound bite around the issues of field workers pulling up crops that are destroying healthy water systems, forcing them to have to drink that toxic water or paying for bottled water to survive. Is water a human right? In California is it.

A person holding a "Justicia para East Orosi" sign

So, take ANY community, not just the fenceline ones, the communities that are in the sights of the perveyors of criminal capitalism because they are poor and probably BIPOC, and then find how infrastructure and services and even bloody retail enterprises like pharmacies or grocery stores are being gutted by Capitalism, pre-Trump/post-Trump.

You have any axes to grind? You live in a flyover state or rural community?

Students walk across the street in rural America

Here,

Stop trying to save Rural America.

Efforts to write it off as “disappearing” are complicated by the 60 million Americans who call a rural community home.

We must recognize that innovation, diversity of ideas and people, and new concepts don’t need to be imported to rural communities – they’re already there. Rural entrepreneurs and community leaders have always, by necessity, been innovative.

Rural communities have faced some harsh realities in the last generation: they’ve seen manufacturing move overseas, farming monopolized by big outfits with only 5% of rural residents working in agriculture, generational migration to bigger cities, school consolidation, and the absence of basic community resources such as health care and broadband, and, more recently, threats to the lifeline that is the U.S. Postal Service. This, and the pandemic.

Every brightly lit corporate store on the edge of town is a monument to a system that does not build community or advance a healthy entrepreneurial ecosystem.

And before the super out-of-touch elite from err, New York City call us bumkins, get over it: Don’t Blame Rural Residents for a Broken Political System

While noting the decades of gerrymandering to enhance the power of rural officials, New York magazine author Ed Kilgore concludes, “Underlying it all are real differences in outlook between different parts of the country, made more important by the distinct institutional features of a constitutional system designed to protect the interests of small, largely nonmetropolitan states.”

Sorry, Ed; the values of citizens of rural areas have as much to do with school violence and immigration resistance as do video games. In fact, Kilgore undermines his own argument by citing Ronald Brownstein’s analysis in the Atlantic of the red-blue divide. Alas, the same Ronald Brownstein reported on CNN just one week later that a prosperity gap was the source of the split between Democrats and Republicans. “Observers in both parties agree that the sense of economic displacement in recent years has intensified the long-standing movement toward the GOP among small-town and rural communities initially rooted in unease over cultural and demographic change.” It’s fair to observe that gun-loving nativists did not create the dismal economic prospects that drove them to vote for candidate Trump.

It is true that after years of civic disengagement, rural voters turned out in record numbers to elect the only coastal elitist who showed up in their communities and asked for their votes. So, Trump won and Clinton lost. Beyond that, any generalization about the impact of rural citizens on national politics is just horsepucky. Rural citizens didn’t create the electoral system that permits unlimited campaign donations to state officials who draw Congressional districts to favor entrenched wealth. In fact, rural citizens are the victims of gerrymandering as much as any disenfranchised cohort that ends up in a noncompetitive legislative district.

Alas, here’s the Google Gulag AI response to “all the problems in rural America”:

Rural communities face numerous interconnected challenges that can be described as “broken systems” due to a combination of historical disinvestment, geographic isolation, and economic shifts.

Here’s a breakdown of some key broken systems in rural communities:
1. Healthcare:

Limited Access: Rural areas often have a shortage of healthcare providers, specialists, and hospitals, forcing residents to travel long distances for care.

Hospital Closures: Rural hospitals are closing at an alarming rate due to financial difficulties and staffing shortages, further limiting access to care.

Lack of Services: Rural areas may lack crucial services like mental health care, substance abuse treatment, and specialized medical care.

2. Economic Systems:

Job Losses: Rural communities have experienced significant job losses due to the decline of manufacturing and agriculture, leading to higher unemployment and poverty rates.

Limited Opportunities: A lack of diverse industries and businesses can limit economic opportunities for residents, particularly young people.
Brain Drain: Young, educated individuals often leave rural areas for better opportunities in urban centers, further weakening the local economy.

3. Infrastructure:

Poor Broadband Access: Many rural areas lack access to reliable, high-speed internet, hindering economic development, education, and access to telehealth.

Inadequate Transportation: Limited public transportation options can isolate residents and make it difficult to access jobs, healthcare, and other essential services.

Aging Infrastructure: Rural areas may have aging infrastructure, including roads, bridges, and water systems, which require significant investment to repair and upgrade.

4. Education:

School Consolidation: Rural schools have been consolidated, leading to longer commutes for students and the loss of local schools as community anchors.

Funding Challenges: Rural schools often face funding challenges, which can impact the quality of education and available resources.

Teacher Shortages: Rural schools may have difficulty attracting and retaining qualified teachers, impacting student outcomes.

5. Social Systems:

Social Isolation: Geographic isolation and limited social opportunities can contribute to social isolation and mental health challenges for residents.

Lack of Community Resources: Rural areas may lack access to essential community resources such as libraries, childcare facilities, and recreational opportunities.

It’s important to note: These “broken systems” are interconnected and often exacerbate each other. The challenges faced by rural communities vary depending on location, demographics, and economic conditions.
Addressing these challenges requires a multi-faceted approach involving government, businesses, non-profit organizations, and community members.

+–+ Here is May 21st’s piece.

Identify, Diversify, and Harmonize How We Think this May

By Paul Haeder/Lincoln County (Oregon) Leader
Lincoln County Leader revived | News | newportnewstimes.comOne may wonder how the heck did we get all these national and international days of celebration. It is a feature of Homo sapiens to celebrate accomplishments and honor causes and individuals who make the world, well, theoretically a better place.

May is no exception, and of course, the International Workers’ Day is May 1. In this time of rampant hatred of so many professions by Trump and Company, it goes without saying that his shallow but deeply narcissistic persona just will never grasp the value of the worker.

His entire raison d’être is about tearing down and imploding institutions and attacking individuals for which he deems “the enemy.”

The billionaire classless cabal sees workers as the enemy. And the goals of the International Workingmen’s Association in 1864 were clear: Shorter work hours; safer work environment; fair wages; elimination of child labor; the ability for the state to regulate labor conditions.

Ironically, I was in Ashland on International Firefighters Day, talking to two captains in the city’s two fire stations. I was told that a few years ago firefighters responded to 1,600 calls annually. Last year, Ashland’s stations went out over six thousand times.

Aging in place and lack of family and support precipitates many of the EMT calls. And a fire engine they are waiting for is still four years out, to the tune of $2 million once it’s completely outfitted.

If you watch the milquetoast mainstream media, you will have recalled the Accused Sexual Predator Trump made a mockery of National Teacher Day by laughing at all the cuts to the hundreds of educational initiatives smart and reasoned individuals over decades had initiated for the betterment of society through the intellectual progress of our youth.

Another group of workers in the bulls eye of Musk, Thiel, Stephen Miller and Vance/Trump is nursing professionals. We see the almost total breakdown of nursing and doctoring in Lincoln County because of the hard reality of a for-profit health care system putting profits over patients. Add to that the lack of affordable housing, and rural counties throughout the land are suffering massive nursing and doctor shortages.

Teacher Appreciation Day

Which then brings us to National Day of Reason, where groups of people see the value in enlightened thinking. You know, valuing the separation of church and state, which for all intents and purposes under this fascist regime has been imploded into a crusade against reasoned thinkers who do not see prayer or faith as central to their lives.

Humanists and Secularists created this National Day in response to the national day of prayer.

Celebrations have taken the form of blood drives, secular events and activities, and in some cases, protests against the National Day of Prayer. Imagine Trump and Company having the wherewithal to wrap their heads around this celebration – the Secular Week of Action when people volunteer to make the world a better place.

National Day of Reason – Secular Hub Blog

Two not necessarily different international recognition days in May include World Day for Cultural Diversity and International Day for Biological Diversity. Did you get the memo yet that Trump-Vance are on the attack against affirmative action and ecological health.

World Day for Cultural Diversity

In fact, on the biodiversity front, Trump and Company have “redefined” harm as it is applied to the Endangered Species Act. This pinhead thinking is just the tip of the iceberg of clownish but dangerous moves.

Defenders of Wildlife explains:

“Trump administration is hell-bent on destroying the ESA  to further line the pockets of industry. The vast majority of imperiled wildlife listed as endangered or threatened under the ESA are there because of loss of habitat. This latest salvo to redefine ‘harm’ to eliminate protection for wildlife from habitat destruction, if successful, will further imperil threatened and endangered species. We will fight this action and continue to protect the wildlife and wild places we hold dear as a nation.”

International Day for Biological Diversity - Bell Museum

Are you seeing the pattern carried out by billionaires such as Miriam Adelson, Larry Fink and Larry Ellison? Given the fact half of American cities are under air advisories, we have International Asthma Day to lend pause to how destructive these executive actions have been and will continue to be decades from now.

‘Harm’ is what unchecked air pollution in many forms continues to do to young and old. Harmful air advisories come in daily, and the fear is that Trump will just ban the notifications as a way to say, “See, I have cleaned up the air since there are no more warnings.”

Maybe we can pray the polluted air away.

The backers of Trump’s ideal America will see our “secular humanist” society based on science and reason destroyed. The Ten Commandments will form the basis of the legal system.

Finally, we have World Press Freedom Day. If you have any deep regard for the so-called Fourth Estate, then shivers should be running up your spine under this anti-journalist regime.

Mickey Huff of Project Censored states press freedom succinctly:

“We have to remember that it’s the independent media that is often the grassroots voice of the people. It is often the independent press that is operating on ethical standards and principles, and it is the independent press that is reporting in the public interest, not the corporate media.”

Diversify your news media diets. Find independent outlets, and for journalists, we need to reform the media and create better avenues for news reporting, including better accuracy and what we call “solutions journalism,” which creates truly constructive dialogue in our communities.

World Press Freedom Day Is Observed on May 3 | Cultural Survival

*****

Footnote: And not one mention of the genocide in Gaza, the trillions stolen from Arab nations’ populations, the trillions stolen from citizens of Canada, EU, USA, for the starvation and immolation and rape of a people.

There are no other topics to write about with the same amount of importance that Palestine conveys, from every aspect of War Terror of the Capitalists of both Jewish and Goyim descent.

Colleagues and family members pray over the body of Al Jazeera cameraman Samer Abu Daqa, who was killed during Israeli bombardment, during his funeral in Khan Yunis on the southern Gaza Strip.

The post An “In” on Getting in Small Town Newspapers first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Paul Haeder.

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Promoting the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Through Human Rights Education https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/23/promoting-the-rights-of-persons-with-disabilities-through-human-rights-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/23/promoting-the-rights-of-persons-with-disabilities-through-human-rights-education/#respond Fri, 23 May 2025 16:00:52 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=95dc229b1ece2379146842140576605e
This content originally appeared on Amnesty International and was authored by Amnesty International.

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Oaxaca, Mexico: Fighting for Teachers https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/23/oaxaca-mexico-fighting-for-teachers/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/23/oaxaca-mexico-fighting-for-teachers/#respond Fri, 23 May 2025 15:32:48 +0000 https://therealnews.com/?p=334282 A teacher of Oaxaca waves a flag during clash with the federal police in the outskirts of Oaxaca, Mexico, Oct. 29, 2006.In May 2006, Oaxaca became ground zero for one of the most radical movements Mexico has seen in the 21st century. This is episode 37 of Stories of Resistance.]]> A teacher of Oaxaca waves a flag during clash with the federal police in the outskirts of Oaxaca, Mexico, Oct. 29, 2006.

The year is 2006. 

Oaxaca, Mexico. A city that will unexpectedly become ground zero for one of the most radical movements Mexico has seen in the 21st century.

May 22.

Teachers strike across the state, against dismal resources for schools, kids, and themselves. 

They are met with widespread repression. At least 90 people are injured by police forces. 

So, backed by community members and organized over community radio stations, they found APPO, the Popular Assembly of the People of Oaxaca.

They start holding people’s assemblies. They take over the city. Their movement is compared to the Paris commune. It’s been called the first popular revolt of the 21st century.

Roadblocks line city streets. A clip from a documentary from the time, Un Poquito de Tanta Verdad, “A little bit of so much truth,” says roughly a thousand barricades cover the city each night for more than two months.

And they also take their fight to Mexico’s capital. A group of teachers go on a hunger strike, demanding respect and the resignation of the Oaxacan state governor.

Police and armed gunmen respond. They unleash widespread repression, attacks, disappearances, killings.

Among those killed is Brad Will, a US documentary filmmaker and indy media activist. He’s shot filming a protest in a street just east of Oaxaca City on October 27, 2006. The footage you’re hearing is from the camera he was holding at the time. 

The month after Will is killed, the federal police surround the APPO encampment, cracking down and detaining hundreds. Many are tortured. Some are disappeared.

“It was a really repressive environment,” says human rights defender Aline Castellanos Jurado. “You never knew if they would raid your home. Or where the disappeared were. Or what they were doing to the detained.”

Arrest warrants are issued for hundreds. Many go into hiding. Some flee the country. 

By the end of the year, the local government had largely crushed the physical resistance…

But their spirit remained. They would inspire others in Mexico and abroad. And within a decade, Oaxacan teachers would again be in the streets. Organizing, protesting. Marching for their right to teach. 

For their children’s and their students’ rights to education.

Resistance in the name of the peoples’ right to learn, and the teachers’ right to be compensated fairly and respected.


On May 22. 2006, teachers struck across the Mexican state of Oaxaca against dismal resources for schools, kids, and themselves. They were met with widespread repression. It would kick off months of protests that would unexpectedly turn Oaxaca into ground zero for one of the most radical movements Mexico has seen in the 21st century.

They started holding people’s assemblies. They set up barricades across the city. Teachers, housewives, Indigenous organizers, health workers, and students took over 14 different radio stations to defend their struggle.

This is episode 37 of Stories of Resistance—a podcast co-produced by The Real News and Global Exchange. Independent investigative journalism, supported by Global Exchange’s Human Rights in Action program. Each week, we’ll bring you stories of resistance like this. Inspiration for dark times.

If you like what you hear, please subscribe, like, share, comment, or leave a review. 

You can also follow Michael Fox’s reporting and support his work and this podcast at patreon.com/mfox.

Written and produced by Michael Fox.

Resources

Oaxacan teachers strike against Governor, 2006: https://nvdatabase.swarthmore.edu/content/oaxacan-teachers-strike-against-governor-2006

The Long Struggle of Mexican Teachers: https://jacobin.com/2016/08/mexico-teacher-union-strikes-oaxaca

Documentary: Un Poquito de Tanta Verdad (Many of the clips in this episode came from this documentary):


This content originally appeared on The Real News Network and was authored by Michael Fox.

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As Federal Education Cuts Loom, Future Teachers are Caught in the Crosshairs https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/21/as-federal-education-cuts-loom-future-teachers-are-caught-in-the-crosshairs/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/21/as-federal-education-cuts-loom-future-teachers-are-caught-in-the-crosshairs/#respond Wed, 21 May 2025 22:33:44 +0000 https://progressive.org/public-schools-advocate/as-federal-education-cuts-loom-future-teachers-are-caught-in-crosshairs-nargisonewton-20250521/
This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Brianna Nargiso Newton.

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Dispatch from Texas: The Billion-Dollar Heist of Public Education https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/20/dispatch-from-texas-the-billion-dollar-heist-of-public-education-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/20/dispatch-from-texas-the-billion-dollar-heist-of-public-education-2/#respond Tue, 20 May 2025 20:08:07 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=158398 The 89th Texas Legislative Session will be remembered for many things—but if you’re a student, teacher, or parent trying to make public education work in this state, it’s going down as the year lawmakers finally dropped their mask. With the official end of the legislative session (called adjournment sine die, which is looming on June 2), the […]

The post Dispatch from Texas: The Billion-Dollar Heist of Public Education first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
The 89th Texas Legislative Session will be remembered for many things—but if you’re a student, teacher, or parent trying to make public education work in this state, it’s going down as the year lawmakers finally dropped their mask. With the official end of the legislative session (called adjournment sine die, which is looming on June 2), the Texas House made history by passing a private school voucher bill, Senate Bill 2, for the first time since 1957. It’s not just a symbolic win for GOP Governor Greg Abbott and his billionaire backers. It’s a real, measurable, billion-dollar transfer of public resources into private hands.

Let’s be clear: This isn’t education reform. It’s economic sabotage by design, not accident, as evidenced by the billion-dollar diversion from the public to the private sector with no public oversight. It’s a calculated attempt to shrink public institutions and turn education into a product, reserved for those who can already afford access. Despite the confetti statements from the Governor’s office, no, this is not a win for “parent choice.” It’s a win for privatization, and Texans—especially those in rural, immigrant, and working-class communities—will be paying the price.

Vouchers Passed, but Who’s Buying?

SB2 establishes a $1 billion Education Savings Account (ESA) program, giving qualifying families about $10,000 yearly to cover private school tuition, homeschool costs, transportation, textbooks, and therapy. On paper, it’s being sold as a lifeline for underserved students, but let’s not get distracted by the branding.

That $10,000 doesn’t come close to covering the actual cost of elite private schools in Texas, which average more than $11,000 annually and climb much higher in urban centers. More importantly, private schools participating in the ESA program aren’t required to accept anyone. They can—and will—cherry-pick their enrollees. That means students with disabilities, discipline histories, or families who can’t foot the rest of the bill will be left behind. Unlike public schools, these private institutions don’t have to abide by federal protections like the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA).

To top it off, SB2 bars undocumented students from participating altogether. That’s right—while public schools remain constitutionally obligated to educate all students, the state is now writing checks that explicitly exclude immigrant families. So much for “choice.”

Rural Reality Check 

Take it from Hazel, a Students Organized for a Real Shot (SORS) organizer and student in rural North Texas: “There’s no ‘choice’ where I live. My public school is the only school. And now they want to take money from it?”

That’s the reality for thousands of families across Texas. Public schools in small towns aren’t just classrooms—they’re lifelines. They’re often the largest employers, food hubs, and mental health support systems in the entire community. Gutting them doesn’t create opportunity. It hollows out the very infrastructure that keeps these places alive.

Some conservatives have recognized this contradiction. Though when it came time to vote, only two Republicans, former House Speaker Dade Phelan and Rep. Gary VanDeaver, dared to oppose SB2. The rest folded under pressure from Governor Abbott and the powerful voucher machine which includes groups like the American Federation for Children and Texas-based mega-donors (like Dick Uihlein and Jeff Yass) who’ve spent millions reshaping the Legislature through targeted primary campaigns. Make no mistake: This wasn’t just a policy fight. It was a hostile takeover.

TX Yass State Spending

Map depicting the flow of political contributions that supported school privatization efforts in Texas. The red dots indicate legislative seats won in 2024 by candidates supported by Jeff Yass and other advocates of school vouchers. Credit: Alyshaw, Little Sis, February 3, 2025.

What About Public Schools?

While many lawmakers were busy high-fiving over vouchers, public schools continued to drown under outdated funding formulas and chronic disinvestment. Texas still ranks in the bottom third of states for per-pupil spending, and even after the Legislature approved a $7.7 billion education package through House Bill 2, many districts are still facing budget shortfalls and teacher shortages.

Sure, HB2 raises the basic allotment from $6,160 to $6,555, and ties future increases to property value growth. But educators on the ground know it’s not enough. The funding doesn’t account for years of inflation or meet the rising costs of special education, staffing, and school maintenance. It’s a start, but it’s far from transformative, and lawmakers knew that when they passed it.

Meanwhile, teachers continue to leave the profession in staggering numbers. According to the Texas American Federation of Teachers, more than 66 percent considered quitting in 2022. Instead of offering competitive salaries or mental health support, this Legislature gave them censorship bills like Senate Bill 13, which would authorize politically-appointed parents to make sweeping decisionsabout what books students will be able to find in their school libraries, coupled with gestapo-like legal action against teachers deemed to have violated Texas state law by “teaching woke critical race theory.” Because nothing says “thank you for your service” quite like criminalizing your curriculum.

Manufactured Crisis, Manufactured Choice

First, they failed to fund us. Then, they blamed us for failing.

That’s the playbook. The state basic allotment per pupil hasn’t budged since 2019, starving school districts of resources. Yet when STAAR test scores dip, schools are cast as the problem, and the Texas Education Agency swoops in with state-mandated takeovers. That’s the manufactured crisis. Lawmakers are selling “choice” as the solution, but it’s a trapdoor, not a lifeline.

Jakiyla, a Students Organized for a Real Shot (SORS) Dallas-Fort Worth area organizer, noted, “After COVID, our schools were already struggling. And now with this voucher bill, we’re being told we don’t even deserve recovery. We’re just collateral damage in someone else’s agenda.” Jakiyla’s words speak to what countless students across Texas are feeling. Let’s not pretend vouchers are happening in a vacuum. They’re part of a broader campaign to destabilize and delegitimize public education.

Since 2021, Texas has passed multiple laws banning so-called “divisive topics,” cracked down on libraries, and launched attacks on curriculum deemed too inclusive. The state even flirted with legislation this session that would allow politicians to micromanage schoolbook collections—because apparently, To Kill a Mockingbird is a bigger threat than poverty or crumbling campuses.

This isn’t about helping kids. It’s about consolidating power and controlling what students learn and how they learn it. It’s about shifting accountability away from the public and into the hands of private actors with no obligation to serve all students, uphold civil rights, or even report outcomes.

What Happens After Sine Die?

As we approach June 2, the focus will shift to the implementation of these programs, legal challenges to SB2’s more extreme provisions (like its citizenship clause), and the behind-closed-doors conference committee process to reconcile the House and Senate versions of the bill. Expect behind-closed-door negotiations over who gets priority for vouchers, what oversight looks like, and how funding rules may shift over time. Generally, expect more spin, but the facts don’t lie. Texas educates more than 5.4 million public school students, and each one deserves a fully funded, fully staffed, censorship-free education. That’s not some radical demand —it’s a moral and constitutional imperative.

Yet, with the passage of SB2, the Legislature made a choice to invest in exclusion instead of equity and privatization instead of the public good.

This Is How We Fight Back

This legislative session was billed as a turning point—a chance to “reinvest in Texas kids.” Instead, lawmakers handed our future over to lobbyists and political donors, making it clear that public schools are not their priority. Unless we organize, speak out, and hold them accountable, this billion-dollar heist will be just the beginning.

Charter expansions are next. Teacher “accountability” bills are on the horizon. More manufactured outrage over library and classroom content is guaranteed. The goal isn’t excellence—it’s control.

But here’s what they don’t expect: resistance. From rural towns to big cities, from high schoolers to retired educators, Texans are waking up. We know what’s being taken from us. And we’re not going quiet.

If Texas has taught us anything, it’s that underdogs don’t stay quiet—and when we rise, we raise hell, and we’re just getting started.

 

This article originally appeared on https://www.projectcensored.org/texas-billion-heist-public-education/

The post Dispatch from Texas: The Billion-Dollar Heist of Public Education first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Da’Taeveyon Daniels.

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Attacks on higher education #shorts https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/20/attacks-on-higher-education-shorts/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/20/attacks-on-higher-education-shorts/#respond Tue, 20 May 2025 18:00:58 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=5e40b148f3e7bbdb9fdb39160a19dccc
This content originally appeared on Laura Flanders & Friends and was authored by Laura Flanders & Friends.

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Culture at the core: examining journalism values in the Pacific https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/20/culture-at-the-core-examining-journalism-values-in-the-pacific/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/20/culture-at-the-core-examining-journalism-values-in-the-pacific/#respond Tue, 20 May 2025 12:56:09 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=114991 ANALYSIS: By Birte Leonhardt, Folker Hanusch and Shailendra B. Singh

The role of journalism in society is shaped not only by professional norms but also by deeply held cultural values. This is particularly evident in the Pacific Islands region, where journalists operate in media environments that are often small, tight-knit and embedded within traditional communities.

Our survey of journalists across Pacific Island countries provides new insight into how cultural values influence journalists’ self-perceptions and practices in the region. The findings are now available as an open access article in the journal Journalism.

Cultural factors are particularly observable in many collectivist societies, where journalists emphasise their intrinsic connection to their communities. This includes the small and micro-media systems of the Pacific, where “high social integration” includes close familial ties, as well as traditional and cultural affiliations.

The culture of the Pacific Islands is markedly distinct from Western cultures due to its collectivist nature, which prioritises group aspirations over individual aspirations. By foregrounding culture and values, our study demonstrates that the perception of their local cultural role is a dominant consideration for journalists, and we also see significant correlations between it and the cultural-value orientations of journalists.

We approach the concept of culture from the viewpoint of journalistic embeddedness, that is, “the extent to which journalists are enmeshed in the communities, cultures, and structures in which and on whom they report, and the extent to which this may both enable and constrain their work”.

The term embeddedness has often been considered undesirable in mainstream journalism, given ideals of detachment and objectivity which originated in the West and experiences of how journalists were embedded with military forces, such as the Iraq War.

Yet, in alternative approaches to journalism, being close to those on whom they report has been a desirable value, such as in community journalism, whereas a critique of mainstream journalism has tended to be that those reporters do not really understand local communities.

Cultural detachment both impractical and undesirable
What is more, in the Global South, embeddedness is often viewed as an intrinsic element of journalists’ identity, making cultural detachment both impractical and undesirable.

Recent research highlights that journalists in many regions of the world, including in unstable democracies, often experience more pronounced cultural influences on their work compared to their Western counterparts.

To explore how cultural values and identity shape journalism in the region, we surveyed 206 journalists across nine countries: Fiji, Tonga, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, the Cook Islands, Tuvalu, Nauru and the Marshall Islands.

The study was conducted as part of a broader project about Pacific Islands journalists between mid-2016 and mid-2018. About four in five of journalists in targeted newsrooms agreed to participate, making this one of the largest surveys of journalists in the region.

Respondents were asked about their perceptions of journalism’s role in society and the extent to which cultural values inform their work.

Our respondents averaged just under 37 years of age and were relatively evenly split in terms of gender (49 percent identified as female) with most in full-time employment (94 percent). They had an average of nine years of work experience. Around seven in 10 had studied at university, but only two-thirds of those had completed a university degree.

The findings showed that Pacific Islands journalists overwhelmingly supported ideas related to a local cultural role in reporting. A vast majority — 88 percent agreed that it was important for them to reflect local culture in reporting, while 75 percent also thought it was important to defend local traditions and values.

Important to preserve local culture
Further, 71 percent agreed it was important for journalists to preserve local culture. Together, these roles were considered substantially more important than traditional roles such as the monitorial role, where journalists pursue media’s watchdog function.

This suggests Pacific islands journalists see themselves not just as neutral observers or critics but as active cultural participants — conveying stories that strengthen identity, continuity and community cohesion.

To understand why journalists adopt this local cultural role, we looked at which values best predicted their orientation. We used a regression model to account for a range of potential influences, including socio-demographic aspects such as work experience, education, gender, the importance of religion and journalists’ cultural-value orientations.

Our results showed that the best predictor for whether journalists thought it was important to pursue a local cultural role lay in their own value system. In fact, the extent to which journalists adhered to so-called conservative values like self-restraint, the preservation of tradition and resistance to change emerged as the strongest predictors.

Hence, our findings suggest that journalists who emphasise tradition and social stability in their personal value systems are significantly more likely to prioritise a local cultural role.

These values reflect a preference for preserving the status quo, respecting established customs, and fostering social harmony — all consistent with Pacific cultural norms.

While the importance of cultural values was clear in how journalists perceive their role, the findings were more mixed when it came to reporting practices. In general, we found that such practices were valued.

Considerable consensus on customs
There was considerable consensus regarding the importance of respecting traditional customs in reporting, which 87 percent agreed with. A further 68 percent said that their traditional values guided their behaviour when reporting.

At the same time, only 29 percent agreed with the statement that they were a member of their cultural group first and a journalist second, whereas 44 percent disagreed. Conversely, 52 percent agreed that the story was more important than respecting traditional customs and values, while 27 percent disagreed.

These variations suggest that while Pacific journalists broadly endorse cultural preservation as a goal, the practical realities of journalism — such as covering conflict, corruption or political issues — may sometimes create tensions with cultural expectations.

Our findings support the notion that Pacific Islands journalists are deeply embedded in local culture, informed by collective values, strong community ties and a commitment to tradition.

Models of journalism training and institution-building that originated in the West often prioritise norms such as objectivity, autonomy and detached reporting, but in the Pacific such models may fall short or at least clash with the cultural values that underpin journalistic identity.

These aspects need to be taken into account when examining journalism in the region.

Recognising and respecting local value systems is not about compromising press freedom — it’s about contextualising journalism within its social environment. Effective support for journalism in the region must account for the realities of cultural embeddedness, where being a journalist often means being a community member as well.

Understanding the values that motivate journalists — particularly the desire to preserve tradition and promote social stability — can help actors and policymakers engage more meaningfully with media practitioners in the region.

Birte Leonhardt is a PhD candidate at the Journalism Studies Center at the University of Vienna, Austria. Her research focuses on journalistic cultures, values and practices, as well as interventionist journalism.

Folker Hanusch is professor of journalism and heads the Journalism Studies Center at the University of Vienna, Austria. He is also editor-in-chief of Journalism Studies, and vice-chair of the Worlds of Journalism Study.

Shailendra B. Singh is associate professor of Pacific journalism at the University of the South Pacific, based in Suva, Fiji, and a member of the advisory board of the Pacific Journalism Review.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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Culture at the core: examining journalism values in the Pacific https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/20/culture-at-the-core-examining-journalism-values-in-the-pacific-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/20/culture-at-the-core-examining-journalism-values-in-the-pacific-2/#respond Tue, 20 May 2025 12:56:09 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=114991 ANALYSIS: By Birte Leonhardt, Folker Hanusch and Shailendra B. Singh

The role of journalism in society is shaped not only by professional norms but also by deeply held cultural values. This is particularly evident in the Pacific Islands region, where journalists operate in media environments that are often small, tight-knit and embedded within traditional communities.

Our survey of journalists across Pacific Island countries provides new insight into how cultural values influence journalists’ self-perceptions and practices in the region. The findings are now available as an open access article in the journal Journalism.

Cultural factors are particularly observable in many collectivist societies, where journalists emphasise their intrinsic connection to their communities. This includes the small and micro-media systems of the Pacific, where “high social integration” includes close familial ties, as well as traditional and cultural affiliations.

The culture of the Pacific Islands is markedly distinct from Western cultures due to its collectivist nature, which prioritises group aspirations over individual aspirations. By foregrounding culture and values, our study demonstrates that the perception of their local cultural role is a dominant consideration for journalists, and we also see significant correlations between it and the cultural-value orientations of journalists.

We approach the concept of culture from the viewpoint of journalistic embeddedness, that is, “the extent to which journalists are enmeshed in the communities, cultures, and structures in which and on whom they report, and the extent to which this may both enable and constrain their work”.

The term embeddedness has often been considered undesirable in mainstream journalism, given ideals of detachment and objectivity which originated in the West and experiences of how journalists were embedded with military forces, such as the Iraq War.

Yet, in alternative approaches to journalism, being close to those on whom they report has been a desirable value, such as in community journalism, whereas a critique of mainstream journalism has tended to be that those reporters do not really understand local communities.

Cultural detachment both impractical and undesirable
What is more, in the Global South, embeddedness is often viewed as an intrinsic element of journalists’ identity, making cultural detachment both impractical and undesirable.

Recent research highlights that journalists in many regions of the world, including in unstable democracies, often experience more pronounced cultural influences on their work compared to their Western counterparts.

To explore how cultural values and identity shape journalism in the region, we surveyed 206 journalists across nine countries: Fiji, Tonga, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, the Cook Islands, Tuvalu, Nauru and the Marshall Islands.

The study was conducted as part of a broader project about Pacific Islands journalists between mid-2016 and mid-2018. About four in five of journalists in targeted newsrooms agreed to participate, making this one of the largest surveys of journalists in the region.

Respondents were asked about their perceptions of journalism’s role in society and the extent to which cultural values inform their work.

Our respondents averaged just under 37 years of age and were relatively evenly split in terms of gender (49 percent identified as female) with most in full-time employment (94 percent). They had an average of nine years of work experience. Around seven in 10 had studied at university, but only two-thirds of those had completed a university degree.

The findings showed that Pacific Islands journalists overwhelmingly supported ideas related to a local cultural role in reporting. A vast majority — 88 percent agreed that it was important for them to reflect local culture in reporting, while 75 percent also thought it was important to defend local traditions and values.

Important to preserve local culture
Further, 71 percent agreed it was important for journalists to preserve local culture. Together, these roles were considered substantially more important than traditional roles such as the monitorial role, where journalists pursue media’s watchdog function.

This suggests Pacific islands journalists see themselves not just as neutral observers or critics but as active cultural participants — conveying stories that strengthen identity, continuity and community cohesion.

To understand why journalists adopt this local cultural role, we looked at which values best predicted their orientation. We used a regression model to account for a range of potential influences, including socio-demographic aspects such as work experience, education, gender, the importance of religion and journalists’ cultural-value orientations.

Our results showed that the best predictor for whether journalists thought it was important to pursue a local cultural role lay in their own value system. In fact, the extent to which journalists adhered to so-called conservative values like self-restraint, the preservation of tradition and resistance to change emerged as the strongest predictors.

Hence, our findings suggest that journalists who emphasise tradition and social stability in their personal value systems are significantly more likely to prioritise a local cultural role.

These values reflect a preference for preserving the status quo, respecting established customs, and fostering social harmony — all consistent with Pacific cultural norms.

While the importance of cultural values was clear in how journalists perceive their role, the findings were more mixed when it came to reporting practices. In general, we found that such practices were valued.

Considerable consensus on customs
There was considerable consensus regarding the importance of respecting traditional customs in reporting, which 87 percent agreed with. A further 68 percent said that their traditional values guided their behaviour when reporting.

At the same time, only 29 percent agreed with the statement that they were a member of their cultural group first and a journalist second, whereas 44 percent disagreed. Conversely, 52 percent agreed that the story was more important than respecting traditional customs and values, while 27 percent disagreed.

These variations suggest that while Pacific journalists broadly endorse cultural preservation as a goal, the practical realities of journalism — such as covering conflict, corruption or political issues — may sometimes create tensions with cultural expectations.

Our findings support the notion that Pacific Islands journalists are deeply embedded in local culture, informed by collective values, strong community ties and a commitment to tradition.

Models of journalism training and institution-building that originated in the West often prioritise norms such as objectivity, autonomy and detached reporting, but in the Pacific such models may fall short or at least clash with the cultural values that underpin journalistic identity.

These aspects need to be taken into account when examining journalism in the region.

Recognising and respecting local value systems is not about compromising press freedom — it’s about contextualising journalism within its social environment. Effective support for journalism in the region must account for the realities of cultural embeddedness, where being a journalist often means being a community member as well.

Understanding the values that motivate journalists — particularly the desire to preserve tradition and promote social stability — can help actors and policymakers engage more meaningfully with media practitioners in the region.

Birte Leonhardt is a PhD candidate at the Journalism Studies Center at the University of Vienna, Austria. Her research focuses on journalistic cultures, values and practices, as well as interventionist journalism.

Folker Hanusch is professor of journalism and heads the Journalism Studies Center at the University of Vienna, Austria. He is also editor-in-chief of Journalism Studies, and vice-chair of the Worlds of Journalism Study.

Shailendra B. Singh is associate professor of Pacific journalism at the University of the South Pacific, based in Suva, Fiji, and a member of the advisory board of the Pacific Journalism Review.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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A Teacher Dragged a 6-Year-Old With Autism by His Ankle. Federal Civil Rights Officials Might Not Do Anything. https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/20/a-teacher-dragged-a-6-year-old-with-autism-by-his-ankle-federal-civil-rights-officials-might-not-do-anything/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/20/a-teacher-dragged-a-6-year-old-with-autism-by-his-ankle-federal-civil-rights-officials-might-not-do-anything/#respond Tue, 20 May 2025 09:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/garrison-school-illinois-autistic-student-dragged-ankle by Jennifer Smith Richards and Jodi S. Cohen

ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

A short video taken inside an Illinois school captured troubling behavior: A teacher gripping a 6-year-old boy with autism by the ankle and dragging him down the hallway on his back.

The early-April incident would’ve been upsetting in any school, but it happened at the Garrison School, part of a special education district where at one time students were arrested at the highest rate of any district in the country. The teacher was charged with battery weeks later after pressure from the student’s parents.

It’s been about eight months since the U.S. Department of Education directed Garrison to change the way it responded to the behavior of students with disabilities. The department said it would monitor the Four Rivers Special Education District, which operates Garrison, following a ProPublica and Chicago Tribune investigation in 2022 that found the school frequently involved police and used controversial disciplinary methods.

But the department’s Office for Civil Rights regional office in Chicago, which was responsible for Illinois and five other states, was one of seven abolished by President Donald Trump’s administration in March; the offices were closed and their entire staff was fired.

The future of oversight at Four Rivers, in west-central Illinois, is now uncertain. There’s no record of any communication from the Education Department to the district since Trump took office, and his administration has terminated an antidiscrimination agreement with at least one school district, in South Dakota.

In the April incident, Xander Reed, who has autism and does not speak, did not stop playing with blocks and go to P.E. when he was told to, according to a police report. Xander then “became agitated and fell to the ground,” the report said. When he refused to get up, a substitute teacher, Rhea Drake, dragged him to the gym.

Another staff member took a photo and alerted school leadership. Principal Amy Haarmann told police that Drake’s actions “were not an acceptable practice at the school,” the police report said.

Xander’s family asked to press charges. Drake, who had been working in Xander’s classroom for more than a month, was charged about three weeks later with misdemeanor battery, records show. She has pleaded not guilty. Her attorney told ProPublica that he and Drake did not want to comment for this story.

Tracey Fair, the district’s director, said school officials made sure students were safe following the incident and that Drake won’t be returning to the district. She declined to comment further about the incident, but said school officials take their “obligation to keep students and staff safe very seriously.”

Doug Thompson, chief of police in Jacksonville, where the school is located, said he could not discuss the case.

A screenshot from a recording of a CCTV video shows Xander Reed being dragged down the hallway by a teacher at the Garrison School. (Obtained by ProPublica)

Xander’s mother, Amanda, said her son is fearful about going to Garrison, where she said he also has been punished by being put in a school “crisis room,” a small space where students are taken when staff feel they misbehave or need time alone. “He has not wanted to go to school,” she said. “We want him to get an education. We want him to be with other kids.”

Four Rivers serves an eight-county area, and students at Garrison range from kindergartners through high schoolers. About 70 students were enrolled at the start of the school year. Districts who feel they aren’t able to educate a student in neighborhood schools send them to Four Rivers; Xander travels 40 minutes each way to attend Garrison.

The federal scrutiny of Garrison began after ProPublica and the Tribune revealed that during a five-year period, school employees called police to report student misbehavior every other school day, on average. Police made more than 100 arrests of students as young as 9 during that period. They were handcuffed and taken to the police station for being disruptive or disobedient; if they’d physically lashed out at staff, they often were charged with felony aggravated battery.

Garrison School is part of a special education district that’s supposed to be under federal monitoring for violating the civil rights of its disabled students. (Bryan Birks for ProPublica)

The news organizations also found that Garrison employees frequently removed students from their classrooms and sent them to crisis rooms when the students were upset, disobedient or aggressive.

The Office for Civil Rights’ findings echoed those of the news investigation. It determined that Garrison routinely sent students to police for noncriminal conduct that could have been related to their disabilities — something prohibited by federal law.

The district was to report its progress in making changes to the OCR by last December, which it appears to have done, according to documents ProPublica obtained through a public records request.

But the records show the OCR has not communicated with the district since then and it’s not clear what will come of the work at Four Rivers. The OCR has terminated at least one agreement it entered into last year — a deal with a South Dakota school district that had agreed to take steps to end discrimination against its Native American students. Spokespeople for the Education Department did not respond to questions from ProPublica.

Scott Reed, 6-year-old Xander Reed’s father, said he and Xander’s mother were aware of the frequent use of police as disciplinarians at Four Rivers and of OCR’s involvement. But they reluctantly enrolled him this school year because they were told there were no other options.

“You can say you’ve made all these changes, but you haven’t,” Scott Reed said. For example, he said, even after confirming that Drake had dragged the 50-pound boy down the hall, school leadership sent her home. “They did not call police until I arrived at school and demanded it” hours later, he said.

“If that was a student” that acted that way, “they would have been in handcuffs.”

Scott and Amanda Reed, Xander’s parents, enrolled their son in Garrison School after being told they had no other options. (Bryan Birks for ProPublica)

New ProPublica reporting has found that since school began in August, police have been called to the school at least 30 times in response to student behavior.

Thompson, the police chief, told ProPublica that, in one instance, officers were summoned because a student was saying “inappropriate things.” They also were called last month after a report that a student punched and bit staff members. The officers “helped to calm the student,” according to the local newspaper’s police blotter.

And police have continued to arrest Garrison students. There have been six arrests of students for property damage or aggravated battery this school year, police data shows. A 15-year-old girl was arrested for spitting in a staff member’s face, and a 10-year-old boy was arrested after being accused of hitting an employee. There were at least nine student arrests last school year, according to police data.

Thompson said four students between the ages of 10 and 16 have been arrested this school year on the more serious aggravated battery charge; one of the students was arrested three times. He said he thinks police calls to Garrison are inevitable, but that school staff are now handling more student behavioral concerns without reaching out to police.

“I feel like now the calls for service are more geared toward they have done what they can and they now need help,” Thompson said. “They have attempted to de-escalate themselves and the student is not cooperating still or it is out of their control and they need more assistance.”

Police were called to the school last week to deal with “a disturbance involving a student,” according to the police blotter in Jacksonville’s local newspaper. It didn’t end in an arrest this time; a parent arrived and “made the student obey staff members.”


This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jennifer Smith Richards and Jodi S. Cohen.

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A life of service: celebrating the career of Luamanuvao Dame Winnie Laban https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/17/a-life-of-service-celebrating-the-career-of-luamanuvao-dame-winnie-laban/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/17/a-life-of-service-celebrating-the-career-of-luamanuvao-dame-winnie-laban/#respond Sat, 17 May 2025 01:26:45 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=114795 SPECIAL REPORT: By Moera Tuilaepa-Taylor, RNZ Pacific manager

At this year’s May graduation ceremony, Te Herenga Waka Victoria University’s Luamanuvao Dame Winnie Laban, was awarded an honorary doctorate in recognition for her contribution to education.

Although she has now stepped down from the role, Luamanuvao served as the university’s Assistant Vice-Chancellor, Pasifika, for 14 years. In that time has worked tirelessly to raise Pasifika students’ achievement.

“It’s really important that they [Pasifika students] make the most of the opportunities that education has to offer,” she said.

“Secondly, education teaches you how to write, to research, to critique, but more importantly, become an informed voice and considering what’s happening in society now with AI and also technology and social media, it’s really important that we can tell our stories and share our values, and we counter that by receiving a good education and applying ourselves to do well.”

When asked about the importance of service, Luamanuvao explained “there’s a saying in Samoan, ‘o le ala i le pule o le tautua’ so the road to authority and leadership is through service”.

“And we’ve always been taught how important it is not to indulge in our own individual success, but to always become a voice and support our brothers and sisters, and our families and in our communities who are especially struggling.”

An event celebrating Lumanuvao's doctorate honour. L-R, Juliana Faataualofa Lafaialii – Samoa's Deputy Head of Mission/Counsellor to NZ, Philippa Toleafoa, Luamanuvao Dame Winnie Laban PhD, His Excellency Afamasaga Faamatalaupu Toleafoa Samoa's High Commissioner to NZ and Labour MP Pesetatamalelagi Barbara Edmonds
Juliana Faataualofa Lafaialii, Samoa’s Deputy Head of Mission/Counsellor to NZ (from left); Philippa Toleafoa; Luamanuvao Dame Winnie Laban; Afamasaga Faamatalaupu Toleafoa, Samoa’s High Commissioner to NZ; and Labour MP Pesetatamalelagi Barbara Edmonds . Image: Pesetatamalelagi Barbara Edmonds/RNZ Pacific

As she accepted her honorary doctorate, she spoke about the importance of women taking on leadership roles.

‘Our powerful women’
“Yes, many Pacific people will know how powerful our women are, especially our mothers, our grandmothers, and great grandmothers. We actually come from cultures of very powerful and very strong women . . .  it’s not centered in the individual women. It’s centered on the well-being of our families, and our communities. And that’s what women leadership is all about in the Pacific.”

She did not expect the honourary doctorate from Te Herenga Waka Victoria University because “I’ve always been aspirational for others. And we Pacific people have been brought up that we are the people of the ‘we’ and not the me.”

The number of Pasifika students enrolled at the University, during Luamanuvao’s time as Assistant Vice-Chancellor, increased from 4.70 percent in 2010 to 6.64 pecent in 2024. She said she “would have loved to have doubled that number” so that it was more in line with the number of Pasifika people living in New Zealand.

Luamanuvao Dame Winnie Laban and supporters during an International Women's day event in Wellington
Luamanuvao Dame Winnie Laban and supporters during an International Women’s day event in Wellington. Image: RNZ Pacific

Two of the initiatives she started, during her time at the University, was the Pasifika Roadshow taking information about university life out to the wider community and the Improving Pasifika Legal Education Project.

Helping Pasifika Law students succeed was very important to her. While Pasifika make up make up only 3 percent of Lawyers, they are overrepresented in the legal system, comprising 12 percent of the prison population.

Another passion of hers was encouraging Pasifika to enter academia. “I think we’ve had an increase in Pacific academics in some areas. For example, with the Faculty of Law, we’ve got two senior Pacific women in lecturer positions . . . We’ve also got four associate professors, and now I’ve finished, there’s also a vacancy for another.”

Prior to her work in education Luamanuvao was the first Pasifika woman to enter New Zealand politics, in 1999.

First Pacific woman MP
“I was fortunate that when I ran for Parliament, I ran first as a list MP, and as you know, within the parties, they have selection process that are quite robust, and so I became the first Pacific woman MP.”

“What motivated me was the car parts factory that closed in Wainuiomata, and most of the workers were men, but they were also Pacific, Māori and palagi, who basically arrived at work one morning and were told the factory was closing.”

“But what really hit me, and hurt me, that these were not the values of Aotearoa. They’re not the values of our Pacific region. These are human beings, and for many men, particularly, to have a job, it’s about providing for your family. It’s about status.

“So, if factories were going to close down, where was the planning to upskill them so they could continue in employment? None of them wanted to go for the unemployment benefit.

“They wanted to continue in paid work. So it’s those milestones that I make it worthwhile. It’s just a pity, because election cycles are three years, and as you know, people will vote how they want to vote, and if there’s a change, all the hard work you’ve put in gets reversed and but fundamentally, I believe that New Zealand and Pacific people have wonderful values that all of us try to live by, and that will continue to feed the light and ensure that people have a choice.”

Luamanuvao Winnie Laban and her husband Dr Peter Swain
Luamanuvao Dame Winnie Laban PhD and her husband Dr Peter Swain. Image: Trudy Logologo/RNZ Pacific

Although she first entered Parliament as a list MP, she subsequently won the Mana electorate seat. She retained the seat ,for the Labour party, from 2002 until she stepped away from politics in 2010.

During that time she was Minister of Pacific Peoples, 2007-2008, and even though Labour was defeated in the 2008 election, she continued to hold the Mana seat by a comfortable margin.

Mentoring many MPs
Although she has left political life, Luamanuvao has also been involved in mentoring many Pasifika Members of Parliament, and helping them cope with the challenges and opportunities that go with the role.

One of the primary motivators in her life has been the struggles of her parents, who left Samoa in 1954 to build a better future for their children, in New Zealand. She acknowledged that all of her successes can be attributed to her parents and the sacrifices they made.

“Yes, well, I think everybody can look at a genealogy of history of families leaving their homeland to come to Aotearoa, why, to build a better life and opportunities, including education for their children.

“And I often remind our generation of young people now that your parents left their home, for you. And I’ve often reflected because my parents have passed away on the pain of leaving their parents, but there was always this loving generosity in that both my parents were the eldest of huge families.

“They left everything for them, and actually arrived in New Zealand with very little. But there was this determination to succeed.

“Secondly, they are a minority in a country where they’re not the majority, or they are the indigenous people of their country. So also, overcoming those barriers, their hard work, their dreams, but more importantly, the huge love for our communities and fairness and justice was installed in Ken and I my brother, from a very young age, about serving and about giving and about reciprocity.”

Although she has left her role in tertiary education Luamanuvao vows to continue working to support the next generation of Pasifika leaders, in New Zealand and around the Pacific region.

Her lifelong commitment to service, continues as she’s a founding member of The Fale Malae Trust, a group whose vision is to build an internationally significant, landmark Fale Malae on the Wellington waterfront.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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Dispatch from Texas: The Billion-Dollar Heist of Public Education​ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/15/dispatch-from-texas-the-billion-dollar-heist-of-public-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/15/dispatch-from-texas-the-billion-dollar-heist-of-public-education/#respond Thu, 15 May 2025 15:00:22 +0000 https://www.projectcensored.org/?p=46383 The 89th Texas Legislative Session will be remembered for many things—but if you’re a student, teacher, or parent trying to make public education work in this state, it’s going down as the year lawmakers finally dropped their mask. With the official end of the legislative session (called adjournment sine die,…

The post Dispatch from Texas: The Billion-Dollar Heist of Public Education​ appeared first on Project Censored.


This content originally appeared on Project Censored and was authored by Kate Horgan.

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NZ celebrates Rotuman as part of Pacific Language Week series https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/13/nz-celebrates-rotuman-as-part-of-pacific-language-week-series/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/13/nz-celebrates-rotuman-as-part-of-pacific-language-week-series/#respond Tue, 13 May 2025 23:34:39 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=114685 By Grace Tinetali-Fiavaai, RNZ Pacific journalist

Aotearoa celebrates Rotuman language as part of the Ministry for Pacific Peoples’ Pacific Language Week series this week.

Rotuman is one of five UNESCO-listed endangered languages among the 12 officially celebrated in New Zealand.

The others are Tokelaun, Niuean, Cook Islands Māori and Tuvaluan.

This year’s theme is, ‘Åf’ạkia ma rak’ạkia ‘os fäega ma ag fak Rotuma – tēfakhanisit Gagaja nā se ‘äe ma’, which translates to, ‘Treasure & teach our Rotuman language and culture — A gift given to you and I by God’.

With fewer than 1000 residents identifying as Rotuman, it is the younger generation stepping up to preserve their endangered language.

Two young people, who migrated to New Zealand from Rotuma Island, are using dance to stay connected with their culture from the tiny island almost 500km northwest of Fiji’s capital, Suva, which they proudly call home.

Kapieri Samisoni and Tristan Petueli, both born in Fiji and raised on Rotuma, now reside in Auckland.

Cultural guardians
They are leading a new wave of cultural guardians who use dance, music, and storytelling to stay rooted in their heritage and to pass it on to future generations.

“A lot of people get confused that they think Rotuma is in Fiji but Rotuma is just outside of Fiji,” Samisoni told RNZ Pacific Waves.


Rotuman Language Week.        Video: RNZ Pacific

“We have our own culture, our own tradition, our own language.”

“When I moved to New Zealand, I would always say I am Fijian because that was easier for people to understand. But nowadays, I say I am Rotuman.

“A lot of people are starting to understand and realise . . . they know what Rotuma is and where Rotuma is, so it is nice saying that I am Rotuman,” he said.

Samisoni moved to New Zealand in 2007 when he was 11 years old with his parents and siblings.

He said dancing has become a powerful way to express his identity and honour the traditions of his homeland.

Learning more
“Moving away from Fiji and being so far away from the language, I think I took it for granted. But now that I am here in New Zealand, I want to learn more about my culture.

“With dance and music, that is the way of for me to keep the culture alive. It is also a good way to learn the language as well.”

For Petueli, the connection runs deep through performance and rhythm after having moved here in 2019, just before the covid-19 pandemic.

“It is quite difficult living in Aotearoa, where I cannot use the language as much in my day to day life,” Petueli said.

“The only time I get to do that is when I am on the phone with my parents back home, or when I am reading the Rotuman Bible and that kind of keeps me connected to my culture,” he said.

He added he definitely felt connected whenever he was dancing.

“Growing up, I learnt our traditional dances at a very young age.

Blessed and grateful
“My parents were always involved in the culture. They were also purotu, which is the choreographers and composers for our traditional dances. So, I was blessed and grateful to have that with me growing up, and I still have that with me today,” he said.

Celebrations of Rotuman Language Week first began as grassroots efforts in 2018, led by groups like the Auckland Rotuman Fellowship Group Inc before receiving official support from the Ministry for Pacific Peoples in 2020.


Interview with Fesaitu Solomone.      Video: RNZ Pacific

The Centre for Pacific Languages chief executive Fesaitu Solomone said young people played a critical role in this movement — but they don’t have to do it alone.

“Be not afraid to speak the language even if you make mistakes,” she said.

“Get together [and] look for people who can support you in terms of the language. We have our knowledge holders, your community, your church, your family.

“Reach out to anyone you know who can support you and create a safe environment for you to learn our Pasifika languages.”

Loved music and dance
She said one of the things that young people loved was music and dance and the centre wanted to make sure that they continued to learn language through that avenue.

“It is great pathway and we recognise that a lot of our people may not want to learn language in a classroom setting or in a face to face environment,” she said.

Fesaitu said for these young leaders, the bridge was already being crossed — one dance, one chant, and one proud declaration at a time.

“And that is the work that we try and do here, is to look at ways that our young people can engage, but also be able to empower them, and give them an opportunity to be part of it.”

Petueli hopes other countries follow the example being set in Aotearoa to preserve and celebrate Pacific languages.

“I do not think any other country, even in Fiji, is doing anything like this, like the Pacific languages [weeks], and pushing for it.

“I think we are doing a great job here, and I hope that we will everywhere else can see and follow through with it.”

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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Trump Is Making America Constitutionally Literate—By Violating the Constitution https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/13/trump-is-making-america-constitutionally-literate-by-violating-the-constitution/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/13/trump-is-making-america-constitutionally-literate-by-violating-the-constitution/#respond Tue, 13 May 2025 22:22:07 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=158212 Few modern political figures have done more to prompt spontaneous national discussions about the Bill of Rights and constitutional limits on government power than Donald Trump—if only because he tramples on them so frequently. Indeed, President Trump has become a walking civics lesson. Consider some of the constitutional principles that Trump can be credited with […]

The post Trump Is Making America Constitutionally Literate—By Violating the Constitution first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
Few modern political figures have done more to prompt spontaneous national discussions about the Bill of Rights and constitutional limits on government power than Donald Trump—if only because he tramples on them so frequently.

Indeed, President Trump has become a walking civics lesson.

Consider some of the constitutional principles that Trump can be credited with bringing into the spotlight unintentionally during his time in office.

First Amendment (free speech, press, religion, protest, and assembly): Trump’s repeated confrontations with the First Amendment have transformed free expression into a battleground, making it impossible to ignore the protections it guarantees. From branding the press as “the enemy of the people” and threatening to revoke media licenses to blacklisting law firmsthreatening universities with funding cuts for not complying with the government’s ideological agenda, and detaining foreign students for their political views, Trump has treated constitutional protections not as guarantees, but as obstacles.

Second Amendment (right to bear arms): Trump has shown an inconsistent and, at times, authoritarian approach to gun rights, summed up in his infamous 2018 statement: “Take the guns first, go through due process second.” At the same time, Trump has encouraged the militarization of domestic police forces, blurring the line between civilian law enforcement and standing armies—a contradiction that cuts against the very spirit of the amendment, which was rooted in distrust of centralized power and standing militaries.

Fourth Amendment (protection against unreasonable searches and seizures): Trump’s expansion of no-knock raids, endorsement of sweeping surveillance tactics, sanctioning of police brutality and greater immunity for police misconduct, and the use of masked, plainclothes federal agents to seize demonstrators off the streets have revived conversations about privacy, unlawful searches, and the right to be secure in one’s person and property.

Fifth & Fourteenth Amendments (due process and equal protection): Perhaps nowhere has Trump’s disregard been more dangerous than in his approach to due process and equal protection under the law. The Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments guarantee that neither citizens nor non-citizens can be deprived of liberty without fair procedures. Yet Trump’s Administration has repeatedly floated or enacted policies that sidestep due process, from the suggestion that he could suspend habeas corpus to the indefinite detention of individuals without trial, and openly questioned whether non-citizens deserve any constitutional protections at all.

Even the Sixth (right to a fair and speedy trial) and Eighth Amendments (protection against cruel and unusual punishment) have found new urgency: Trump has promoted indefinite pretrial detention for protesters and immigrants alike, while presiding over family separations, inhumane detention centers, and support for enhanced interrogation techniques. Trump has also doubled down on his administration’s commitment to carrying out more executions, including a push to impose the death penalty for crimes other than murder.

Tenth Amendment (states’ rights): The Tenth Amendment, which preserves state sovereignty against federal overreach, has been tested by Trump’s threats to defund sanctuary cities, override state public health measures, and interfere in local policing and elections. His efforts to federalize domestic law enforcement have exposed the limits of decentralized power in the face of executive ambition.

Fourteenth Amendment (birthright citizenship): No clause has been more aggressively misunderstood by Trump than the Citizenship Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. His push to strip citizenship from children born on U.S. soil to immigrant parents (birthright citizenship) ignores over a century of legal precedent affirming that citizenship cannot be denied by executive whim.

Article I, Section 8 (commerce and tariffs): Trump’s use of tariff authority provides another example of executive power run amok. Although the Constitution assigns Congress the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations, Trump has imposed sweeping tariffs on allies and used them as political leverage. These actions not only undermine the constitutional balance between the branches but also weaponize trade policy for political ends.

Article I, Section 9 (Emoluments Clause): Trump’s disregard for the Emoluments Clause—a safeguard against presidential profiteering—brought this obscure constitutional provision back into the public eye. Between continuing to profit from his private businesses while in office and his reported willingness to accept extravagant gifts, including a $400 million luxury plane from the Qatari government, he has raised urgent ethical and legal concerns about self-dealing, corruption and backdoor arrangements by which foreign and domestic governments can funnel money into Trump’s personal coffers.

Article I, Section 9 (power of the purse): Trump has trampled on Congress’s exclusive power over federal spending, attempting to redirect funds by executive fiat rather than operating within Congress’s approved budgetary plan. He has also threatened to withhold federal aid from states, cities, and universities deemed insufficiently loyal.

Article II (executive powers): At the heart of Trump’s governance is a dangerous misreading of Article II, which vests executive power in the president, to justify executive overreach and the concept of an all-powerful unitary executive. He has repeatedly claimed “total authority” over state matters, wielded executive orders like royal decrees in order to bypass Congress, and sought to bend the Department of Justice to his personal and political will.

Historical Emergency Powers and Legal Precedents: Trump has also breathed new life into archaic emergency powers. He invoked the Alien Enemies Act to justify rounding up, detaining, and deporting undocumented immigrants without due process. He has also threatened to invoke the Insurrection Act to deploy troops domestically in order to deal with civil unrest, raising the specter of martial law cloaked in patriotic language.

In routinely violating the Constitution and crossing legal lines that were once unthinkable, Trump is forcing Americans to confront what the Constitution truly protects, and what it doesn’t.

Still, what good is a knowledgeable citizenry if their elected officials are woefully ignorant about the Constitution or willfully disregard their sworn duty to uphold and protect it?

For starters, anyone taking public office, from the president on down, should have a working knowledge of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights and should be held accountable for upholding their precepts. And if they violate their contractual obligations to uphold and defend the Constitution, vote them out—throw them out—or impeach them.

“We the people” have power, but we must use it or lose it.

Trump may have contributed to this revival in constitutional awareness, but as we warn in Battlefield America: The War on the American People and A Government of Wolves: The Emerging American Police State, the challenge isn’t just knowing our rights—it’s defending them, before they’re gone for good.

The post Trump Is Making America Constitutionally Literate—By Violating the Constitution first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by John W. Whitehead and Nisha Whitehead.

]]>
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Trump Is Making America Constitutionally Literate—By Violating the Constitution https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/13/trump-is-making-america-constitutionally-literate-by-violating-the-constitution-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/13/trump-is-making-america-constitutionally-literate-by-violating-the-constitution-2/#respond Tue, 13 May 2025 22:22:07 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=158212 Few modern political figures have done more to prompt spontaneous national discussions about the Bill of Rights and constitutional limits on government power than Donald Trump—if only because he tramples on them so frequently. Indeed, President Trump has become a walking civics lesson. Consider some of the constitutional principles that Trump can be credited with […]

The post Trump Is Making America Constitutionally Literate—By Violating the Constitution first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
Few modern political figures have done more to prompt spontaneous national discussions about the Bill of Rights and constitutional limits on government power than Donald Trump—if only because he tramples on them so frequently.

Indeed, President Trump has become a walking civics lesson.

Consider some of the constitutional principles that Trump can be credited with bringing into the spotlight unintentionally during his time in office.

First Amendment (free speech, press, religion, protest, and assembly): Trump’s repeated confrontations with the First Amendment have transformed free expression into a battleground, making it impossible to ignore the protections it guarantees. From branding the press as “the enemy of the people” and threatening to revoke media licenses to blacklisting law firmsthreatening universities with funding cuts for not complying with the government’s ideological agenda, and detaining foreign students for their political views, Trump has treated constitutional protections not as guarantees, but as obstacles.

Second Amendment (right to bear arms): Trump has shown an inconsistent and, at times, authoritarian approach to gun rights, summed up in his infamous 2018 statement: “Take the guns first, go through due process second.” At the same time, Trump has encouraged the militarization of domestic police forces, blurring the line between civilian law enforcement and standing armies—a contradiction that cuts against the very spirit of the amendment, which was rooted in distrust of centralized power and standing militaries.

Fourth Amendment (protection against unreasonable searches and seizures): Trump’s expansion of no-knock raids, endorsement of sweeping surveillance tactics, sanctioning of police brutality and greater immunity for police misconduct, and the use of masked, plainclothes federal agents to seize demonstrators off the streets have revived conversations about privacy, unlawful searches, and the right to be secure in one’s person and property.

Fifth & Fourteenth Amendments (due process and equal protection): Perhaps nowhere has Trump’s disregard been more dangerous than in his approach to due process and equal protection under the law. The Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments guarantee that neither citizens nor non-citizens can be deprived of liberty without fair procedures. Yet Trump’s Administration has repeatedly floated or enacted policies that sidestep due process, from the suggestion that he could suspend habeas corpus to the indefinite detention of individuals without trial, and openly questioned whether non-citizens deserve any constitutional protections at all.

Even the Sixth (right to a fair and speedy trial) and Eighth Amendments (protection against cruel and unusual punishment) have found new urgency: Trump has promoted indefinite pretrial detention for protesters and immigrants alike, while presiding over family separations, inhumane detention centers, and support for enhanced interrogation techniques. Trump has also doubled down on his administration’s commitment to carrying out more executions, including a push to impose the death penalty for crimes other than murder.

Tenth Amendment (states’ rights): The Tenth Amendment, which preserves state sovereignty against federal overreach, has been tested by Trump’s threats to defund sanctuary cities, override state public health measures, and interfere in local policing and elections. His efforts to federalize domestic law enforcement have exposed the limits of decentralized power in the face of executive ambition.

Fourteenth Amendment (birthright citizenship): No clause has been more aggressively misunderstood by Trump than the Citizenship Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. His push to strip citizenship from children born on U.S. soil to immigrant parents (birthright citizenship) ignores over a century of legal precedent affirming that citizenship cannot be denied by executive whim.

Article I, Section 8 (commerce and tariffs): Trump’s use of tariff authority provides another example of executive power run amok. Although the Constitution assigns Congress the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations, Trump has imposed sweeping tariffs on allies and used them as political leverage. These actions not only undermine the constitutional balance between the branches but also weaponize trade policy for political ends.

Article I, Section 9 (Emoluments Clause): Trump’s disregard for the Emoluments Clause—a safeguard against presidential profiteering—brought this obscure constitutional provision back into the public eye. Between continuing to profit from his private businesses while in office and his reported willingness to accept extravagant gifts, including a $400 million luxury plane from the Qatari government, he has raised urgent ethical and legal concerns about self-dealing, corruption and backdoor arrangements by which foreign and domestic governments can funnel money into Trump’s personal coffers.

Article I, Section 9 (power of the purse): Trump has trampled on Congress’s exclusive power over federal spending, attempting to redirect funds by executive fiat rather than operating within Congress’s approved budgetary plan. He has also threatened to withhold federal aid from states, cities, and universities deemed insufficiently loyal.

Article II (executive powers): At the heart of Trump’s governance is a dangerous misreading of Article II, which vests executive power in the president, to justify executive overreach and the concept of an all-powerful unitary executive. He has repeatedly claimed “total authority” over state matters, wielded executive orders like royal decrees in order to bypass Congress, and sought to bend the Department of Justice to his personal and political will.

Historical Emergency Powers and Legal Precedents: Trump has also breathed new life into archaic emergency powers. He invoked the Alien Enemies Act to justify rounding up, detaining, and deporting undocumented immigrants without due process. He has also threatened to invoke the Insurrection Act to deploy troops domestically in order to deal with civil unrest, raising the specter of martial law cloaked in patriotic language.

In routinely violating the Constitution and crossing legal lines that were once unthinkable, Trump is forcing Americans to confront what the Constitution truly protects, and what it doesn’t.

Still, what good is a knowledgeable citizenry if their elected officials are woefully ignorant about the Constitution or willfully disregard their sworn duty to uphold and protect it?

For starters, anyone taking public office, from the president on down, should have a working knowledge of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights and should be held accountable for upholding their precepts. And if they violate their contractual obligations to uphold and defend the Constitution, vote them out—throw them out—or impeach them.

“We the people” have power, but we must use it or lose it.

Trump may have contributed to this revival in constitutional awareness, but as we warn in Battlefield America: The War on the American People and A Government of Wolves: The Emerging American Police State, the challenge isn’t just knowing our rights—it’s defending them, before they’re gone for good.

The post Trump Is Making America Constitutionally Literate—By Violating the Constitution first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by John W. Whitehead and Nisha Whitehead.

]]>
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The Department of Education Forced Idaho to Stop Denying Disabled Students an Education. Then Trump Gutted Its Staff. https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/13/the-department-of-education-forced-idaho-to-stop-denying-disabled-students-an-education-then-trump-gutted-its-staff/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/13/the-department-of-education-forced-idaho-to-stop-denying-disabled-students-an-education-then-trump-gutted-its-staff/#respond Tue, 13 May 2025 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/department-of-education-idaho-students-disabilities-trump by Becca Savransky, Idaho Statesman

This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with the Idaho Statesman. Sign up for Dispatches to get our stories in your inbox every week.

Time and again, the U.S. Department of Education has been the last resort for parents who say the state of Idaho has failed to educate their children. The federal agency in 2023 ordered Idaho to stop blocking some students with learning disabilities, like dyslexia, from special education. That same year, it flagged that the state’s own reviews of districts and charters obscured the fact that just 20% were fully complying with the federal disability law. Last year, it told the state it must end long delays in services for infants and toddlers with disabilities, which could include speech or physical therapy.

Now President Donald Trump has pledged to dismantle the department.

Idaho’s superintendent of public instruction Debbie Critchfield has celebrated the proposal. She insisted that the move would not change the requirement that states provide special education to students who need it. That would take an act of Congress.

But parents and advocates for students with disabilities say they are worried that no one will effectively ensure schools follow special education law.

“Historically, when left to their own devices, states don’t necessarily do the right thing for kids with disabilities and their families,” said Larry Wexler, a former division director at the federal Office of Special Education Programs, who retired last year after decades at the department.

Former federal Education Department employees who worked on special education monitoring said oversight measures would likely be hampered by the layoffs, which included attorneys who worked with the special education office to provide state monitoring reports.

Gregg Corr, a former division director with that office, said that without the group of attorneys who were focused on enforcing special education law, it will be “really difficult for staff to finalize and issue these reports to states.” He added there may also be a reluctance to take on more complicated issues without running them by attorneys.

“What might have been, you know, inconsistent with the legal requirements six months ago may be fine now — it just depends on how it’s interpreted,” Wexler said.

Before Federal Law, Millions Denied Services

For parents who have been fighting for services for years, the federal oversight has been critical.

After Ashley Brittain, an attorney and mom to children with dyslexia, moved to Idaho in 2021, she realized a key problem: Idaho’s criteria for qualifying students with specific learning disabilities such as dyslexia or dysgraphia was so narrow it disqualified some eligible students from receiving services, she said.

Historically, when left to their own devices, states don’t necessarily do the right thing for kids with disabilities and their families.

—Larry Wexler, a former division director at the federal Office of Special Education Programs

Together with Robin Zikmund, the founder of Decoding Dyslexia Idaho who has a son with dyslexia and dysgraphia, Brittain has spent years trying to get the state to acknowledge the disability and provide services to dozens of kids who needed help.

“We’re at the table time and time again, at the eligibility table, where school teams wouldn’t qualify our dyslexic students,” Zikmund previously told the Idaho Statesman and ProPublica. “And it was like, ‘What is going on?’”

Brittain called state officials and told them they were breaking the law. State officials disagreed. No one took action, she said. In 2022, she wrote to the Office of Special Education Programs. In the letter she sent to the federal department, she said the Idaho Department of Education, under former superintendent Sherri Ybarra, was “refusing to entertain any conversations” about changing the way it determined which students were eligible for special education. Ybarra could not be reached for comment.

Before Congress passed what is now known as the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act in 1975 and created the U.S. Department of Education as an agency under the Cabinet about five years later, Brittain would have been on her own.

At the time, nearly 1.8 million students with disabilities weren’t being served by the public schools, according to estimates. Some states had laws prohibiting students with certain disabilities from attending public schools, according to the federal government’s own history.

The law granted students with disabilities access to a “free appropriate public education” — fitting the individual needs of the student — and gave money to states to fulfill the promise. Now, the law also guarantees infants and toddlers with disabilities access to early interventions, such as physical or speech therapy.

The U.S. Department of Education has since been responsible for making sure states follow the law, providing reviews of state performance, distributing money and offering technical assistance to help states improve learning outcomes for students in special education.

The department conducts an annual review of each state, and a more intensive one that’s supposed to be completed roughly every five years. The annual reviews look at discipline numbers, graduation rates and test scores to identify problems and help states to fix them. A five-year review includes a visit to the state and a look at state policies, student data and annual reports. When states need to take corrective action, the federal special education office monitors that they are making the changes.

Idaho is one of about a dozen states currently being monitored, according to the most recent updates on the federal agency’s website.

We’re at the table time and time again, at the eligibility table, where school teams wouldn’t qualify our dyslexic students. And it was like, ‘What is going on?’

—Robin Zikmund, founder of Decoding Dyslexia Idaho

Parent complaints can also trigger a review, as was the case with Brittain in Idaho. After Brittain alleged that the state was wrongfully keeping kids with dyslexia and other disabilities from special education, she waited over a year before she got an answer from the Office of Special Education Programs: She was right. Idaho, it turned out, accepted a lower percentage of students with specific learning disabilities, such as dyslexia, into special education compared to other states — about half the national average, according to the most recent data reported to the U.S. Department of Education from the 2022-2023 school year.

By then, Idaho had a new state superintendent of public instruction, Critchfield, for whom Brittain campaigned. The Office of Special Education Programs told Critchfield in 2023 that the state needed to demonstrate its policies complied with federal law or update them.

In response, the Idaho Department of Education has updated its special education manual, which has since been approved by the Legislature. It has also directed school districts to review every student found ineligible for special education since 2023 to determine if they needed to be reevaluated.

Parents in Idaho celebrated the victory, which could make it easier for some kids to qualify in a state that has one of the lowest percentages of students who receive special education. But they acknowledged the fix wasn’t perfect and left out students who may have been found ineligible for special education before the federal office identified the problem. The state isn’t tracking the number of students who have since qualified due to the change.

Nicole Fuller, a policy manager at the National Center for Learning Disabilities, said a case like this, in which some students are being missed, “truly underscores the need for federal oversight, and, of course, holding states accountable for accurately identifying disabilities.”

Federal oversight isn’t perfect. By the time Idaho addressed Brittain’s complaint, the state had been out of compliance since at least 2015. States that fall out of compliance can be at risk of losing federal funding, although that penalty does not appear to have been used in decades.

The federal government has never fulfilled its promise to fund 40% of each state’s special education costs, but Idaho relied on federal funding for about 18% — around $60 million — of its special education budget during the 2022-2023 school year, state officials said. The rest is made up by the state or by local school districts through referendums. A recent report by an independent Idaho state office estimated special education was underfunded by more than $80 million in 2023.

But U.S. Education Secretary Linda McMahon, appointed by Trump in March, has said that closing the department wouldn’t mean “cutting off funds from those who depend on them” but would eliminate the “bureaucracy” and regulations associated with them.

Critchfield, Idaho’s superintendent, said on Idaho-based The Ranch Podcast that teachers involved in special education spend a lot of time filling out paperwork instead of “focusing on how to help that child be successful.” The changes are about “removing the bureaucracy.”

But Critchfield acknowledged that cuts at the federal level could pose challenges if states have to take on more of an oversight role.

“As much as I am a champion of states doing that, the reality is there would be implications for Idaho and our department,” she said in a statement to the Statesman and ProPublica. The state is looking at what it can do to prepare and “where gaps would exist” should more responsibilities fall to the states.

Zikmund, the advocate who praised Critchfield for being responsive to parents and having an “open-door policy,” said that parents could be better off after the changes with good leadership at the state level, but without it, they could face a “train wreck.”

One test will come in June, when the Office of Special Education Programs is expected to release reports telling states how they performed in their annual reviews. The layoffs and restructuring under Trump are making some advocates question if the federal government will truly hold states to account.


This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Becca Savransky, Idaho Statesman.

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Otago academics plan declaration on Palestine to ‘face daily horrors’ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/12/otago-academics-plan-declaration-on-palestine-to-face-daily-horrors/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/12/otago-academics-plan-declaration-on-palestine-to-face-daily-horrors/#respond Mon, 12 May 2025 10:30:31 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=114578 Asia Pacific Report

A group of New Zealand academics at Otago University have drawn up a “Declaration on Palestine” against genocide, apartheid and scholasticide of Palestinians by Israel that has illegally occupied their indigenous lands for more than seven decades.

The document, which had already drawn more than 300 signatures from staff, students and alumni by the weekend, will be formally adopted at a congress of the Otago Staff for Justice in Palestine (OSJP) group on Thursday.

“At a time when our universities, our public institutions and our political leaders are silent in the face of the daily horrors we are shown from illegally-occupied Palestine, this declaration is an act of solidarity with our Palestinian whānau,” declared Professor Richard Jackson from Te Ao O Rongomaraeroa — The National Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies.

“It expresses the brutal truth of what is currently taking place in Palestine, as well as our commitment to international law and human rights, and our social responsibilities as academics.

“We hope the declaration will be an inspiration to others and a call to action at a moment when the genocide and ethnic cleansing of Palestinians is accelerating at an alarming rate.”

Scholars and students at the university had expressed concern that they did not want to be teaching or learning about the Palestinian genocide in future courses on the history of the Palestinian people, Professor Jackson said.

Nor did they want to feel ashamed when they were asked what they did while the genocide was taking place.

‘Collective moral courage’
“Signing up to the declaration represents an act of individual and collective moral courage, and a public commitment to working to end the genocide.”

In an interview with the Otago Daily Times published at the weekend, Professor Jackson said boycotting academic ties with Israel was among the measures included in a declaration.

The declaration commits its signatories to an academic boycott as part of the wider Boycott, Disinvestment and Sanction (BDS) campaign “until such time as Palestinians enjoy freedom from genocide, apartheid and scholasticide”, they had national self-determination and full and complete enjoyment of human rights, as codified in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

The declaration says that given the International Court of Justice (ICJ) has ruled there is a “plausible” case that Israel has been committing genocide, and that all states that are signatory to the Genocide Convention must take all necessary measures to prevent acts of genocide, the signatories commit themselves to an academic boycott.

BDS is a campaign, begun in 2005, to promote economic, social and cultural boycotts of the Israeli government, Israeli companies and companies that support Israel, in an effort to end the occupation of Palestinian territories and win equal rights for Palestinian citizens within Israel.

It draws inspiration from South African anti-apartheid campaigns and the United States civil rights movement.

The full text of the declaration:

The Otago Declaration on the Situation in Palestine

We, the staff, students and graduates, being members of the University of Otago, make the following declaration.

We fully and completely recognise that:
– The Palestinian people have a right under international law to national self-determination;
– The Palestinians have the right to security and the full enjoyment of all human and social rights as laid out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights;

And furthermore that:
– Israel is committing a genocide against the Palestinian nation, according to experts, official bodies, international lawyers and human rights organisations;
– Israel operates a system of apartheid in the territories it controls, and denies the full expression and enjoyment of human rights to Palestinians, according to international courts, human rights organisations, legal and academic experts;
– Israel is committing scholasticide, thereby denying Palestinians their right to education;

We recognise that:
– Given the International Court of Justice has ruled that there is a plausible case that Israel has been committing genocide against the Palestinian people in Gaza, that all states that are signatory to the Genocide Convention, which includes Aotearoa New Zealand, have a responsibility to take all necessary measures to prevent acts of genocide;

We also acknowledge that as members of a public institution with educational responsibilities:
– We hold a legal and ethical responsibility to act as critic and conscience of society, both individually as members of the University and collectively as a social institution;
– We have a responsibility to follow international law and norms and to act in an ethical manner in our personal and professional endeavours;
– We hold an ethical responsibility to act in solidarity with oppressed and disadvantaged people, including those who struggle against settler colonial regimes or discriminatory apartheid systems and the harmful long-term effects of colonisation;
– We owe a responsibility to fellow educators who are victimised by apartheid and scholasticide;

Therefore, we, the under-signed, do solemnly commit ourselves to:
– Uphold the practices, standards and ethics of the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) campaign in terms of investment and procurement as called for by Palestinian civil society and international legal bodies; until such time as Palestinians enjoy freedom from genocide, apartheid and scholasticide, national self-determination and full and complete enjoyment of human rights, as codified in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
– Adopt as part of the BDS campaign an Academic Boycott, as called for by Palestinian civil society and international legal bodies; until such time as Palestinians enjoy freedom from genocide, apartheid and scholasticide, national self-determination and full and complete enjoyment of human rights, as codified in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

  • The Otago Declaration congress meeting will be held on Thursday, May 15, 2025, at 12 noon at the Museum Lawn, Dunedin.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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‘We’re just doing our best’ – cultural backlash hits Auckland kava business https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/11/were-just-doing-our-best-cultural-backlash-hits-auckland-kava-business/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/11/were-just-doing-our-best-cultural-backlash-hits-auckland-kava-business/#respond Sun, 11 May 2025 22:00:17 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=114543 By Coco Lance, RNZ Pacific digital journalist

A new Auckland-based kava business has found itself at the heart of a cultural debate, with critics raising concerns about appropriation, authenticity, and the future of kava as a deeply rooted Pacific tradition.

Vibes Kava, co-founded by Charles Byram and Derek Hillen, operates out of New Leaf Kombucha taproom in Grey Lynn.

The pair launched the business earlier this year, promoting it as a space for connection and community.

Byram, a Kiwi-American of Samoan descent, returned to Aotearoa after growing up in the United States. Hillen, originally from Canada, moved to New Zealand 10 years ago.

Both say they discovered kava during the covid-19 pandemic and credit it with helping them shift away from alcohol.

“We wanted to create something that brings people together in a healthier way,” the pair said.

However, their vision has been met with growing criticism, with people saying the business lacks cultural depth, misrepresents tradition, and risks commodifying a sacred practice.

Context and different perspectives
Tensions escalated after Vibes Kava posted a promotional video on Instagram, describing their offering as “a modern take on a 3000-year-old tradition” and “a lifestyle shift, one shell at a time”.

On their website, Hillen is referred to as a “kava evangelist,” while videos feature Byram hosting casual kava circles and promoting fortnightly “kava socials.”

The kava they sell is bottled, with tag names referencing the effects of each different kava bottle — for example, “buzzy kava” and “chill kava”.

Their promotional content was later reposted on TikTok by a prominent Pacific influencer, prompting an influx of online input about the legitimacy of their business and the diversity of their kava circles.

The reposted video has since received more than 95,000 views, 1600 shares, and 11,000 interactions.

In the TikTok caption, the influencer questioned the ethical foundations of the business.

“I would like to know what type of ethics was put into the creation of this . . . who was consulted, and said it was okay to make a brand out of a tradition?”

Criticised the brand’s aesthetic
Speaking to RNZ Pacific anonymously, the influencer criticised the brand’s aesthetic and messaging, describing it as “exploitative”.

“Their website and Instagram portray trendy, wellness-style branding rather than a proud celebration of authentic Pacific customs or values,” they said.

“I feel like co-owner Charles appears to use his Samoan heritage as a buffer against the backlash he’s received.

“Not to discredit his identity in any way; he is Samoan, and seems like a proud Samoan too.

“However, that should be reflected consistently in their branding. What’s currently shown on their website and Instagram is a mix of Fijian kava practice served in a Samoan tanoa. That to me is confusing and dilutes cultural authenticity.”

Fiji academic Dr Apo Aporosa said much of the misunderstanding stems from a narrow perception of kava as simply being a beverage.

“Most people who think they are using kava are not,” Aporosa said.

‘Detached from culture’
“What they’re consuming may contain Piper methysticum, but it’s detached from the cultural framework that defines what kava actually is.”

Aporosa said it is important to recognise kava as both a substance and a practice — one that involves ceremony, structure, and values.

“It is used to nurture vā, the relational space between people, and is traditionally accompanied by specific customs: woven mats, the tanoa bowl, coconut shell cups (bilo or ipu), and a shared sense of respect and order.”

He said that the commodification of kava, through flavoured drink extracts and Western “wellness” branding, is concerning, and that it distorts the plant’s original purpose.

“When people repackage kava without understanding or respecting the culture it comes from, it becomes cultural appropriation,” he said.

He added that it is not about restricting access to kava — it is about protecting its cultural integrity and honouring the knowledge Pacific communities have preserved for upwards of 2000 years.

Fijian students at the Victoria University of Wellington conduct a sevusevu (Kava Ceremony) to start off Fiji Language Week.
Fijian students at the Victoria University of Wellington conduct a sevusevu (kava ceremony) to start off Fiji Language Week. Image: RNZ Pacific/Koroi Hawkins

‘We can’t just gatekeep — we need to guide’
Dr Edmond Fehoko, is a renowned Tongan academic and senior lecturer at Otago University, garnered international attention for his research on the experiences and perceptions of New Zealand-born Tongan men who participate in faikava.

He said these situations are layered.

“I see the cultural appreciation side of things, and I see the cultural appropriation side of things,” Fehoko said.

“It is one of the few practices we hold dearly to our heart, and that is somewhat indigenous to our Pacific people — it can’t be found anywhere else.

“Hence, it holds a sacred place in our society. But, we as a peoples, have actually not done a good enough job to raise awareness of the practice to other societies, and now it’s a race issue, that only Pacific people have the rights to this — and I don’t think that is the case anymore.”

He explained that it is part of a broader dynamic around kava’s globalisation — and that for many people, both Pacific and non-Pacific, kava is an “interesting and exciting space, where all types of people, and all genders, come in and feel safe”.

“Yes, that is moving away from the cultural, customary way of things. But, we need to find new ways, and create new opportunities, to further disseminate our knowledge.

‘Not the same today’
“Our kava practice is not the same today as it was 10, 20 years ago. Kava practices have evolved significantly across generations.

“There are over 200 kava bars in the United States . . . kava is one of the few traditions that is uniquely Pacific. But our understanding of it has to evolve too. We can’t just gatekeep — we need to guide,” he said.

Edmond Fehoko
Dr Edmond Fehoko . . . “Kava practices have evolved significantly across generations.” Image: RNZ Pacific/ Sara Vui-Talitu

He added that the issue of kava being commercialised by non-Pacific people cannot necessarily be criticised.

“It’s two-fold, and quite contradictory,” he said, adding that the criticism against these ventures often overlooks the parallel ways in which Pacific communities are also reshaping and profiting from the tradition.

“We argue that non-Pacific people are profiting off our culture, but the truth is, many of us are too,” he said.

“A minority have extensive knowledge of kava . . . and if others want to appreciate our culture, let them take it further with us, instead of the backlash.

“If these lads are enjoying a good time and have the same vibe . . . the only difference is the colour of their skin, and the language they are using, which has become the norm in our kava practices as well.

“But here, we have an opportunity to educate people on the importance of our practice. Let’s raise awareness. Kava is a practice we can use as a vehicle, or medium, to navigate these spaces.”

Vibes Kava
Vibes Kava co-founder Charles Byram . . . It’s tough to be this person and then get hurt online, without having a conversation with me. Nobody took the time to ask those questions.” Image: Brady Dyer/BradyDyer.com/RNZ Pacific

‘Getting judged for the colour of my skin’
“I completely understand the points that have been brought up,” Byram said in response to the criticism.

Tearing up, he said that was one of the most difficult things to swallow was backlash fixated on his cultural identity.

“I felt like I was getting judged for the colour of my skin, and for not understanding who I was or what I was trying to accomplish. If my skin was a bit darker, I might have been given some more grace.

“I was raised in a Samoan household. My grandfather is Samoan . . . my mum is Samoan. It’s tough to be this person and then get hurt online, without having a conversation with me. Nobody took the time to ask those questions,” he said.

The pair also pushed back on claims they are focused on profit.

“We went there to learn, to dive into the culture. We went to a lot of kava bars, interviewed farmers, just to understand the origin of kava, how it works within a community, and then how best to engage with, and showcase it,” Byram said.

“People have criticised that we are profiting — we’re making no money at this point. All the money we make from this kava has gone back to the farmers in Vanuatu.”

Representing a minority
Hillen thinks those criticising them represent a minority.

“We have a lot of Pasifika customers that come here [and] they support us.

“They are ecstatic their culture is being promoted this way, and love what we are doing. The negative response from a minority part of the population was surprising to us.”

Critics had argued that the business showcased confusing blends of different cultural approaches.

Byram and Hillen said that it is up to other people to investigate and learn about the cultures, and that they are simply trying to acknowledge all of them.

Byram, however, added that the critics brought up some good points — and that this will be a catalyst for change within their business.

“Yesterday, we joined the Pacific Business Hub. We are [taking] steps to integrate more about the culture, community, and what we are trying to accomplish here.”

They also addressed their initial silence and comment moderation.

‘Cycle so self-perpetuating’
“I think the cycle was so self-perpetuating, so I was like . . . I need to make sure I respond with candor, concern, and active communication.

“So I deleted comments and put a pause on things, so we could have some space before the comments get out of hand.

“At the end of the day . . . this is about my connection with my culture and people more than anything, and I’m excited to grow from it. I’m learning, and I’m utilising this as a growth point. We’re just doing our best,” Byram said.

Hillen added: “You have to understand, this business is super new, so we’re still figuring out how best to do things, how to market and grow along with not only the community.

“What we really want to represent as people who care about, and believe in this.”

Byram said they want to acknowledge as many peoples as possible.

“We don’t want to create ceremony or steal anything from the culture. We really just want to celebrate it, and so again, we acknowledge the concern,” he added.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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Tracing radiation through the Marshall Islands: Reflections from a veteran Greenpeace nuclear campaigner https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/10/tracing-radiation-through-the-marshall-islands-reflections-from-a-veteran-greenpeace-nuclear-campaigner/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/10/tracing-radiation-through-the-marshall-islands-reflections-from-a-veteran-greenpeace-nuclear-campaigner/#respond Sat, 10 May 2025 01:12:45 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=114434 SPECIAL REPORT: By Shaun Burnie of Greenpeace

We’ve visited Ground Zero. Not once, but three times. But for generations, before these locations were designated as such, they were the ancestral home to the people of the Marshall Islands.

As part of a team of Greenpeace scientists and specialists from the Radiation Protection Advisers team, we have embarked on a six-week tour on board the Rainbow Warrior, sailing through one of the most disturbing chapters in human history: between 1946 and 1958, the United States detonated 67 nuclear bombs across the Marshall Islands — equivalent to 7200 Hiroshima explosions.

During this period, testing nuclear weapons at the expense of wonderful ocean nations like the Marshall Islands was considered an acceptable practice, or as the US put it, “for the good of mankind”.

Instead, the radioactive fallout left a deep and complex legacy — one that is both scientific and profoundly human, with communities displaced for generations.

Rainbow Warrior ship entering port in Majuro, while being accompanied by three traditional Marshallese canoes. © Bianca Vitale / Greenpeace
The Rainbow Warrior coming into port in Majuro, Marshall Islands. Between March and April 2025 it embarked on a six-week mission around the Pacific nation to elevate calls for nuclear and climate justice; and support independent scientific research into the impacts of decades-long nuclear weapons testing by the US government. Image: © Bianca Vitale/Greenpeace

Between March and April, we travelled on the Greenpeace flagship vessel, the Rainbow Warrior, throughout the Marshall Islands, including to three northern atolls that bear the most severe scars of Cold War nuclear weapons testing:

  • Enewetak atoll, where, on Runit Island, stands a massive leaking concrete dome beneath which lies plutonium-contaminated waste, a result of a partial “clean-up” of some of the islands after the nuclear tests;
  • Bikini atoll, a place so beautiful, yet rendered uninhabitable by some of the most powerful nuclear detonations ever conducted; and
  • Rongelap atoll, where residents were exposed to radiation fallout and later convinced to return to contaminated land, part of what is now known as Project 4.1, a US medical experiment to test humans’  exposure to radiation.

This isn’t fiction, nor the distant past. It’s a chapter of history still alive through the environment, the health of communities, and the data we’re collecting today.

Each location we visit, each sample we take, adds to a clearer picture of some of the long-term impacts of nuclear testing—and highlights the importance of continuing to document, investigate, and attempt to understand and share these findings.

These are our field notes from a journey through places that hold important lessons for science, justice, and global accountability.

'Jimwe im Maron - Justice' Banner on Rainbow Warrior in Rongelap, Marshall Islands. © Greenpeace / Chewy C. Lin
As part of the Marshall Islands ship tour, a group of Greenpeace scientists and independent radiation experts were in Rongelap to sample lagoon sediments and plants that could become food if people came back. Image: © Greenpeace/Chewy C. Lin

Our mission: why are we here?
With the permission and support of the Marshallese government, a group of Greenpeace science and radiation experts, together with independent scientists, are in the island nation to assess, investigate, and document the long-term environmental and radiological consequences of nuclear weapons testing in the Marshall Islands.

Our mission is grounded in science. We’re conducting field sampling and radiological surveys to gather data on what radioactivity remains in the environment — isotopes such as caesium-137, strontium-90 and plutonium-239/240. These substances are released during nuclear explosions and can linger in the environment for decades, posing serious health risks, such as increased risk of cancers in organs and bones.

But this work is not only about radiation measurements, it is also about bearing witness.

We are here in solidarity with Marshallese communities who continue to live with the consequences of decisions made decades ago, without their consent and far from the public eye.

Stop 1: Enewetak Atoll — the dome that shouldn’t exist

Rainbow Warrior alongside the Runit Dome in the Marshall Islands. © Greenpeace / Chewy C. Lin
The Runit Dome with the Greenpeace ship Rainbow Warrior in the background. Image: © Greenpeace/Chewy C. Lin

At the far western edge of the Marshall Islands is Enewetak. The name might not ring a bell for many, but this atoll was the site of 43 US nuclear detonations. Today, it houses what may be one of the most radioactive places in the world — the Runit Dome.

Once a tropical paradise thick with coconut palms, Runit Island is capped by a massive concrete structure the size of a football field. Under this dome — cracked, weather-worn, and only 46 centimetres thick in some places — lies 85,000 cubic metres of radioactive waste. These substances are not only confined to the crater — they are also found across the island’s soil, rendering Runit Island uninhabitable for all time.

The contrast between what it once was and what it has become is staggering. We took samples near the dome’s base, where rising sea levels now routinely flood the area.

We collected coconut from the island, which will be processed and prepared in the Rainbow Warrior’s onboard laboratory. Crops such as coconut are a known vector for radioactive isotope transfer, and tracking levels in food sources is essential for understanding long-term environmental and health risks.

The local consequences of this simple fact are deeply unjust. While some atolls in the Marshall Islands can harvest and sell coconut products, the people of Enewetak are prohibited from doing so because of radioactive contamination.

They have lost not only their land and safety but also their ability to sustain themselves economically. The radioactive legacy has robbed them of income and opportunity.

Test on Coconuts in Rongelap, Marshall Islands. © Greenpeace / Chewy C. Lin
Measuring and collecting coconut samples. Image: © Greenpeace/Chewy C. Lin

One of the most alarming details about this dome is that there is no lining beneath the structure — it is in direct contact with the environment, while containing some of the most hazardous long-lived substances ever to exist on planet Earth. It was never built to withstand flooding, sea level rise, and climate change.

The scientific questions are urgent: how much of this material is already leaking into the lagoon? What are the exposure risks to marine ecosystems and local communities?

We are here to help answer questions with new, independent data, but still, being in the craters and walking on this ground where nuclear Armageddon was unleashed is an emotional and surreal journey.

Stop 2: Bikini — a nuclear catastrophe, labelled ‘for the good of mankind’

Drone, Aerial shots above Bikini Atoll, showing what it looks like today, Marshall Islands. © Greenpeace / Chewy C. Lin
Aerial shot of Bikini atoll, Marshall Islands. The Greenpeace ship, Rainbow Warrior can be seen in the upper left. Image: © Greenpeace/Chewy C. Lin

Unlike Chernobyl or Fukushima, where communities were devastated by catastrophic accidents, Bikini tells a different story. This was not an accident.

The nuclear destruction of Bikini was deliberate, calculated, and executed with full knowledge that entire ways of life were going to be destroyed.

Bikini Atoll is incredibly beautiful and would look idyllic on any postcard. But we know what lies beneath: the site of 23 nuclear detonations, including Castle Bravo, the largest ever nuclear weapons test conducted by the United States.

Castle Bravo alone released more than 1000 times the explosive yield of the Hiroshima bomb. The radioactive fallout massively contaminated nearby islands and their populations, together with thousands of US military personnel.

Bikini’s former residents were forcibly relocated in 1946 before nuclear testing began, with promises of a safe return. But the atoll is still uninhabited, and most of the new generations of Bikinians have never seen their home island.

As we stood deep in the forest next to a massive concrete blast bunker, reality hit hard — behind its narrow lead-glass viewing window, US military personnel once watched the evaporation of Bikini lagoon.

Bikini Islanders board a landing craft vehicle personnel (LCVP) as they depart from Bikini Atoll in March 1946. © United States Navy
Bikini Islanders board a landing craft vehicle personnel (LCVP) as they depart from Bikini Atoll in March 1946. Image: © United States Navy

On our visit, we noticed there’s a spectral quality to Bikini. The homes of the Bikini islanders are long gone. In its place now stand a scattering of buildings left by the US Department of Energy: rusting canteens, rotting offices, sleeping quarters with peeling walls, and traces of the scientific experiments conducted here after the bombs fell.

On dusty desks, we found radiation reports, notes detailing crop trials, and a notebook meticulously tracking the application of potassium to test plots of corn, alfalfa, lime, and native foods like coconut, pandanus, and banana. The potassium was intended to block the uptake of caesium-137, a radioactive isotope, by plant roots.

The logic was simple: if these crops could be decontaminated, perhaps one day Bikini could be repopulated.

We collected samples of coconuts and soil — key indicators of internal exposure risk if humans were to return. Bikini raises a stark question: What does “safe” mean, and who gets to decide?

The US declared parts of Bikini habitable in 1970, only to evacuate people again eight years later after resettled families suffered from radiation exposure. The science is not abstract here. It is personal. It is human. It has real consequences.

Stop 3: Rongelap — setting for Project 4.1

Church and Community Centre of Rongelap, Marshall Islands. © Greenpeace / Chewy C. Lin
The abandoned church on Rongelap atoll. Image: © Greenpeace/Chewy C. Lin

The Rainbow Warrior arrived at the eastern side of Rongelap atoll, anchoring one mile from the centre of Rongelap Island, the church spire and roofs of “new” buildings reflecting the bright sun.

n 1954, fallout from the Castle Bravo nuclear detonation on Bikini blanketed this atoll in radioactive ash — fine, white powder that children played in, thinking it was snow. The US government waited three days to evacuate residents, despite knowing the risks. The US government declared it safe to return to Rongelap in 1957 — but it was a severely contaminated environment. The very significant radiation exposure to the Rongelap population caused severe health impacts: thyroid cancers, birth defects such as “jellyfish babies”, miscarriages, and much more.

In 1985, after a request to the US government to evacuate was dismissed, the Rongelap community asked Greenpeace to help relocate them from their ancestral lands. Using the first Rainbow Warrior, and over a period of 10 days and four trips, 350 residents collectively dismantled their homes, bringing everything with them — including livestock, and 100 metric tons of building material — where they resettled on the islands of Mejatto and Ebeye on Kwajalein atoll.

It is a part of history that lives on in the minds of the Marshallese people we meet in this ship voyage — in the gratitude they still express, the pride in keeping the fight for justice, and in the pain of still not having a permanent, safe home.

Community Gathering for 40th Anniversary of Operation Exodus in Marshall Islands. © Greenpeace / Chewy C. Lin
Greenpeace representatives and displaced Rongelap community come together on Mejatto, Marshall Islands to commemorate the 40 years since the Rainbow Warrior evacuated the island’s entire population in May 1985 due to the impacts of US nuclear weapons testing. Image: © Greenpeace/Chewy C. Lin

Now, once again, we are standing on their island of Rongelap, walking past abandoned buildings and rusting equipment, some of it dating from the 1980s and 1990s — a period when the US Department of Energy launched a push to encourage resettlement declaring that the island was safe — a declaration that this time, the population welcomed with mistrust, not having access to independent scientific data and remembering the deceitful relocation of some decades before.

Here, once again, we sample soil and fruits that could become food if people came back. It is essential to understand ongoing risks — especially for communities considering whether and how to return.

This is not the end. It is just the beginning

Team of Scientists and Rainbow Warrior in Rongelap, Marshall Islands. © Greenpeace / Chewy C. Lin
The team of Greenpeace scientists and independent radiation experts on Rongelap atoll, Marshall Islands, with the Rainbow Warrior in the background. Shaun Burnie (author of the article) is first on the left. Image: © Greenpeace/Chewy C. Lin

Our scientific mission is to take measurements, collect samples, and document contamination. But that’s not all we’re bringing back.

We carry with us the voices of the Marshallese who survived these tests and are still living with their consequences. We carry images of graves swallowed by tides near Runit Dome, stories of entire cultures displaced from their homelands, and measurements of radiation showing contamination still persists after many decades.

There are 9700 nuclear warheads still held by military powers around the world – mostly in the United States and Russian arsenals. The Marshall Islands was one of the first nations to suffer the consequences of nuclear weapons — and the legacy persists today.

We didn’t come to speak for the Marshallese. We came to listen, to bear witness, and to support their demand for justice. We plan to return next year, to follow up on our research and to make results available to the people of the Marshall Islands.

And we will keep telling these stories — until justice is more than just a word.

Kommol Tata (“thank you” in the beautiful Marshallese language) for following our journey.

Shaun Burnie is a senior nuclear specialist at Greenpeace Ukraine and was part of the Rainbow Warrior team in the Marshall Islands. This article was first published by Greenpeace Aotearoa and is republished with permission.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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The Encampments vs October 8 – a battle of narratives on Palestine plays out in cinema https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/09/the-encampments-vs-october-8-a-battle-of-narratives-on-palestine-plays-out-in-cinema/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/09/the-encampments-vs-october-8-a-battle-of-narratives-on-palestine-plays-out-in-cinema/#respond Fri, 09 May 2025 15:05:15 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=114419
REVIEW: By Joseph Fahim

This article was initially set out to focus on The Encampments, Kei Pritsker and Michael T Workman’s impassioned documentary that chronicles the Columbia University student movement that shook the United States and captured imaginations the world over.

But then it came to my attention that a sparring film has been released around the same time, offering a staunchly pro-Israeli counter-narrative that vehemently attempts to discredit the account offered by The Encampments.

October 8 charts the alleged rise of antisemitism in the US in the wake of the October 7 attacks on southern Israel by Hamas-led Palestinian fighters.

A balanced record though, it is not. Wendy Sachs’s solo debut feature, which has the subhead, “The Fight for the Soul of America”, is essentially an unabashed defence of the silencing of pro-Palestinian voices.

Its omissions are predictable; its moral logic is fascinatingly disturbing; its manipulative arguments are the stuff of Steven Bannon.

It’s easily the most abhorrent piece of mainstream Israeli propaganda this writer has come across .

Ignoring October 8 would be injudicious, however. Selected only by a number of Jewish film festivals in the US, the film was released in mid-March by indie distribution outfit Briarcliff Entertainment in more than 125 theatres.

The film has amassed more than $1.3 million so far at the US box office, making it the second-highest grossing documentary of the year, ironically behind the self-distributed and Oscar-winning No Other Land about Palestine at $2.4 million.

October 8 has sold more than 90,000 tickets, an impressive achievement given the fact that at least 73 percent of the 7.5 million Jewish Americans still hold a favourable view of Israel.

“It would be great if we were getting a lot of crossover, but I don’t know that we are,” Sachs admitted to the Hollywood Reporter.

Zionist films have been largely absent from most local and international film festivals — curation, after all, is an ethical occupation — while Palestinian stories, by contrast, have seen an enormous rise in popularity since October 7.

The phenomenon culminated with the Oscar win for No Other Land.

October 8
October 8 . . . “easily the most abhorrent piece of mainstream Israeli propaganda this writer has come across.” Image: Briarcliff Entertainment

But the release of October 8 and the selection of several Israeli hostage dramas in February’s Berlin Film Festival indicates that the war has officially reached the big screen.

With the aforementioned hostage dramas due to be shown stateside later this year, and no less than four major Palestinian pictures set for theatrical release over the next 12 months, this Israeli-Palestinian film feud is just getting started.

Working for change
The Encampments, which raked in a highly impressive $423,000 in 50 theatres after a month of release, has been garnering more headlines, not only due to the fact that the recently detained Palestinian activist Mahmoud Khalil happens to be one of its protagonists, but because it is clearly the better film.

Pritsker and Workman, who were on the ground with the students for most of the six-week duration of the set-in, provide a keenly observed, intimate view of the action, capturing the inspiring highs and dispiriting lows of the passionate demonstrations and wayward negotiations with Columbia’s administrations.

The narrative is anchored from the point of views of four students: Grant Miner, a Jewish PhD student who was expelled in March for his involvement in the protests; Sueda Polat, a protest negotiator and spokesperson for the encampments; Naye Idriss, a Palestinian organiser and Columbia alumni; and the soft-spoken Khalil, the Palestinian student elected to lead the negotiations.

A desire for justice, for holding Israel accountable for its crimes in Gaza, permeated the group’s calling for divesting Columbia’s $13.6 billion endowment funds from weapons manufacturers and tech companies with business links to the Netanyahu’s administration.

Each of the four shares similar background stories, but Miner and Khalil stand out. As a Jew, Miner is an example of a young Jewish American generation that regard their Jewishness as a moral imperative for defending the Palestinian cause.

Khalil, meanwhile, carries the familiar burden of being a child of the camps: a descendant of a family that was forcibly displaced from their Tiberias home in 1948.

The personal histories provide ample opportunities for reflections around questions of identity, trauma, and the youthful desire for tangible change.

Each protester stresses that the encampment was a last and only resort after the Columbia hierarchy casually brushed aside their concerns.

These concerns transformed into demands when it became clear that only more strident action like sit-ins could push the Columbia administration to engage with them.

In an age when most people are content to sit idly behind their computers waiting for something to happen, these students took it upon themselves to actively work for change in a country where change, especially in the face of powerful lobbies, is arduous.

Only through protests, the viewers begin to realise, can these four lucidly deal with the senseless, numbing bloodshed and brutality in Gaza.

Crackdown on free speech
Through skilled placement of archival footage, Pritsker and Workman aptly link the encampments with other student movements in Columbia, including the earlier occupation of Hamilton Hall in 1968 that demonstrated the university’s historic ties with bodies that supported America’s involvement in the Vietnam War.

Both anti-war movements were countered by an identical measure: the university’s summoning of the New York City Police Department (NYPD) to violently dismantle the protests.

Neither the Columbia administration, represented by the disgraced ex-president Minouche Shafik, nor the NYPD are portrayed in a flattering fashion.

Shafik comes off as a wishy-washy figure, too protective of her position to take a concrete stance for or against the pro-Palestinian protesters.

The NYPD were a regular fixture outside universities in New York during the encampments during 2024 (MEE/Azad Essa)
The NYPD were a regular fixture outside universities in New York during the encampments during 2024 Image: MEE/Azad Essa

The NYPD’s employment of violence against the peaceful protests that they declared to have “devolved into antisemitic and anti-Israel rhetoric” is an admission that violence against words can be justified, undermining the First Amendment of the US constitution, which protects free speech.
The Encampments
is not without flaws. By strictly adhering to the testimonials of its subjects, Pritsker and Workman leave out several imperative details.

These include the identity of the companies behind endowment allocations, the fact that several Congress senators who most prominently criticised the encampments “received over $100,000 more on average from pro-Israel donors during their last election” according to a Guardian finding, and the revelations that US police forces have received analysis of the Israel-Palestine conflict directly from the Israeli army and Israeli think tanks.

The suggested link between the 1968 protests and the present situation is not entirely accurate either.

The endowments industry was nowhere as big as it is now, and there’s an argument to be made about the deprioritisation of education by universities vis-a-vis their endowments.

A bias towards Israel or a determination to assert the management’s authority is not the real motive behind their position — it’s the money.

Lastly, avoiding October 7 and the moral and political issues ingrained within the attack, while refraining from confronting the pro-Israel voices that accused the protesters of aggression and antisemitism, is a major blind spot that allows conservatives and pro-Israel pundits to accuse the filmmakers of bias.

One could be asking too much from a film directed by first-time filmmakers that was rushed into theatres to enhance awareness about Mahmoud Khalil’s political persecution, but The Encampments, which was co-produced by rapper Macklemore, remains an important, urgent, and honest document of an event that has been repeatedly tarnished by the media and self-serving politicians.

The politics of victimhood
The imperfections of The Encampments are partially derived from lack of experience on its creators’ part.

Any accusations of malice are unfounded, especially since the directors do not waste time in arguing against Zionism or paint its subjects as victims. The same cannot be said of October 8.

Executive produced by actress Debra Messing of Will & Grace fame, who also appears in the film, October 8 adopts a shabby, scattershot structure vastly comprised of interviews with nearly every high-profile pro-Israel person in America.

The talking heads are interjected with dubious graphs and craftily edited footage culled from social media of alleged pro-Palestinian protesters in college campuses verbally attacking Jewish students and allegedly advocating the ideology of Hamas.

Needless to say, no context is given to these videos whose dates and locations are never identified.

The chief aim of October 8 is to retrieve the victimisation card by using the same language that informed the pro-Palestine discourse

Every imaginable falsification and shaky allegation regarding the righteousness of Zionism is paraded: anti-Zionism is the new form of antisemitism; pro-Palestinian protesters harassed pro-Israel Jewish students; the media is flooded with pro-Palestinian bias.

Other tropes include the claim that Hamas is conspiring to destabilise American democracy and unleash hell on the Western world.

Mosab Hassan Yousef, the son of a Hamas co-founder who defected to Israel in 1997, stresses that “my definition of Intifada is chaos”.

There is also the suggestion that the protests, if not contained, could spiral into Nazi era-like fascism.

Sachs goes as far as showing historical footage of the Third Reich to demonstrate her point.

The chief aim of October 8 is to retrieve Israel’s victimhood by using the same language that informs pro-Palestine discourse. “Gaza hijacked all underdog stories in the world,” one interviewee laments.

At one point, the attacks of October 7 are described as a “genocide”, while Zionism is referred to as a “civil rights movement”.

One interviewee explains that the framing of the Gaza war as David and Goliath is erroneous when considering that Hamas is backed by almighty Iran and that Israel is surrounded by numerous hostile countries, such as Lebanon and Syria.

In the most fanciful segment of the film, the interviewees claim that the Students for Justice in Palestine is affiliated and under the command of Hamas, while haphazardly linking random terrorist attacks, such as 2016 Pulse nightclub shooting to Hamas and by extension the Palestinian cause.

A simmering racist charge delineate the film’s pro-Israel discourse in its instance on pigeonholing all Palestinians as radical Muslim Hamas supporters.

There isn’t a single mention of the occupied West Bank or Palestinian religious minorities or even anti-Hamas sentiment in Gaza.

Depicting all Palestinians as a rigid monolith profoundly contrasts Pritsker and Workman’s nuanced treatment of their Jewish subjects.

The best means to counter films like October 8 is facts and good journalism

There’s a difference between subtraction and omission: the former affects logical form, while the latter affects logical content.

October 8 is built on a series of deliberate omissions and fear mongering, an unscrupulous if familiar tactic that betrays the subjects’ indignation and their weak conviction.

It is thus not surprising that there is no mention of the Nakba or the fact that the so-called “civil rights movement” is linked to a state founded on looted lands or the grand open prison Israel has turned Gaza into, or the endless humiliation of Palestinians in the West Bank.

There is also no mention of the racist and inciting statements by far-right ministers Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich.

Nor is there mention of the Palestinians who have been abducted and tortured and raped in Israeli prisons.

And definitely not of the more than 52,000 Palestinians killed in Gaza to date.

Sachs’ subjects naturally are too enveloped in their own conspiracies, in the tightly knotted narrative they concocted for themselves, to be aware of their privilege.

The problem is, these subjects want to have their cake and eat it. Throughout, they constantly complain of being silenced; that most institutions, be it the media or college hierarchies or human rights organisations, have not recognised the colossal loss of 7 October 7 and have focused instead on Palestinian suffering.

They theorise that the refusal of the authorities in taking firm and direct action against pro-Palestinian voices has fostered antisemitism.

At the same time, they have no qualms in flaunting their contribution to New York Times op-eds or the testimonies they were invited to present at the Congress.

All the while, Khalil and other Palestinian activists are arrested, deported and stripped of their residencies.

The value of good journalism
October 8, which portrays the IDF as a brave, truth-seeking institution, is not merely a pro-Israel propaganda, it’s a far-right propaganda.

The subjects adopt Trump rhetoric in similarly blaming the diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) policies for the rise of antisemitism, while dismissing intersectionality and anti-colonialism for giving legitimacy to the Palestinian cause.

As repugnant as October 8 is, it is crucial to engage with work of its ilk and confront its hyperboles.

Last month, the Hollywood Reporter set up an unanticipated discussion between Pritsker, who is in fact Jewish, and pro-Israel influencer Hen Mazzig.

The heated exchange that followed demonstrated the difficulty of communication with the pro-Israeli lobby, yet nonetheless underlines the necessity of communication, at least in film.

Mazzig spends the larger part of the discussion spewing unfounded accusations that he provides no validations for: “Mahmoud Khalil has links to Hamas,” he says at one point.

When asked about the Palestinian prisoners, he confidently attests that “the 10,000 Palestinian prisoners” — hostages, as Pritsker calls them — they have committed crimes and are held in Israeli prisons, right?

“In fact, in the latest hostage release eight Palestinian prisoners refused to go back to Gaza because they’ve enjoyed their treatment in these prisons.”

Mazzig dismisses pro-Palestinian groups like Jewish Voice for Peace and the pro-Palestinian Jewish students who participated in the encampments.

“No one would make this argument but here we are able to tokenise a minority, a fringe community, and weaponise it against us,” he says.

“It’s not because they care about Jews and want Jews to be represented. It’s that they hate us so much that they’re doing this and gaslighting us.”

At this stage, attempting for the umpteenth time to stress that anti-Zionism and antisemitism are not one and the same — a reality that the far-right rejects — is frankly pointless.

Attempting, like Khalil, to continually emphasise our unequivocal rejection of antisemitism, to underscore that our Jewish colleagues and friends are partners in our struggle for equality and justice, is frankly demeaning.

For Mazzig and Messing and the October 8 subjects, every Arab, every pro-Palestinian, is automatically an antisemite until proven otherwise.

The best means to counter films like October 8 is facts and good journalism.

Emotionality has no place in this increasingly hostile landscape. The reason why The Bibi Files and Louis Theroux’s The Settlers work so well is due to their flawless journalism.

People may believe what they want to believe, but for the undecided and the uninformed, factuality and journalistic integrity — values that go over Sachs’ head — could prove to be the most potent weapon of all.

Joseph Fahim is an Egyptian film critic and programmer. He is the Arab delegate of the Karlovy Vary Film Festival, a former member of Berlin Critics’ Week and the ex director of programming of the Cairo International Film Festival. This article was first published by Middle East Eye.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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Can a Charter School Not Be a Private Entity? https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/09/can-a-charter-school-not-be-a-private-entity/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/09/can-a-charter-school-not-be-a-private-entity/#respond Fri, 09 May 2025 14:14:23 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=158074 Despite endless insistence by privatizers that charter schools are public schools, many people spontaneously think that charter schools are not public schools. Much of the public does not automatically see charter schools as public schools proper. They are viewed as being different from public schools and put in a separate category than public schools. When […]

The post Can a Charter School Not Be a Private Entity? first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
Despite endless insistence by privatizers that charter schools are public schools, many people spontaneously think that charter schools are not public schools.

Much of the public does not automatically see charter schools as public schools proper. They are viewed as being different from public schools and put in a separate category than public schools.

When asked what they think a charter school is, the average person often says something like: “I’m not really sure, aren’t they some sort of private school, I really don’t know, but I have heard of them, they seem like private schools to me.”

In this vein, people often share different things they have heard about charter schools. For example, they have heard that charter schools are deregulated schools, take money from public schools, have high teacher turnover rates, cherry-pick students, offer no teacher retirement plan, have no teachers union, pay teachers less than public school teachers, etc. Such facts naturally infiltrate the public sphere and produce a certain social consciousness about charter schools, which have been around for 33 years.

Although the mass media works overtime to promote disinformation about the “publicness”/”privateness” of charter schools, it is significant that people generally see charter schools as being private in some way. There is a pervasive sense that charter schools and public schools are dissimilar entities with different structures, functions, aims, and results.[1] A main problem here though is that while people are aware of certain facts about charter schools they rarely have an integrated, cogent, well-worked-out analysis of what charter schools represent as an education arrangement in the U.S. A detailed big-picture view connecting many important dots is often missing, leaving many vulnerable to disinformation about charter schools.

A main reason for the widespread public perception of charter schools as private education arrangements is that charter schools do in fact differ from public schools in many ways, despite neoliberal efforts to mix up the “publicness” and “privateness” of these two different organizations.

But to add even more confusion to the mix, even some prominent “critics” of charter schools claim that charter schools are neither completely public nor completely private in character. They are supposedly “a little bit of both;” they are “a mix” of public and private.

According to this view, charter schools, all of which are owned-operated by unelected private persons, organizations, or companies, are supposedly “hybrid schools”—they are semi-private and semi-public, so to speak.

In other words, charter schools ride the public/private fence without being fully one or the other. This implies that one aspect (public or private) does not eclipse the other, which suggests that it is erroneous to see charter schools as the essentially privatized arrangements that they really are.

Keeping in mind that the U.S. constitution does not recognize education as a basic human right, it is important to discuss whether charter schools really operate as public schools or privatized education arrangements. This is not a trivial issue. Moreover, can charter schools be considered “hybrid” schools with both private and public features in the proper sense of both words, as some claim?

For starters, public and private mean the opposite of each other; they are antonyms. Importantly, public law deals with relations between the state and individuals, while private law deals with relations between private citizens. Contract law, for example, is part of private law. Charter schools are contract schools. Charter means contract. Thus, the laws that apply to charter schools differ from the laws that apply traditional public schools. This is why, for example, teachers’ rights in charter schools are not the same as teachers’ rights in public schools.

Public refers to everyone, the common good, all people, transparency, affordability, accessibility, universality, non-rivalry, non-discrimination, and inclusiveness. Examples of public goods include public parks, public libraries, public roads, public schools, public colleges and universities, public hospitals, public restrooms, public housing, public banks, public events, forests, street lighting, and more. These goods are available to everyone, not just a few people. They are integral to a civil society that recognizes the role and significance of a public sphere in modern times. Such public provisions can be optimized only in the context of arrangements that are genuinely and thoroughly democratic.

Private, on the other hand, means exclusive, not for everyone, not for the common good, not for all people, not collective, not governmental, not free, not broadly obtainable, only available to or accessible by a few. Something is private when it is “designed or intended for one’s exclusive use.” Examples include private property, private facilities, private schools, private clubs, designer shoes, Ferraris, first class plane tickets, mansions, and more. Such phenomena usually cost money, they are based on ability to pay.

To further elaborate, private also means:

-Secluded from the sight, presence, or intrusion of others.

-Of or confined to the individual; personal.

-Undertaken on an individual basis.

-Not available for public use, control, or participation.

-Belonging to a particular person or persons, as opposed to the public or the government.

-Of, relating to, or derived from nongovernment sources.

-Conducted and supported primarily by individuals or  groups not affiliated with governmental agencies or corporations.

-Not holding an official or public position.

-Not for public knowledge or disclosure; secret; confidential.

In its essence, private property is the right to exclude others from use of said property; it is the power of exclusion;[2] it is not concerned with transparency, inclusion, the common good, collective well-being, or benefitting everyone. This is why when something is privatized, e.g., a public enterprise or social program, it is no longer available to everyone; it becomes something possessed and controlled by the few, for the few. This then ends up harming the public interest and social progress. Privatization typically increases corruption, reduces efficiency, lowers quality, raises costs, and restricts democracy. This applies to so-called “public-private partnerships” as well.

It is also worth noting that something does not become “public” just because it is called “public” many times a day. Simply repeating over and over again that something is public does not magically make it public. Nor does an entity spontaneously become “public” just because it receives public funds. This is not the definition of “publicness.” Thus, for example, as contract schools, charter schools do not automatically become state actors (i.e., public entities) just because they receive public funds. “Publicness” requires something more under State Action Doctrine.[3]

It is not surprising that there has always been a big chasm between charter school rhetoric and reality. Over-promising and under-delivering has been a stubborn but down-played feature of this deregulated private sector for 34 years. This can be seen in the large number of charter schools that have failed and closed in three decades, leaving millions out in the cold (see here and here).

Charter schools may look, sound, and feel public on paper, but they work differently in practice and under the law. Most charter schools operate in a manner that is the opposite of their description on paper. They do not live up to their description on paper.

Unfortunately, many do not question the description of charter schools on paper. They impulsively assume that if something is written on paper and declared “legal,” then it is automatically valid, unassailable, and true in reality. They embrace “paperism.” Critical thinking disappears in this scenario and anti-consciousness takes over. Dogmatic repetition of legal text takes hold and all thinking freezes.

The reason this obstinate large gap between rhetoric and reality remains under-appreciated by many to this day is because neoliberal discourse on charter schools keeps everything at the superficial level, regularly eschewing deep analysis, especially analysis that exposes the private character of charter schools and rampant corruption in the charter school sector. And combined with confounding what is on paper with what exists in reality, many are prevented from discerning the inherently privatized character of charter schools and the significance of this conclusion for education, society, the economy, and the national interest.

To be clear, charter schools are not hybrid public-private schools, nor are they public schools, properly speaking. They are private entities. And in the final analysis, the fundamental principle at stake is that public funds must not flow to private entities or so-called “semi-private” entities because public funds belong only to the public. The private sector has no legitimate claim to public funds that belong solely to the public. Only the public sector can control and use public funds for public goals.

Non-profit and for-profit charter schools are private businesses, regardless of their size, name, education philosophy, type, authorizer, general makeup, or location. Charter schools have always been owned-operated by private organizations. They are not state actors. They are not political subdivisions of the state or government agencies. They are not organic or natural components of state public education systems. They are not set up like that under state laws.  Charter schools are not created by the State even though they may be delegated certain functions by the State. Creation and delegation are not synonymous. Furthermore, delegating a function (a way of doing something) is not the same as delegating authority (enforcing obedience). Charter schools are started/created by unelected private persons.

Charter schools have always been a different type of entity altogether: contract schools owned-operated by unelected private persons or organizations. They are performance-based contracts entered into by two distinct parties: a private organization and the government (or government-sanctioned entity). Naturally, partnering with the government is not the same as being part of the government. This is an important distinction in State Action Doctrine. Charter schools are not an arm of the government like traditional public schools are. They are not acting on behalf of a governmental body. Nor do they act with the same authority as the government. Interestingly, the appearance of the word “charter” before “school” is actually one of the many ways charter schools are distinguished from traditional public schools. It is also significant that the unelected private persons or corporations that own-operate charters, typically business people, derive more than an incidental benefit from owning-operating a charter school. Charter school administrators and trustees, for example, often derive a large amount of wealth and privilege from owning-operating a charter school.

For these and other reasons charter schools are intentionally called “independent,” “autonomous,” and “innovative” schools that do not follow most of the laws, rules, and regulations followed by public schools. These descriptors are key to the non-public character of charter schools. Consistent with “free market” ideology, charter schools are deregulated “schools of choice”—something “consumers” seek, even though most of the time it is the charter school that “chooses” the “shopper.”

Another major feature of the private character of charter schools is that, unlike public schools, they cannot levy taxes either. This is a particularly revealing difference between charter schools and public schools. Only the State and specific political subdivisions of the State (e.g., traditional public schools, cities, counties) can levy taxes. Charter schools are not part of this sovereign power. Also unlike public schools, charter schools are generally not zoned schools and their teachers are treated as “at will” employees, just like in a corporation. Many states even legally permit teachers to work in charter schools without any certification. Numerous other differences can be found here.

Public schools, on the other hand, are state agencies, actual government entities (1) created, (2) authorized, and (3) overseen by the State. They are therefore engaged in state action, while charter schools are not. Put differently, “Action taken by private entities with the mere approval or acquiescence of the State is not state action.”

As “autonomous,” “independent,” “innovative, “rules-free” schools, charter schools are not entangled with the state in the same way that traditional public schools are. The state’s mere labeling of an institution as public or private does not determine whether it is a state actor in State Action Doctrine. Under the law and in practice, the state exercises far more control over traditional public schools than it does over charter schools, which are “schools of choice,” at least on paper. Enrollment in a charter school is voluntary. In this sense, charter schools are more like private schools that have dotted the American landscape for generations. The main point is that the State does not coerce or compel charter schools to act in the same way as public schools proper. The degree of “entanglement” between the State and the entity in question is a very important consideration in State Action Doctrine. Artificial indicators, superficial signs, or various labels are not sufficient forms of “deep entwinement” with the State. The State must be “significantly involved” in a private entity’s actions in order to conclude that State action (and therefore the 14th Amendment) is at play. For decades, the actions of deregulated charter schools have not been attributable to the government, certainly not in the same way as the actions of traditional public schools have.

This is precisely why various provisions of the U.S. Constitution do not apply to privately-operated charter schools. Many private actions are not subject to constitutional scrutiny under State Action Doctrine. Certain constitutional standards generally do not apply to acts of private persons or entities. Constitutional standards apply mainly to the States and their subdivisions (like cities, counties, and school districts). Thus, as deregulated private actors, charter schools are generally not subject to liability under 42 U.S.C. § 1983,[4] while traditional public schools are. Never mind the fact that government has long been dominated by narrow private interests anyway. All levels of government today privilege private interests over the public interest. Americans exercise no control over what takes place in society.

The main reason neoliberals tirelessly repeat the disinformation that charter schools are public schools, or that charter schools have enough meaningful public features about them to render them “public” schools, is in order to justify siphoning billions of dollars a year from traditional public schools that have educated about ninety percent of America’s youth for generations. Charter schools could not seize these public funds if they were not called “public.” If they were openly recognized as the privatized entities that they are, what valid claim would they have to public funds? Public funds belong to the public. Why should public funds be handed over to private interests?

To go further, charter schools are privately-operated schools that increase segregation, intensify corruption, spend millions on advertising, have high teacher turnover rates, and constantly seek ways to maximize profits regardless of whether they are designated as non-profit or for-profit entities. They are fundamentally pay-the-rich schemes that are proliferating in the context of a continually failing economy dominated by major owners of capital. For these and other reasons, the intrinsic character of charter schools cannot be changed easily or quickly, especially given how long they have been around and how charter school laws have been written for 34 years. Can a charter school not be a charter school? Charter school owners-operators are big supporters of no governmental control and have long-referred to charter schools as “free market” schools.

For more than three decades this neoliberal financial parasitism has been cynically carried out in the name of “serving the kids,” “empowering parents,” “promoting innovation,” “getting results,” “providing choices,” “busting teacher unions,” and “increasing competition.”

Individualism, self-interest, consumerism, competition, and a dog-eat-dog ethos—the  so-called “free market”—frame and drive this assault on public education and the public interest. Charter school advocates have long promoted a survival-of-the-fittest view of human relations. They believe parents are consumers who should fend-for-themselves in their quest to secure a “good education.” They think it is normal if a charter school fails, closes, and abandons everyone. This is how “businesses operate,” neoliberals casually declare.

Charter school promoters do not view parents and students as humans with an inalienable right to education that must be guaranteed in practice. You are basically on your own as you spend an extensive amount of time “shopping” for a “good” school. Fingers crossed. There are no guarantees of stability, quality, or security. Such an arrangement is claimed to be “the best of all worlds” in which the “fittest” survive while the “weak” fail. There is supposedly no conceivable alternative to this Social Darwinist ethos and the discredited racist doctrine of DNA that underlies such an obsolete ideology.

The  private character of these outsourced contract schools also comes out in the fact that all charter schools in the U.S. are not only governed by unelected private persons, but many, if not most, are routinely supported, operated, or owned directly by wealthy individuals and organizations that are wreaking havoc in other spheres of society in the name of progress. In fact, many charter schools are openly operated as for-profit schools, which means cashing in on kids is their “education model.” Students are seen as a source of profit for these privately-owned-and-operated contract “schools of choice.”

Widespread patronage and nepotism in the charter school sector only add to the problems plaguing this deregulated sector, and a persistently low level of transparency and accountability in this deregulated sector does not help either. Charter authorizing bodies, the entities that supposedly oversee charter schools for a fee, have had little impact in ensuring high standards and quality in this nonpublic sector. In practice, “free market” accountability has actually lowered quality and standards.

Philosophically, legally, academically, organizationally, programmatically, and socially charter schools have little in common with public schools. They have more in common with private organizations and corporations than with public entities.

It is no accident that in recent years, neoliberal disinformation about the “publicness” and “privateness” of charter schools has become more debased in a desperate attempt to justify the expansion of charter schools across the country. Deliberate mystification about the “publicness” and “privateness” of charter schools has been at the forefront of neoliberal ideology and school privatization, disorienting even some critics of charter schools. But such “justifications” do not work because they lack legitimacy and authority; they are belied by reality.

A main thrust of the decades-long neoliberal antisocial offensive of neoliberals is to blur the distinction between public and private so as to promote narrow private interests in the name of serving the public interest. Such a top-down agenda carried out under the veneer of high ideals is self-serving because it damages education, society, the nation, and the economy. It undermines a modern nation-building project that empowers people and rejects monopolization of the economy by major owners of capital.

Charter schools prove that not every “innovation” that comes into being in the name of “education reform” benefits education, society, the economy, and the national interest.

The oral arguments presented on April 30, 2025 in the Supreme Court of the United States (SCOTUS) on the public funding of St. Isidore of Seville Catholic K-12 Virtual School in Oklahoma show that there is a strong push to treat charter schools as the private entities they are, and that the long-standing critical distinction between public and private is marred by more confusion and disinformation than ever. Keeping in mind that charter schools are “public” only on paper, if SCOTUS deems charter schools to be state actors (i.e., public schools), then the First Amendment’s Establishment Clause applies, which means that charter school cannot be religious. However, early news reports suggest that, for the first time in history, SCOTUS may well approve the funneling of public funds to private religious actors like St. Isidore. While no court decision will change the long-standing private character of charter schools for the last 34 years, a final decision on this divisive landmark case by the SCOTUS is expected in June 2025. More on this in a future article.

The first charter school law in the U.S. was established in Minnesota in 1991. Today, about 3.8 million students attend roughly 8,000 charter schools across the country. Charter schools are legal in 47 states, Washington DC, Puerto Rico, and Guam.

ENDNOTES:

[1] The vast majority of teacher education students in the United States pursue teaching credentials in order to teach in a traditional public school. Very few, if any, are striving to become charter school teachers.

[2] The right to exclude is “one of the most treasured” rights of property ownership.

[3] It should always be borne in mind that the State today is a State of the rich and not a State that serves the public interest.

[4] The 14th Amendment is central to State Action Doctrine.

The post Can a Charter School Not Be a Private Entity? first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Shawgi Tell.

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USP World Press Freedom Day warnings over AI, legal reform and media safety https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/09/usp-world-press-freedom-day-warnings-over-ai-legal-reform-and-media-safety/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/09/usp-world-press-freedom-day-warnings-over-ai-legal-reform-and-media-safety/#respond Fri, 09 May 2025 04:00:39 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=114402 By Niko Ratumaimuri in Suva

World Press Freedom Day is not just a celebration of the vital role journalism plays — it is also a moment to reflect on the pressures facing the profession and Pacific governments’ responsibility to protect it.

This was one of the key messages delivered by two guest speakers at The University of the South Pacific (USP) Journalism’s 2025 World Press Freedom Day celebrations this week, the UN Human Rights Adviser for the Pacific, Heike Alefsen, and Fiji Media Association’s general secretary, Stanley Simpson.

In her address to journalism students and other attendees on Monday, chief guest Alefsen emphasised that press freedom is a fundamental pillar of democracy, a human right, and essential for sustainable development and the rule of law.

“Media freedom is a prerequisite for inclusive, rights-respecting societies,” Alefsen said, warning of rising threats such as censorship, harassment, and surveillance of journalists — especially with the spread of AI tools used to manipulate information and monitor media workers.

Ms Alefsen, Dr Singh and Mr Simpson
UN Human Rights Adviser for the Pacific Heike Alefsen (from left), USP Journalism programme head Dr Shailendra Singh, and Fiji Media Association’s general secretary Stanley Simpson . . . reflecting on pressures facing the profession of journalism. Image: Mele Tu’uakitau

AI and human rights
She stressed that AI must serve human rights — not undermine them — and that it must be used transparently, accountably, and in accordance with international human rights law.

“Some political actors exploit AI to spread disinformation and manipulate narratives for personal or political gain,” she said.

She added that these risks were compounded by the fact that a handful of powerful corporations and individuals now controlled much of the AI infrastructure and influenced the global media environment — able to amplify preferred messages or suppress dissenting voices.

“Innovation cannot come at the expense of press freedom, privacy, or journalist safety,” she said.

Regarding Fiji, Alefsen praised the 2023 repeal of the Media Industry Development Act (MIDA) as a “critical turning point,” noting its positive impact on Fiji’s ranking in the RSF World Press Freedom Index.

World Press Freedom Day at The University of the South Pacific
World Press Freedom Day at The University of the South Pacific on Monday. Image: USP — the country rose four places to 40th in the 2025 survey.

However, she emphasised that legal reforms must continue, especially regarding sedition laws, and she highlighted ongoing challenges across the Pacific, including financial precarity, political pressure, and threats to women journalists.

According to Alefsen, the media landscape in the Pacific was evolving for the better in some countries but concerns remained. She highlighted the working conditions of most journalists in the region, where financial insecurity, political interference, and lack of institutional support were prevalent.

“Independent journalism ensures transparency, combats disinformation, amplifies marginalised voices, and enables people to make informed decisions about their lives and governance. In too many countries around the world, journalists face censorship, detention, and in some cases, death — simply for doing their jobs,” she said.

Strengthening media independence and sustainability
Keynote speaker Stanley Simpson, echoed these concerns, adding that “the era where the Fiji media could survive out of sheer will and guts is over.”

“Now, it’s about technology, sustainability, and mental health support,” he said.

Speaking on the theme, Strengthening Media Independence and Sustainability, Simpson emphasised the need for the media to remain independent, noting that journalists are often expected to make greater sacrifices than professionals in other industries.

“Independence — while difficult and challenging — is a must in the media industry for it to maintain credibility. We must be able to think, speak, write, and report freely on any matter or anyone,” Simpson said.

According to Simpson, there was a misconception in Fiji that being independent meant avoiding relationships or contacts.

“There is a need to build your networks — to access and get information from a wide variety of sources. In fact, strengthening media independence means being able to talk to everyone and hear all sides. Gather all views and present them in a fair, balanced and accurate manner.”

He argued that media could only be sustainable if it was independent — and that independence was only possible if sustainability was achieved. Simpson recalled the events of the 2006 political upheaval, which he said contributed to the decline of media freedom and the collapse of some media organisations in Fiji.

“Today, as we mark World Press Freedom Day, we gather at this great institution to reflect on a simple yet profound truth: media can only be truly sustainable if it is genuinely free.

“We need democratic, political, and governance structures in place, along with a culture of responsible free speech — believed in and practised by our leaders and the people of Fiji,” he said.

USP students and guests at the 2025 World Press Freedom Day event. Picture: Mele Tu’uakitau

The new media landscape
Simpson also spoke about the evolving media landscape, noting the rise of social media influencers and AI generated content. He urged journalists to verify sources and ensure fairness, balance and accuracy — something most social media platforms were not bound by.

While some influencers have been accused of being clickbait-driven, Simpson acknowledged their role. “I think they are important new voices in our democracy and changing landscape,” he said.

He criticised AI-generated news platforms that republished content without editorial oversight, warning that they further eroded public trust in the media.

“Sites are popping up overnight claiming to be news platforms, but their content is just AI-regurgitated media releases,” he said. “This puts the entire credibility of journalism at risk.”

Fiji media challenges
Simpson outlined several challenges facing the Fiji media, including financial constraints, journalist mental health, lack of investment in equipment, low salaries, and staff retention. He emphasised the importance of building strong democratic and governance structures and fostering a culture that respects and values free speech.

“Many fail to appreciate the full scale of the damage to the media industry landscape from the last 16 years. If there had not been a change in government, I believe there would have been no Mai TV, Fiji TV, or a few other local media organisations today. We would not have survived another four years,” he said.

According to Simpson, some media organisations in Fiji were only one or two months away from shutting down.

“We barely survived the last 16 years, while many media organisations in places like New Zealand — TV3’s NewsHub — have already closed down. The era where the Fiji media would survive out of sheer will and guts is over. We need to be more adaptive and respond quickly to changing realities — digital, social media, and artificial intelligence,” he said.

Dr Singh (left) moderates the student panel discussion with Riya Bhagwan, Maniesse Ikuinen-Perman and Vahefonua Tupola. Image: Mele Tu’uakitau

Young journalists respond
During a panel discussion, second-year USP journalism student Vahefonua Tupola of Tonga highlighted the connection between the media and ethical journalism, sharing a personal experience to illustrate his point.

He said that while journalists should enjoy media freedom, they must also apply professional ethics, especially in challenging situations.

Tupola noted that the insights shared by the speakers and fellow students had a profound impact on his perspective.

Another panelist, third-year student and Journalism Students Association president Riya Bhagwan, addressed the intersection of artificial intelligence and journalism.

She said that in this era of rapid technological advancement, responsibility was more critical than ever — with the rise of AI, social media, and a constant stream of information.

“It’s no longer just professional journalists reporting the news — we also have citizen journalism, where members of the public create and share content that can significantly influence public opinion.

“With this shift, responsible journalism becomes essential. Journalists must uphold professional standards, especially in terms of accuracy and credibility,” she said.

The third panelist, second-year student Maniesse Ikuinen-Perman from the Federated States of Micronesia, acknowledged the challenges facing media organisations and journalists in the Pacific.

She shared that young and aspiring journalists like herself were only now beginning to understand the scope of difficulties journalists face in Fiji and across the region.

Maniesse emphasised the importance of not just studying journalism but also putting it into practice after graduation, particularly when returning to work in media organisations in their home countries.

The panel discussion, featuring journalism students responding to keynote addresses, was moderated by USP Journalism head of programme Dr Shailendra Singh.

Dr Singh concluded by noting that while Fiji had made significant progress with the repeal of the Media Industry Development Act (MIDA), global experience demonstrated that media freedom must never be taken for granted.

He stressed that maintaining media freedom was an ongoing struggle and always a work in progress.

“As far as media organisations are concerned, there is always a new challenge on the horizon,” he said, pointing to the complications brought about by digital disruption and, more recently, artificial intelligence.

  • Fiji rose four places to 40th (out of 180 nations) in the RSF 2025 World Press Freedom Index to make the country the Oceania media freedom leader outside of Australia (29) and New Zealand (16).

Niko Ratumaimuri is a second-year journalism student at The University of the South Pacific’s Laucala Campus. This article was first published by the student online news site Wansolwara and is republished in collaboration with Asia Pacific Report.

USP Journalism students, staff and guests at the 2025 World Press Freedom Day celebrations at Laucala campus
USP Journalism students, staff and guests at the 2025 World Press Freedom Day celebrations at Laucala campus on Monday. Image: Mele Tu’uakitau


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Wansolwara.

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Laying the Foundation: Essential Math Skills Missing from Early Education https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/07/laying-the-foundation-essential-math-skills-missing-from-early-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/07/laying-the-foundation-essential-math-skills-missing-from-early-education/#respond Wed, 07 May 2025 16:00:29 +0000 https://www.projectcensored.org/?p=46345 A February 2025 article by The Hechinger Report highlights research-backed strategies to strengthen young students’ basic math skills, emphasizing the importance of early mastery in number sense, spatial reasoning, and pattern recognition. Specialists and educators warn that without early intervention, students struggling with these foundational concepts may face ongoing academic…

The post Laying the Foundation: Essential Math Skills Missing from Early Education appeared first on Project Censored.


This content originally appeared on Project Censored and was authored by Kate Horgan.

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‘Under no illusions’ about France, says author of new Rainbow Warrior book https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/07/under-no-illusions-about-france-says-author-of-new-rainbow-warrior-book/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/07/under-no-illusions-about-france-says-author-of-new-rainbow-warrior-book/#respond Wed, 07 May 2025 09:43:36 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=114232 Pacific Media Watch

The author of the book Eyes of Fire, one of the countless publications on the Rainbow Warrior bombing almost 40 years ago but the only one by somebody actually on board the bombed ship, says he was under no illusions that France was behind the attack.

Journalist David Robie was speaking last month at a Greenpeace Aotearoa workship at Mātauri Bay for environmental activists and revealed that he has a forthcoming new book to mark the anniversary of the bombing.

“I don’t think I had any illusions at the time. For me, I knew it was the French immediately the bombing happened,” he said.

Eyes of Fire
Eyes of Fire . . . the earlier 30th anniversary edition in 2015. Image: Little Island Press/DR

“You know with the horrible things they were doing at the time with their colonial policies in Kanaky New Caledonia, assassinating independence leaders and so on, and they had a heavy military presence.

“A sort of clamp down in New Caledonia, so it just fitted in with the pattern — an absolute disregard for the Pacific.”

He said it was ironic that four decades on, France had trashed the goodwill that had been evolving with the 1988 Matignon and 1998 Nouméa accords towards independence with harsh new policies that led to the riots in May last year.

Dr Robie’s series of books on the Rainbow Warrior focus on the impact of nuclear testing by both the Americans and the French, in particular, on Pacific peoples and especially the humanitarian voyages to relocate the Rongelap Islanders in the Marshall Islands barely two months before the bombing at Marsden wharf in Auckland on 10 July 1985.

Detained by French military
He was detained by the French military while on assignment in New Caledonia a year after Eyes of Fire: The Last Voyage of the Rainbow Warrior was first published in New Zealand.

His reporting won the NZ Media Peace Prize in 1985.


David Robie’s 2025 talk on the Rainbow Warrior.     Video: Greenpeace Aotearoa

Dr Robie confirmed that Little island Press was publishing a new book this year with a focus on the legacy of the Rainbow Warrior.

Plantu's cartoon on the Rainbow Warrior bombers
Plantu’s cartoon on the Rainbow Warrior bombers from the slideshow. Image: David Robie/Plantu

“This edition is the most comprehensive work on the sinking of the first Rainbow Warrior, but also speaks to the first humanitarian mission undertaken by Greenpeace,” said publisher Tony Murrow.

“It’s an important work that shows us how we can act in the world and how we must continue to support all life on this unusual planet that is our only home.”

Little Island Press produced an educational microsite as a resource to accompany Eyes of Fire with print, image and video resources.

The book will be launched in association with a nuclear-free Pacific exhibition at Ellen Melville Centre in mid-July.

Find out more at the Eyes of Fire microsite
Find out more at the microsite: eyes-of-fire.littleisland.co.nz


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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Republicans Endorse $351 Billion in Education Cuts https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/05/republicans-endorse-351-billion-in-education-cuts/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/05/republicans-endorse-351-billion-in-education-cuts/#respond Mon, 05 May 2025 18:46:10 +0000 https://www.commondreams.org/newswire/republicans-endorse-351-billion-in-education-cuts Last week, House Education and Workforce Committee (EWC) Republicans pushed through over $350 billion in funding cuts for programs that Americans rely on to pay for education at every level, paving the way for tax cuts for themselves, billionaire donors, and corporations. New analysis from Accountable.US revealed today that EWC Republicans endorsed broad-cuts, including diminishing available student aid, repealing Biden-era student loan forgiveness for borrowers misled by predatory institutions, and slashing Pell Grants.

“To pay for tax cuts for the richest in this country, congressional Republicans are willing to gut the programs tens of millions of Americans rely on. Their education markup makes it abundantly clear that they’re not just going to gut Medicaid, they’re proposing hundreds of billions of dollars of cuts to programs that provide more opportunities for everyday Americans to access higher education. These cuts are a betrayal of congressional Republicans’ promise to make government work for Americans and to lower their costs; in fact, it will do quite the opposite.” Accountable.US Executive Director Tony Carrk

The details of Accountable.US’ analysis, reported by POLITICO, revealed that EWC Republicans affirmed many of the proposals first considered in the leaked Ways & Means Committee policy proposal wish-list, top cuts include:

  • Slashing federal student aid by capping unsubsidized and Parent PLUS loans and eliminating subsidized loans for undergraduates and Grad PLUS loans entirely. This move would disproportionately impact low-income families, especially those with students at HBCUs, while shutting underrepresented students out of graduate pathways that offer critical economic mobility and have historically been profitable for the federal government.
  • Repealing a set of Biden-era protections—including rules establishing forgiveness for students of schools that closed or failed to lead to gainful employment—that have canceled at least $17.2 billion in federal student loans for nearly one million borrowers misled by predatory institutions. This repeal would leave low-income students, students of color, and those attending for-profit colleges on the hook for degrees they were unable to complete through no fault of their own.
  • Repealing the Biden administration’s SAVE plan—a repayment program that lowered monthly payments for nearly all borrowers and prevented balances from ballooning due to unpaid interest—and replacing it, along with other income-driven options like ICR and PAYE, with just two fixed or income-based repayment plans, a change that could raise costs for millions of borrowers, including those making modest incomes.
  • Changing Pell Grant eligibility by altering the definition of full-time college attendance to 30 credit hours per year and requiring at least half-time attendance to qualify for any grant at all. These changes could cause students who are unable to meet the new definition to see costs increase by $1,479. Education Committee Republicans also proposed capping federal student aid for any students, regardless of income, at the median cost of college attendance.


This content originally appeared on Common Dreams and was authored by Newswire Editor.

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Australia ‘Islamic Caliphate’? Dark money and the 11th hour election propaganda blitzkrieg https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/02/australia-islamic-caliphate-dark-money-and-the-11th-hour-election-propaganda-blitzkrieg/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/02/australia-islamic-caliphate-dark-money-and-the-11th-hour-election-propaganda-blitzkrieg/#respond Fri, 02 May 2025 10:53:56 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=113951 An 11th-hour blitzkrieg for the Australian election 2025 tomorrow claims the Greens are enabling extremists who “will do anything in their power to establish a worldwide Islamic Caliphate”. Wendy Bacon and Yaakov Aharon investigate the Dark Money election.

SPECIAL REPORT: By Wendy Bacon and Yaakov Aharon

Minority Impact Coalition is a shadowy organisation which appeared on Australia’s political landscape in February of this year.

According to its constitution, its object is to promote “mutual respect and tolerance between groups of people in Australia by actively countering racism and bringing widespread understanding and tolerance amongst all sectors of the community”.

However, it is spreading ignorance, fear and Islamophobia to millions of mostly male Australians living in the outer suburbs and the regions.

Advance is ‘transparent … easy to deal with’
Speaking to an Australian Jewish Association webinar, Roslyn Mendelle, who is of Israeli-American origin and a director of Minority Impact Coalition (MIC), said the rightwing Advance introduced her to the concept of a third party.

“Advance has been nothing but absolutely honest, transparent, direct, and easy to deal with,” Mendelle said.

The electoral laws, which many say are “broken by design”, mean that it will be several months before MIC’s major donors are revealed. Donors making repeated donations below $15,900 are unlisted “dark money”. (This threshold will change to $5000 in 2026).


Who’s paying to undermine Australian democracy? Scam of the week  Video: MWM

Coming in second place, are the returns from the Australian Taxation Office.

Further down is a $50,000 donation from Henroth Pty Ltd, co-owned by brothers Stanley and John Roth. Stanley is also a director of the $51 million charity United Israel Appeal, while John Roth is married to Australia’s Special Envoy for Combating Antisemitism Jillian Segal.

$14.5 million of Advance’s funds is unlisted dark money.

https://www.instagram.com/p/DIvP9uXT5gE/
Minority Impact mobile hoardings. Image: MWM screenshot

In NSW, it is targeting Greens candidates everywhere and is also focussed on the Labor-held seat of Gilmore, challenged by Liberal Party candidate Andrew Constance.

Roslyn (nee Wolberger) and her wife Hava Mendelle founded MIC last year. The couple met in 2017 while Roslyn was living in the Israeli settlement of Talpiot in Occupied East Jerusalem in breach of international law.

Independent journalist Alex McKinnon reported that MIC spokesperson and midwife, Sharon Stoliar, wrote in an open letter:

“When you chant ‘from the river to the sea Palestine will be free’ . . .  while wearing NSW Health uniforms, you are representing NSW Health in a call for genocide of Jews. YOU. ARE. SUPPORTING. TERRORISM… I. WILL. REPORT. YOU.”

Its campaign material is authorised by Joshu Turier, a retired boxer and right-wing extremist.

According to Facebook library, MIC’s ads are targeted at men, particularly between ages 35 and 54 in Queensland, Victoria and New South Wales.

In mid-April, the group paid for an ad so extreme that Instagram pulled it, leading to Turier reposting on his own Facebook page again this week. He complained that “It’s beyond troubling when our media platforms remove simple, factual material.”

They are ‘coming for us’ {Editor … oh no!}
By Wednesday, the video was back on MIC’s Facebook account. The video says that the Greens are deliberately enabling pro-Palestine student protesters, who

“Don’t actually believe in the concept of a nation. They don’t believe in borders. They don’t believe there is a national identity. They believe in the Islamic brotherhood.”

“. . . It is just the beginning. When antisemitism starts, it’s not going to stop. They are going to come for Christians, for Atheists, for Agnostics.

MIC is spending big on billboards, campaign trucks, and professional videos targeting at least five electorates. But despite their big spending, they cannot be found on the Australian Electoral Commission transparency register.

According to the transparency advocacy group WhoTargets.Me, MIC has spent more than $50,000 on Google and Meta ads in the last month alone. This doesn’t account for billboards, trucks, labour, or the 200,000 addresses letterboxed in late March.

More investigation shows their donations will all flow through the QJ Collective Ltd (QJC), which also “powers” the Minority Impact Coalition website. QJC is registered as a significant third party with the Australian Electoral Commission.

Clones with ghost offices

Advance director Sandra Bourke and Roslyn Mendelle. Source: QJ Collective, Instagram
Advance director Sandra Bourke and Roslyn Mendelle. Image: QJ Collective, Instagram

MIC and Queensland Jewish Collective are virtually identical. They have always had the same directors — with Azin Naghibi replacing Roslyn’s partner, Hava Mendelle, as both QJC and MIC director in March 2025.

When QJC first came to MWM’s notice last year, it was running a relatively well-funded campaign — although limited to several seats — to “Put the Greens Last” in the Queensland state election.

In September 2024, the group’s website stated that it was “non-partisan and not left or right-wing”, and that its “goal was to support Queenslanders in making informed decisions when voting for our leaders”. MIC is the vehicle for this campaign.

Today, neither the QJC nor MIC makes any such claim. The Collective’s website lists its leading “campaign’” as “exposing the two-faced nature of the Labor party”.

The alarming detail
While the two “grassroots” groups share several of their total five different associated addresses, mostly consisting of shared offices, it is not a perfect match.

For both groups, directors Mendelle and Turier list their address as 470 St Pauls Terrace, Fortitude Valley, Queensland. There was no name or company, just an address, however, shared offices run by Jubilee Place are available at that location.

QJC and MIC director Naghibi lists her address on both extracts as 740 St Pauls Terrace, a non-commercial building.

Either Mendelle and Turier are living out of a shared office, or Naghibi is unable to remember the address of the shared office she has little real connection to.

Last year, MWM contacted the owners of QJC’s listed office address at Insolvency Company Accountants in Tewantin, Queensland. At first, the firm said that no one had heard of them. Following that, the firm said that the Collective is a client of the firm, however denied any further connection.

A fresh search this year showed an additional contact address listed by the grassroots Collective — this time 1700 km away — at 1250 Malvern Road, Malvern, Victoria. Again there was no name or company, just an address.

Located at that address is boutique accounting firm Greenberg & Co, which specialises in serving clients who are “high net worth individuals”. MWM contacted senior partner Jay Greenberg who said his role was only one of ‘financial compliance’. He said that he did have personal views on the election but these were not relevant. He declined to discuss further details.

Previously Greenberg served as Treasurer (2018-2019), under Jillian Segal as President, of the peak roof body the Executive Council of Australian Jewry.

Attack of the clones
Better Australia is a third party campaigner that, like QJ Collective in 2024, claims to be bipartisan.

Its communications are authorised by Sophie Calland, an active member of NSW Labor’s Alexandria Branch. Her husband Ofir Birenbaum — from the nearby Rosebery Branch — is also a member of the third party Better Australia.

Co-convenor of Labor Friends of Israel, Eric Roozendaal, and former Prime Minister Scott Morrison’s secretary, Yaron Finkelstein, provided further campaign advice at a members meeting.

Patron of Labor Friends of Israel and former Senator Nova Peris teamed up with Better Australia for a campaign video last week.

“When Greens leader Adam Bandt refuses to stand in front of the Australian flag,” Peris said, “I ask, how can you possibly stand for our country?”

Better Australia’s stated goal is to campaign for a major government “regardless of which major party is in office”.

The group urges voters to “put the Greens and Teals last”, warning that a Labor minority government would be chaos. The “non-partisan” third party has made no statements on the Liberal-National Coalition, nor on a minority government with One Nation.

Some Better Australia workers — who wear bright yellow jackets labelled “community advisor” — are paid, and others volunteer.

“Isabella” told MWM that her enlistment as a volunteer for the third party campaigner is “not political” — rather it is all “about Israel”.

Previously Isabella had protested in support of the Israeli hostages and prisoners of war held in Gaza.

Better Australia’s ‘community advisor’ Isabella at a Bondi Junction polling booth. Source: Wendy Bacon, supplied
Better Australia’s “community advisor” “Isabella” at a Bondi Junction polling booth. Image: Wendy Bacon/MWM

Another campaigner told us he was paid by Better Australia. He spoke little English and declined to say more.

Two schoolgirls campaigning at Rose Bay told MWM that they were paid by their father who had chaired a Better Australia meeting the previous evening. They declined to disclose his name.

On Wednesday, the group posted a video of Calland campaigning at Wentworth’s Kings Cross booth which included an image of her talking with  a young Better Australia worker.

Calland addressing her Israeli volunteers. Source: Better Australia, Instagram
Calland addressing her Israeli volunteers. Image: Better Australia/Instagram/MWM

MWM later interviewed this woman who is an Israeli on a working holiday visa. She was supporting the campaign because it fits her political “vision”: the Greens and independent MPs like Allegra Spender must be removed from office because they are “against Israel” and for a “Free Palestine” which would mean the end of “my country”.

Allegra Spender denies these assertions.

Greens leader Adam Bandt remained determinedly optimistic, telling MWM that organisations such as Better Australia and MIC,

“are able to run their disinformation campaigns because Australia has no truth in political advertising laws, which enables them to lie about the priorities of the Greens and crossbench without consequence, as well as huge corporate money flowing into politics.

“In this term of Parliament, Labor failed to progress truth in political advertising laws, and instead did a dirty deal with the Liberals on electoral reforms to try and shut out third parties and independents.”

Labor’s candidate for Wentworth, Savannah Peake, told MWM on Tuesday that she had known Calland for 18 months.

Peake said that while she knew Calland had previously founded Better Council, she had only discovered Calland was authorising Better Australia when she arrived at the booth that morning.

Peake told MWM that she had contacted the NSW Labor Head Office to voice her objections and was confident the issue would be “dealt with swiftly”.

The third party campaign runs contrary to Peake’s preferences, which tells supporters in Wentworth to vote #1 Labor and #2 Allegra Spender. MWM repeatedly tried to follow up with Peake throughout the week to find out what action NSW Labor had taken but received no reply.

Liberal candidate for Wentworth, Ro Knox, complies with Better Australia’s call to put Greens last on her voting preferences.

Many people in NSW Labor know about their fellow members’ involvement in Better Australia. The Minister for Environment and MP for Sydney Tanya Plibersek, state member Ron Hoenig and NSW Labor have all previously refused to answer questions.

A Labor volunteer at a Wentworth pre-poll booth told MWM that he disapproved if a fellow party member was involved with the third party. Two older Labor volunteers were in disbelief, having incorrectly assumed that the anti-Teal posters were authorised by the Trumpet of Patriots party.

Another said he was aware of Calland’s activities but had decided “not to investigate” further.

Better Australia focuses on Richmond
By the end of the week, Better Australia had left a trail of “Put the Greens last’ placards across Sydney’s Inner West, one of them outside the Cairo Takeaway cafe where the third party’s organiser Ofir Birenbaum was first exposed.

The third party have extended their polling campaign to the seat of Richmond, on the North coast of NSW where campaign sources are expecting more volunteers on election day.

As parties dash to the finishing line, they are calling for more donations to counter the astroturfers. According to website TheyTargetYou, the major parties alone have spent $11.5 million on Meta and Google ads over the last month.

Better Australia splurged $200,000 on ads targeting digital TV, social media, and the Australian Financial Review. Digital ads will continue in the final three days of the election, exploiting loopholes in the mandated political advertising blackout.

The Australian public has made little progress towards transparency in the current term of government.

Until reforms are made, Silicon Valley tech giants will continue to profit from dodgy ads and astroturfing groups sowing division with each Australian election cycle.

Wendy Bacon is an investigative journalist who was the Professor of Journalism at UTS. She worked for Fairfax, Channel Nine and SBS and has published in The Guardian, New Matilda, City Hub and Overland. She has a long history in promoting independent and alternative journalism. She is a long-term supporter of a peaceful BDS and the Greens.

Yaakov Aharon is a Jewish-Australian living in Wollongong. He enjoys long walks on Wollongong Beach, unimpeded by Port Kembla smoke fumes and AUKUS submarines. The article was first published by Michael West Media and is republished with permission.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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Help Us Report on How the Department of Education Is Handling Civil Rights Cases https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/02/help-us-report-on-how-the-department-of-education-is-handling-civil-rights-cases/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/02/help-us-report-on-how-the-department-of-education-is-handling-civil-rights-cases/#respond Fri, 02 May 2025 09:05:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/getinvolved/help-propublica-report-on-department-of-ed-ocr-civil-rights-cases by Asia Fields, Ashley Clarke, Jodi S. Cohen and Jennifer Smith Richards

Since President Donald Trump took office, his administration laid off nearly half of the Department of Education division that handles civil rights investigations and shifted its focus. The administration halted work on thousands of pending discrimination cases while ordering investigations aligned with its priorities.

Some people have spoken out about their cases being in limbo or about not receiving updates. We know there are thousands of other people who are affected. We need your help to see the full picture of how the dismantling of the Office for Civil Rights is affecting students, parents, school employees and their wider communities.

If you submitted a complaint or had a case closed this year, or if you have a currently pending case, we want to hear about your experience. We’re also interested in connecting to people with other insights about the Department of Education.

If you work or worked for the Department of Education, please do not fill out the form. Instead, use Signal to contact reporter Jennifer Smith Richards at jsmithrichards.93 or reporter Jodi Cohen at jodireporter.88.

We take your privacy seriously and will contact you if we wish to publish any part of your story.

We’re gathering these stories for our reporting, which can take several weeks or months. We may not be able to follow up with everyone, but we will read everything you submit and it will help guide our reporting.

As journalists, our role is to write about issues. We cannot provide legal advice or other support. However, there are resources available. We know these cases can stem from painful experiences, and mental health support is available if you need it:

  • The National Sexual Assault Hotline is available online or by calling 800-656-4673.
  • The National Suicide and Crisis Lifeline is available online or by calling or texting 988.
  • The Trevor Project provides support to LGBTQ+ youth. You can connect online, by calling 866-488-7386 or by texting 678678.

You can share your experience using our form.

If you would prefer to connect using the encrypted messaging app Signal, our number is 917-512-0201. You can also contact ocr@propublica.org with any questions.

If you would like to connect with ProPublica reporters about other topics, you can reach out to a reporter or send a tip to our newsroom.


This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Asia Fields, Ashley Clarke, Jodi S. Cohen and Jennifer Smith Richards.

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A Gutted Education Department’s New Agenda: Roll Back Civil Rights Cases, Target Transgender Students https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/02/a-gutted-education-departments-new-agenda-roll-back-civil-rights-cases-target-transgender-students/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/02/a-gutted-education-departments-new-agenda-roll-back-civil-rights-cases-target-transgender-students/#respond Fri, 02 May 2025 09:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/education-department-civil-rights-donald-trump-discrimination by Jennifer Smith Richards and Jodi S. Cohen

ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

In California, the federal government was deep into an investigation of alleged racial discrimination at a school district where, a parent said, students called a Black peer racial slurs and played whipping sounds from their cellphones during a lesson about slavery. Then the U.S. Department of Education in March suddenly closed the California regional outpost of its Office for Civil Rights and fired all its employees there. That investigation and others went silent.

In South Dakota, the OCR abruptly terminated its work with a school district that had agreed to take steps to end discrimination against its Native American students. The same office that helped craft the agreement to treat indigenous students equally made a stunning about-face and decided in March that helping Native American students would discriminate against white students.

During its first 100 days, as the Trump administration has dismantled the Education Department, one of its biggest targets has been the civil rights arm. Now, Education Secretary Linda McMahon is “reorienting” what’s left of it.

Part of that shift has been ordering investigations related to the administration’s priorities, such as ending the participation of transgender girls and women in girls’ and women’s sports. After hearing that a transgender woman from Wagner College in New York competed in a women’s fencing tournament at the University of Maryland last month, the head of the OCR launched a special investigation into both schools and threatened their access to federal funding.

Through internal memos and case data, interviews with more than a dozen current agency attorneys, and public records requests to school districts and other targets of investigations across the country, ProPublica has documented how the Trump administration has radically reshaped the OCR.

Only 57 investigations that found a civil rights violation and led to change at a school or college were completed in March, ProPublica has learned. Only 51 were resolved by finding violations in April. The Biden administration completed as many as 200 investigations a month.

Leadership under President Donald Trump also has made it easier for the OCR to drop discrimination complaints quickly. In March, 91% of cases closed by the office were dismissed without an investigation, and 89% were dismissed outright in April, according to internal case data obtained by ProPublica. Typically, 70% of cases are dismissed because they don’t meet criteria to warrant an investigation.

With more than half of the Education Department’s civil rights offices closed and the division reduced to a fraction of its former staff, families’ pleas for updates and action have gone unheard. One OCR attorney, who asked not to be named for fear of retaliation, told ProPublica that her caseload went from 60 to 380 as she absorbed cases previously handled by employees who worked in offices that had been closed. Some remaining employees have not been able to access documents, voicemail and email of fired employees.

As with civil rights divisions in other federal agencies that the Trump administration has fundamentally altered, the OCR has worked for decades to uphold constitutional rights against discrimination based on disability, race and gender.

“OCR is the most useless it’s ever been, and it’s the most dangerous it’s ever been. And by useless, I mean unavailable. Unable to do the work,” said Michael Pillera, who until recently was an OCR attorney in Washington, D.C. He is now with the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law.

Investigating cases that allege racism, discrimination based on sexual orientation or mistreatment of students with disabilities now requires permission from Trump appointees, according to a memo from OCR leadership. As a result, thousands of discrimination investigations are idled, even ones that were nearing a resolution when Trump took office again.

“I thought we were somewhere, and now we are back to square one because they are closed,” said K.D., the mother of the Black California student who said her daughter has been called racial epithets by her classmates. She emailed the agency more than a month ago to try to get an update on the investigation, but said the agency has not responded. ProPublica is identifying her by initials to protect her child’s privacy. “I never would have imagined that something so essential would go away,” she said.

Education Department spokespeople did not respond to questions and requests for comment sent over several weeks about changes in the civil rights division.

The OCR attorney who said she is working through 380 cases said the job is now “impossible.”

“The people who remain are doing all they can. We’re doing all we can. But it isn’t enough, and it keeps us up at night,” she said.

Another OCR attorney who, like others, asked not to be named for fear of retaliation, said the administration’s new vision for civil rights enforcement has harmed families.

“We were sort of the last bit of hope for them,” he said, “and now they’re calling and emailing and saying, ‘Hey, I thought you all were going to help me.’”

Protesters rally outside of the headquarters of the Department of Education in Washington in March. More than half of the department’s Office of Civil Rights outposts have been closed, and more than half of its employees have been laid off since the new administration took over. (Jason Andrew for ProPublica) A Shadow Division

The arduous, grinding work undertaken by OCR attorneys is starkly different from the high-speed investigations that the Education Department announces in press releases every few days.

The OCR, historically one of the government’s largest enforcers of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, has been known for being a neutral fact-finder. Its investigators followed a process to determine whether complaints from the public met legal criteria for a civil rights claim, then carried out investigations methodically.

Help Us Report on How the Department of Education Is Handling Civil Rights Cases

We want to better understand how changes at the Office for Civil Rights are affecting students, families and school communities. If you have recently submitted a civil rights complaint or have a pending case, please get in touch.

Share Your Story

The vast majority of investigations were based on discrimination complaints from students and families, and a large share of those were related to disability discrimination. The inquiries typically took months and, in complex cases, years. The lengthy investigations sometimes were a source of criticism. The agency didn’t share details of the investigations until they were completed, and the agreements often involved federal oversight going forward.

Investigations being publicized now have largely bypassed the agency’s civil rights attorneys, according to Education Department employees. McMahon and OCR head Craig Trainor created what amounts to a shadow division.

The Trump administration has ordered more than a dozen investigations in the past three months on its own, not initiated by an outside complainant. These “directed investigations” are typically rare; there were none during President Joseph Biden’s administration.

The investigations have targeted schools with transgender athletes, gender-neutral bathrooms and initiatives that the administration views as discriminatory to white students. OCR attorneys told ProPublica they’ve been given prewritten letters, which they’ve reluctantly signed, to send to targets of these investigations. Some letters describe transgender girls as “biological males,” which is ideologically pointed language that OCR attorneys say they’ve never used before.

“They’re blowing through past precedents, past practices, best practices,” said Catherine Lhamon, who led OCR under former Presidents Barack Obama and Biden and departed the office in January. “And they’re not even attempting to appear like neutral arbiters of the law.”

In a first, McMahon and Trainor created ways to divert complaints and investigations away from the OCR’s legal experts entirely. The administration made an “End DEI” portal that bypasses the traditional online complaint system and seeks only grievances about diversity, equity and inclusion in schools. Unlike the regular complaint system, the diversity portal submissions are not routed to OCR staff.

“We have no idea where that portal goes, who it goes to, how they review the cases. No idea,” said the attorney who said he struggles with being unable to help families. “That avoids us interfering with the games they’re trying to play, if they silo off the real civil rights lawyers.”

McMahon then announced a “Title IX Special Investigations Team” last month to work with the Department of Justice and appointed Trainor to it. It launches its own investigations into schools that include transgender girls in athletics.

In an internal memo to the new team that was obtained by ProPublica, Trainor defined the special team’s purpose: “To effectively and efficiently address the increasing volume of Title IX single-sex sports/spaces cases, expedite those investigations and resolutions, and collaborate seamlessly with DOJ to conclude investigations that go to DOJ for enforcement.”

There’s no indication that more complaints related to transgender students are coming from the public, according to internal case data. Last month, in what appears to be the first case assigned to the Title IX team, the group notified the University of Maryland and Wagner College that it would investigate each school. The investigation began after Fox News and other media reported about a fencing tournament at the University of Maryland in which a transgender player from Wagner competed. Trainor signed the notification letters himself, a departure from Lhamon’s practice.

A Wagner College spokesperson declined to comment. A University of Maryland spokesperson declined to comment about the investigation but said the tournament, while on the university’s campus, was run by USA Fencing.

The public used to be able to see what the OCR was investigating. But an online database that is supposed to list all investigations underway hasn’t been updated since Trump took office.

At that time, about 12,000 pending investigations were listed. Among them were two related to a family’s complaints that their California school district discriminated against students with disabilities, including by barricading them inside what it called a “reset” room. But then the OCR closed its California office and fired its employees.

“All work came to a halt. They stopped responding. Nothing was being done to stop the practice and protect kids,” Genevieve Goldstone, the parent of the Del Mar Union School District student who filed the disability discrimination complaint, said in an interview. “My federal complaints were meant to protect more kids and stop the abuses in the district.”

The district said it could not comment on the pending investigation but said it participated in more than a dozen interviews with an OCR attorney. It also said it conducted its own review of the allegations and determined that they were unsubstantiated.

OCR attorneys say they have been repeatedly blindsided by public announcements about policy changes and investigations. To find out what Trainor and McMahon have launched on their behalf, they check the Education Department’s website daily for press releases.

Those statements sometimes quote Trainor preemptively saying a school “appears to violate” civil rights law. The attorneys worry they will have no choice, despite what their investigations uncover, but to find against schools that have already been excoriated by the department publicly.

For example, in a press release announcing an investigation into a transgender athlete participating in girls’ track and field in Portland Public Schools in Oregon, Trainor said, “We will not allow the Portland Public Schools District or any other educational entity that receives federal funds to trample on the antidiscrimination protections that women and girls are guaranteed under law.”

A third current OCR attorney, who asked not to be named for fear of losing her job, said the administration is misinterpreting civil rights law. “It’s subverting our office, or weaponizing it in these ways, without following our process,” she said.

Conservative groups with complaints about diversity or transgender students have been able to file complaints directly with Trainor and get quick results — another norm-breaking way to operate outside of the OCR’s protocol.

America First Legal, a group founded by Trump deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller that considers itself the “answer to the ACLU,” emailed Trainor a few days after Trump’s “Ending Radical Indoctrination in K-12 Schooling” executive order. The order directs schools to stop teaching about or supporting diversity, equity and gender identity.

“AFL respectfully requests that the Department of Education open investigations into the following public-school districts in Northern Virginia for continuing violations of Title IX,” the letter read, listing five districts that have policies welcoming to transgender students.

Senior leadership in Washington opened the cases the following week. America First issued a press release headlined “VICTORY.” The group declined to comment further.

First image: A letter from Craig Trainor, the Education Department’s acting assistant secretary for civil rights, claims that American educational institutions have discriminated against white and Asian students. Second image: A letter addressed to the superintendent of the Denver Public Schools announces a Title IX investigation into a gender-neutral bathroom. (Obtained and highlighted by ProPublica) Backtracking on Civil Rights

Remaking the OCR isn’t just about increasing caseloads and reordering political priorities. The Trump administration now is taking steps to roll back OCR’s previous civil rights work.

Last month, Trump issued an executive order that directs all federal agencies, including the Education Department, to stop enforcing cases involving policies that disproportionately affect certain groups — for example, when Black students are disciplined more harshly than white students for the same infractions or when students with disabilities are suspended more than any other group even though they represent a small percentage of student enrollment.

Trump’s order requires the agencies to “assess all pending investigations, lawsuits, and consent judgements” that consider disproportionate discipline and “take appropriate action.” Complaints made to the OCR that students were unfairly disciplined could be thrown out; existing enforcement actions or monitoring of schools that had disciplined students disproportionately could be revoked.

The OCR under Trainor did this in Rapid City, South Dakota — even before the executive order. About a year ago, the office had signed an agreement with Rapid City Area Schools after an investigation found that the district’s Native American students were disciplined far more harshly than white ones. They also were kept from enrolling in advanced courses.

The OCR said that when speaking with an investigator, the superintendent of schools at the time said that Native American students in her district had higher truancy rates because they operated on what she termed “Indian Time.” She said, too, that they don’t value education, according to the investigation’s findings.

The former superintendent, Nicole Swigart, denied saying any of that.

“I recognize those comments are horrendous,” Swigart said in an interview with ProPublica. She noted that the OCR investigation was opened in 2010 and that she first spoke to an investigator in 2022. “I’m not lying when I say I didn’t say it. I didn’t say it, and I don’t know where it came from.”

In the agreement with the OCR, the district promised to examine its practices and make things right; the OCR would monitor its progress. The district also brought in a new superintendent.

But last month, the OCR abruptly terminated that agreement, based on its differing interpretation of civil rights law. The OCR’s new view is that equity and diversity efforts discriminate against white students. It was, in the view of agency attorneys, the most severe breach of the OCR’s mission and methods to date. There was no public announcement.

“Native students in Rapid City just lost a layer of protection,” the Lakota People’s Law Project announced on Facebook. “Native students are still being pushed out of classrooms and denied opportunities.”

Darren Thompson, who is Ojibwe, said the OCR’s decision to abandon the agreement was “another cycle of the federal government failing to uphold its promises.”

“And this time, they are partisan, political,” said Thompson, who works for the nonprofit Sacred Defense Fund affiliated with the Lakota group in Rapid City.

In response to questions from ProPublica, the school district said it has completed much of the work — including broader access to educational opportunities and an improved behavior tracking process — and plans to continue it even without federal oversight. But it also said this week that under the OCR’s new directives, “we must shift our approach.” The district did not elaborate on what will change.

It’s unclear whether the OCR has ended agreements with other districts or colleges. Education Department spokespeople did not respond to questions from ProPublica.

Pushing Back

Some subjects of the OCR’s new directives and investigations have capitulated. A school district in Tumwater, Washington, that Trainor targeted for allowing a transgender basketball player from an opposing team to compete responded by voting to support the state athletic association excluding trans players altogether.

But some are pushing back.

Denver Public Schools was the first target of one of Trainor’s “directed investigations” in late January — over the existence of one all-gender, multistall bathroom on one floor of a Denver high school. According to communication obtained by ProPublica through public records requests, the district called out the OCR for “continuing to take a different approach with this case without explanation, a case with no complainant who is awaiting any form of relief or remedy.”

Kristin Bailey, a Denver Public Schools attorney, wrote to an OCR supervisor that the way the investigation is being handled “appears to be retaliatory.”

Since February, at least half a dozen lawsuits have been filed to try to stop the dismantling of the Education Department and its civil rights functions — among them, suits by Democratic state attorneys general and from the National Education Association and American Federation of Teachers. A recent suit by the Council of Parent Attorneys and Advocates on behalf of children and their parents — all of whom have pending complaints alleging discrimination — claims they’re suffering from the OCR’s “abandonment” of its core mission.

The NAACP also sued the department, McMahon and Trainor, citing the “End DEI” portal and seeking a halt to such anti-diversity efforts. And the Victim Rights Law Center, representing students and parents, sued to try to restore what has been cut from the OCR so the agency can fulfill its mandate. It noted that under McMahon and Trainor, “cherry-picked investigations appear to be the only matters the Department is currently pursuing.” Those lawsuits are pending. The government has argued in the NAACP lawsuit that the group lacks standing, and in the other it has not filed a response.

Several OCR attorneys told ProPublica that they hope these groups and school districts continue to push back. In the meantime, they said, they will continue to try to work on behalf of the public to uphold the nation’s civil rights laws.

“I have to keep putting one foot in front of the other, helping the people I can help, and keep my eye on the long game,” said a fourth OCR attorney. “Hopefully we’re still here and can help rebuild in the future.”


This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jennifer Smith Richards and Jodi S. Cohen.

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‘Worse’ than McCarthyism: Trump’s assault on free speech, higher education https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/01/worse-than-mccarthyism-trumps-assault-on-free-speech-higher-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/01/worse-than-mccarthyism-trumps-assault-on-free-speech-higher-education/#respond Thu, 01 May 2025 01:00:54 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=8320872f851294bd04b436e35831e8fc
This content originally appeared on The Real News Network and was authored by The Real News Network.

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‘The raids happened Wednesday, finals started Thursday’: FBI agents raid homes of pro-Palestine students at University of Michigan https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/30/the-raids-happened-wednesday-finals-started-thursday-fbi-agents-raid-homes-of-pro-palestine-students-at-university-of-michigan/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/30/the-raids-happened-wednesday-finals-started-thursday-fbi-agents-raid-homes-of-pro-palestine-students-at-university-of-michigan/#respond Wed, 30 Apr 2025 17:12:10 +0000 https://therealnews.com/?p=333823 University students rally and march against Israeli attacks on Gaza as they continue their encampment on the grounds of the University of Michigan, on April 28, 2024, in Ann Arbor, Michigan, United States. Photo by Katie McTiernan/Anadolu via Getty ImagesWe speak with four graduate student-workers at the University of Michigan and Columbia University about how their unions are fighting back against ICE abductions, FBI raids, and McCarthyist attacks on academic freedom.]]> University students rally and march against Israeli attacks on Gaza as they continue their encampment on the grounds of the University of Michigan, on April 28, 2024, in Ann Arbor, Michigan, United States. Photo by Katie McTiernan/Anadolu via Getty Images

The Trump administration continues to escalate its authoritarian assault on higher education, free speech, and political dissent—and university administrators and state government officials are willingly aiding that assault. On the morning of April 23, at the direction of Michigan Attorney General Dana Nessel, law enforcement officers, including FBI agents, raided the homes of multiple student organizers connected to Palestine solidarity protests at the University of Michigan. “According to the group Students Allied for Freedom and Equality (SAFE), agents seized the students’ electronics and a number of personal items,” Michael Arria reports at Mondoweiss. “Four individuals were detained, but eventually released.” In this urgent episode of Working People, we speak with a panel of graduate student workers from the University of Michigan and Columbia University about how they and their unions are fighting back against ICE abductions, FBI raids, and top-down political repression, all while trying to carry on with their day-to-day work.

Panelists include: Lavinia, a PhD student at the University of Michigan School of Information and an officer in the Graduate Employees Organization (GEO); Ember McCoy, a PhD candidate in the School for Environment and Sustainability at the University of Michigan and a rank-and-file member of GEO and the TAHRIR Coalition; Jessie Rubin, a PhD student in the School of Arts and Sciences at Columbia University and a rank-and-file member of Student Workers of Columbia (SWC); and Conlan Olson, a PhD student in Computer Science at Columbia and a member of the SWC bargaining committee.

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Featured Music…

  • Jules Taylor, “Working People” Theme Song

Studio Production: Maximillian Alvarez
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Transcript

The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Alright. Welcome everyone to Working People, a podcast about the lives, jobs, dreams, and struggles of the working class today. Working People is a proud member of the Labor Radio Podcast Network and is brought to you in partnership within these Times Magazine and the Real News Network. This show is produced by Jules Taylor and made possible by the support of listeners like you. My name is Maximillian Alvarez and today we are continuing our ongoing coverage of the Trump administration’s authoritarian assault on higher education and the people who live, learn, and work there. Things have continued to escalate since we published our episodes earlier in April where I first interviewed Todd Wolfson in Chen Akua of the American Association of University Professors, and then interviewed graduate student workers at Columbia University, Ali Wong and Caitlyn Liss. Now many since then have praised the development of Harvard University standing up and challenging Trump’s attacks in a public statement titled, upholding Our Values, defending Our University.

Harvard’s president Alan m Garber wrote Dear members of the Harvard Community. Over the course of the past week, the federal government has taken several actions following Harvard’s refusal to comply with its illegal demands. Although some members of the administration have said their April 11th letter was sent by mistake. Other statements and their actions suggest otherwise doubling down on the letters, sweeping and intrusive demands which would impose unprecedented and improper control over the university. The government has, in addition to the initial freeze of $2.2 billion in funding, considered taking steps to freeze an additional $1 billion in grants initiated numerous investigations of Harvard’s operations, threatened the education of international students, and announced that it is considering a revocation of Harvard’s 5 0 1 C3 tax exempt status. These actions have stark real life consequences for patients, students, faculty, staff, researchers, and the standing of American higher education in the world. Moments ago, we filed a lawsuit to halt the funding freeze because it is unlawful and beyond the government’s authority.

Now at the same time at the University of Michigan, the FBI and other law enforcement agencies raided multiple homes of student activists connected to Gaza solidarity protests as Michael Aria reports at Monde Weiss. On the morning of April 23rd, the FBI and other law enforcement agencies executed search warrants at multiple homes in Ann Arbor, Ypsilanti and Canton Township, Michigan. The raids reportedly targeted a number of student organizers who were connected to Gaza protests at the University of Michigan. According to the group, students allied for Freedom and Equality or safe agents seized the students’ electronics and a number of personal items. Four individuals were detained but eventually released to rear coalition. A student led movement calling for divestment from Israel said that officers initially refused to present warrants at the Ypsilanti raid. They were unable to confirm whether ICE was present at the raid. A Detroit FBI office spokesman declined to explain why the warrants were executed, but confirmed that the matter was being handled by the Office of Michigan.

Attorney General Dana Nessel. Nessel has refused to confirm whether the raids were connected to Palestine activism thus far, but her office has aggressively targeted the movement. Last fall, Nestle introduced criminal charges against at least 11 protestors involved in the University of Michigan Gaza encampment. An investigation by the Guardian revealed that members of University of Michigan’s governing board had pressed Nestle to bring charges against the students. The report notes that six of eight Regents donated more than $33,000 combined to Nestle’s campaigns after the regents called for action. Nestle took the cases over from local district attorney Ellie Savitt, an extremely rare move as local prosecutors typically handle such cases. Listen, as we’ve been saying repeatedly on this show and across the Real news, the battle on and over are institutions of higher education have been and will continue to be a critical front where the future of democracy and the Trump Administration’s agenda will be decided.

And it will be decided not just by what Trump does and how university administrators and boards of regents respond, but by how faculty respond students, grad students, staff, campus communities, and the public writ large. And today we are very grateful to be joined by four guests who are on the front lines of that fight. We’re joined today by Lavinia, a PhD student at the University of Michigan School of Information and an officer in the Graduate Employees organization or GEO, which full disclosure is my old union. Ember McCoy is also joining us. Ember is a PhD candidate in the School for Environment and Sustainability at the University of Michigan and a rank and file member of GEO and the Tare Coalition. And we are also joined today by Jesse Rubin, a PhD student in the School of Arts and Sciences at Columbia University and a rank and file member of Student Workers of Columbia.

We are also joined by Conlin Olson, a PhD student in computer science at Columbia, and a member of the Bargaining Committee for Student Workers of Columbia, Lavinia Ember, Jesse Conlin. Thank you all so much for joining us today, especially amidst this terrifying reality that we all find ourselves in. I wanted to just jump right in and start there because since we have y’all and you are new voices in this ongoing coverage that we’re trying to do of these authoritarian attacks on higher ed, I wanted to start by just going around the table and asking if y’all could briefly introduce yourselves and tell us about what your life and work have been like these past few weeks and months as all of this Orwellian nightmare has been unfolding.

Lavinia:

Yeah. Hi everyone. Thank you so much, max for putting this together. So by and large, my life just continues to revolve around research. I’m actually on an NSF fellowship and that means that I basically spend all of my time in the office doing research. That being said, over the past couple of months, especially sort of in the context of organizing, a lot of what I and other grad workers at the University of Michigan have been working on is safety planning and mutual aid efforts related to immigration. And then of course in the past couple of weeks there’s been sort of this really alarming, as you said, escalation in repression by the state government of pro-Palestine protestors. So recently a lot of organizing work has also been related to that, but just to personalize it, the people who are affected by this repression, our friends, they’re coworkers and it’s just been extremely scary recently even just sort of trying to navigate being on campus in this really kind of tense political environment.

Ember McCoy:

So for me, this is kind a continuation of the organizing that I’ve been doing throughout the PhD and before I was vice president of the grad union during our 2023 strike, and there was a lot of infrastructure that we built and organizing models that we’ve changed, that we’ve talked about. Even I think on this podcast leading into the strike, which I think then we got a contract in September of 2023 and then pretty much right away ended up transitioning our work to be very focused on Palestine Pro Palestine organizing in collaboration with undergrad students after October 7th, which I think is really important for some of the infrastructure we built and organizing models we built, thinking about how we’ve been able to transition from labor organizing to pro-Palestine organizing to ICE organizing and all the way back around and in between. On a personal level, this week, Monday morning, I had a meeting with my advisor.

I told him, I promised him I was going to lock in. I was like, I’m going to do it. I need to finish. By August, two hours later, I found out my NSF grant was terminated. I study environmental justice, I have a doctoral dissertation research grant, and then I spent Tuesday trying to do paperwork around that. And Monday morning I woke up to my friend’s houses being rated by the FBI and safe to say, I’ve not worked on my dissertation the rest of the week. So yeah, I think it’s just important like Lavinia said, to think about how, I don’t know, we’re all operating in this space of navigating, trying to continue thinking about our work and the obligations we have as workers for students at the University of Michigan. It is finals week, so the raids happen Wednesdays finals started Thursday. And also not only continuing the fight for pre Palestine, but also making sure our comrades are okay and that they’re safe.

Jessie Rubin:

Hi everyone. It’s really nice to meet you Lavinia and Ember, and thank you so much Max for inviting us to be a part of this. My name is Jessie and I’m a PhD candidate at Columbia in the music department and also a rank and file member of Student Workers of Columbia. I guess to start off with the more personal side with my own research, I guess I’m lucky in that my research has not been threatened with funding cuts the same way that embers has been, and I can’t imagine what you’re going through right now. Ember much love and solidarity to you, but my research does engage Palestine. I researched the Palestine Solidarity movement in Ireland and this past year has definitely been a whirlwind of being scared that I could get in trouble even for just talking about my own research on campus, scared that if I share my research with my students, that might be grounds for discipline.

So it’s definitely been this large existential fight of trying to write my dissertation and write it well while also feeling like Columbia doesn’t want me to be doing the dissertation that I am doing. At the same time, I’ve been really invigorated and motivated through working with my fellow union members. I’m a member of our communications committee, which has obviously taken off a ton in the past few months with social media, internal communications and press, and figuring out how we as a union can sort of express our demands to a broader audience in America and around the globe. I’m also a member of our political education and solidarity committee, and that has been really moving, I mean really exciting to see how different members of our community and also the broader union work with other groups on campus through mutual aid efforts, through actions, through all sorts of activity to fight against this attack on higher ed. And lastly, I also joined our Palestine working group last year. Our union passed a BDS resolution, which then sort of necessitated the formation of our working group. And our working group has been working to think about what Palestine might look like in our upcoming bargaining. We are just entering bargaining and Conlin who’s here with us today can probably talk more about what that’s been looking like as they’re a member of our bargaining team.

Maximillian Alvarez:

And it should also be remembered from listeners from our previous episode with members of Student workers of Columbia. Don’t forget that the university expelled and functionally fired Grant Minor, the former president of Student Workers of Columbia, right before bargaining sessions opened with the university.

Conlan Olson:

Yeah, that’s right. This is Conlin. Like Jesse said, I’m a member of the bargaining committee at Student Workers of Columbia. I’m also a PhD student in computer science. I study algorithmic fairness and data privacy, which are sort of terrifyingly relevant right now. And in addition to our current contract campaign, just on a day-to-day organizing level, and we’re all really trying hard to build the left and build the labor movement among tech workers and STEM workers, which is an uphill battle, but I think is really important work. And I think there is a lot of potential for solidarity and labor power in those areas, even if at Columbia right now they feel under organized.

And in our contract campaign, we are currently, we have contract articles ready. We have a comprehensive health and safety article that includes protections for international students. We have articles about keeping federal law enforcement off our campus. And of course we have all the usual articles that you would see in a union contract. We have a non-discrimination and harassment article that provides real recourse in a way that we don’t have right now. And so we are ready to bargain and we have our unit standing behind us and the university really has refused to meet us in good faith. As Max said, they’ve fired our president and then we still brought our president because he’s still our president to bargaining. And the next time we went to schedule a bargaining session, they declared him persona non grata from campus. And so we said, well, we can’t meet you on campus because we need our president. Here’s a zoom link. And Columbia, of course refused to show up on Zoom. So we are frustrated. We are ready to bargain. We have the power, we have the contract articles and the universities refusing to meet us. So we are building a powerful campaign to ask them to meet us and to try to get them to the table and work on reaching a fair contract for all of our workers. Yeah, I think that’s most of my day-to-day these days is working on our contract campaign.

Maximillian Alvarez:

I just want to say speaking only for myself and full disclosure, I am a former GEO member at the University of Michigan. I got my PhDs there as well, and I remember after already leaving the university to come work at the Chronicle of Higher Education, but I was still a BD, meaning I hadn’t fully finished my dissertation and defended it. Then COD hit in 2020 and our university was doing the same thing of amidst this chaotic nightmare that we were all living through. My professors and administrators were saying, Hey, finish that dissertation. And I think I rightly said, I rightly expressed what many of us were feeling, which was, Hey man, I’ve earned that goddamn thing at this point. Just give me the degree. I can’t imagine how y’all are still trying to write and defend your dissertations amidst these funding cuts amidst when the future of higher education itself is in doubt. So I would just say for myself and for no one else, just give PhD candidates their goddamn doctorates at this point, man, what are you doing? But anyway, ember Lavinia, I want to go to y’all and ask if you could help us break down the FBI and police raids out there in Ann Arbor Ypsilanti all around the University of Michigan. Can you tell us more about what happened, how the people who were detained are doing, how folks on campus are responding and just where the hell things stand now?

Ember McCoy:

And you did a really thorough job covering the timeline of what happened on Wednesday morning. So on Wednesday between six and 9:00 AM the FBI, along with Michigan State police and local police officers in the three different cities and University of Michigan police conducted a coordinated raid in unmarked vehicles at the home of homes of multiple University of Michigan pro-Palestine activists. And I think that’s very important to name because the attorney general who a democrat who signed these warrants that have no probable cause is saying that in their press release that the raids don’t have anything to do with University of Michigan campus activism, and they don’t have anything to do with the encampments, but the people whose home berated are prominent pro-Palestine activists at the University of Michigan. So trying to say those things aren’t connected is not at all, and there’s no charges, right? There’s no charges that has happened for these folks whose homes have been rated. And so it’s just a crazy situation to say the least. I would say people are doing as well as they can be. Some of their immediate thoughts were like, I need to figure out my finals and I no longer have my devices or access to my university meme Michigan accounts because of duo two factor authentication.

Yeah. So I mean, I think the organizing of course is still continuing. Another big thing that’s happened. I guess to scale out a little bit, what happened Wednesday is just another thing that has happened in this year long campaign where the Attorney General of Michigan, Dana Nessel, is really targeting University of Michigan activists Ann Arbor activists for pro-Palestine free speech. So as you alluded to, there are 11 people facing felony charges from the Attorney general related to the encampment raid. There’s another four people facing charges as a result of a die-in that we did in the fall. And so that is also all still ongoing and very much a part of this. So there’s almost 40 different activists that they’re targeting across these different attacks. And we actually had Thursday, we had a court date coincidentally for the encampment 11, and it was the intention of it was to file a motion to ask the judge to recuse Dana Nessel, the Attorney General.

She has already had to recuse herself from a different case due to perceived Islamic Islamic phobic bias. And she’s a prominent Zionist in the state. And so our argument is kind of like if she’s had to recuse herself from that case, she should also have to recuse herself from this case. They would fall under similar intent. However, when we were at that court case, one of the encampment 11 also was accused of violating his bond. So as a part of their bond, they’re not allowed to be on campus unless for class or for work, though most of them have been fired from their jobs at this point. And he was accused of being, he was surveilled on campus 20 minutes after his class ended and he was walking through and stopped allegedly to say hi to friends. So he was sent to jail for four days right then and there.

The judge and the prosecutor originally said they were trying to put him in jail for 10 days, but they didn’t want him to miss his graduation and wax poetic about how they didn’t want his parents to have to miss his graduation. So instead, they sent him to jail for four days and he got out Sunday morning. And so yeah, it’s been a lot, right? There’s all these different things that are happening, but I think the organizing still continues. People are very mobilized. People are probably more agitated than they were before. And after this, a bunch of us are heading to a rally at Dana Nestle’s office in Lansing. So I would say that it definitely hasn’t curtailed the movement for a free Palestine and the movement for free speech broadly in the state of Michigan. That was long-winded, but lots going on.

Lavinia:

That was such a great summary, Amber. Great. Yeah. I also just want to add that there has been a lot of repression on campus that doesn’t rise to the level of criminal charges or legal actions. Instead, it’s stuff like, for instance, one of my friends was pulled into a disciplinary meeting because he sent a mass email about Palestine or there have been many instances of police deploying pepper spray on campus against protesters. So there’s also just kind of this general climate of fear, which is reinforced in many different contexts on campus, specifically surrounding Palestine.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Well, and Conlin. Jesse, I wanted to bring you in here because as we discussed in the recent episode with two other members of your union, Trump’s administration really set the template for this broader assault on higher ed by first going after Columbia. So what is your message to workers and students on other campuses like Michigan who are facing similar attacks? What can we learn from Columbia that may help people at other universities be better prepared for what’s coming?

Jessie Rubin:

Great question. First and foremost, I would say the biggest takeaway is that we help us. It’s us who take care of each other. We can’t expect the university or the administration to protect the most vulnerable among us to protect our international students, to protect our research. It’s us who has to create the infrastructure to keep us safe. For example, it was the union that provided the most robust know your rights trainings and detailed information to support international students on our campus. While the university has pretty much stayed silent and offered completely hollow support, I mean, we saw this with our fellow union member, Ron Boston, who had her visa revoked for totally no reason at all, and the university immediately dis-enrolled her from her program and from her housing. So it’s really clear that the university does not have our safety as a top priority. And if anything, I mean the university’s response to the Trump administration has made it clear that they’re not just capitulating, but they are active collaborators. And I would say that we can expect the same from other universities. And through their collaboration with the Trump administration, through their appeasement, we haven’t gotten anything. Columbia has gone above and beyond here, and even still our programs are getting hit with funding cuts and this continued federal overreach.

Conlan Olson:

And I think this lesson that appeasement gets us, nothing also has a parallel lesson for activists. So as a union, as activists, we can’t just sit this tight or wait this out, we can’t stay quiet in order to survive. And I really feel that if we start appeasing or hedging our bets, we’re going to lose our values and just get beat one step at a time. And this is why our union has really not backed down from fighting for Ranjani, why we’ve not backed down from fighting for a grant minor. And it’s why we’re fighting for such a strong contract with really unprecedented articles to protect non-citizens, to keep cops off our campus, to provide for parents to ensure financial transparency and justice in Columbia’s financial investments. And of course, to get paid a living wage. I think as a union, we could have backed down or softened our position, but I really think this would’ve meant losing before we even start.

We are labor unionists. We are people fighting for justice. If we start backing off, we’re just going to get beat one step at a time. And I do think that our activism is starting to work. So yesterday, Columbia, for the first time named Mah Halil and most of madi for the first time in public communications, and they offered slightly more support for non-citizens. And so to be clear, it’s still absolutely ridiculous that they’re not doing more and really despicable that they’re only now naming those people by name. But we are starting to see the needle moved because of activist campaigns by our union, both to pressure the university and to just provide, as Jesse said, know your rights training and outreach to students on our campus.

Maximillian Alvarez:

And Ember, Lavinia, I wanted to bring you all back in as well and ask if you had any kind of thoughts or messages to folks at Columbia or people on other campuses right now. I mean, of course this looks differently depending on what state people are in and what university they’re at. But I guess for folks out there who are listening to this and preparing for what may happen on their campuses, did you have any sort of messages you wanted to let folks know?

Lavinia:

Yeah, so I kind of want to echo Jesse’s point that really we keep us safe. Many of these university administrations I think historically are intransigent in their negotiations with students. So for instance, with go, we had a 2022 to 2023 bargaining cycle where the university didn’t really budget all. And I think that in some way sort of set the precedent for what’s happening now, but I think we know in general, sort of the incentive structures for these academic institutions are really not set up to support what protects grad workers or students or really people who are just in the community. So that’s why things like safety planning or for instance within NGEO, we have an immigration hotline, those sort of community infrastructures are so important. So I just really want to advocate for thinking about how you as a community can support each other, especially in the face of new or more exaggerated threats from the government and the university.

Ember McCoy:

And if I could just add quickly too, I think one, I want to name that part of the reason we were so prepared this week is because we are following the footsteps of Columbia and our Columbia comrades. We’ve been able to do similar safety planning and set up these hotlines because we witnessed first the horrors that happened to you all. And I think that’s really important to be able to directly connect with you all which we had been previously, and to help other people do the same. And as Livinia mentioned, the reason we knew the raids were happening at 6:00 AM on Wednesday is because one of the people called our hotline called our ice hotline and our ICE hotline as Jail support hotline and we’re able to get people out because that’s an infrastructure that they knew about to try to suddenly get people’s attention.

And another one of the homes we knew they were being rated because we have a group in collaboration with community partners where there’s an ice watch group and people put in the group chat that there was FBI staging nearby, and then they watched people raid someone’s homes. And that brought out tons of people immediately to the scene. And so those infrastructures, many of them were actually for ice, and there was not ice in collaboration in the FBI raid. But I think it’s really important how those infrastructures which build off each other originally were able to protect us and us safe on Wednesday.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Gang, I wanted to sort of talk about the signs of life that we’re seeing. And y’all mentioned some on your campuses, like amidst all of this darkness and repression, and as I mentioned in the introduction, a lot of folks around the country, a lot of folks that I’ve talked to in higher ed have been really galvanized by seeing the news that Harvard of all places is fighting Donald Trump’s attacks. It may not be perfect, but it’s something right. And I wanted to ask if there are more efforts that you’re seeing on your campus or other campuses that are giving you hope right now?

Conlan Olson:

I just want to say, so I happen to be a Harvard alum also, and I don’t want to be too down here, but I think that the way that we should think about Harvard’s efforts are really what Max called them, which is just a sign of life. I don’t have that much faith in our institutions. I appreciate the Big 10 movement and that we need a diversity of tactics here. But we should also keep in mind that yesterday Harvard renamed its diversity office and cut all of its affinity graduation celebrations in response to pressure from the federal government. Harvard remains invested in Israeli genocide and continues to suppress student protest. They fired the leadership of the Center for Middle East Studies last month. And so while I appreciate this sort of sign of life, I really feel that our institutions are not going to save us.

And so these days looking for inspiration, I’m far more inspired by activist movements by students, staff, professors, community members. So for example, yesterday just the same day that Harvard canceled these affinity graduation celebrations, students responded committing to holding their own, and we’re still seeing student protests, we’re seeing increasing faculty support for student protests, which is really important to me. We’re seeing mutual aid projects. We’re seeing legal movements to fight against visa ramifications. And so I think these places really from the ground up and from activism by the people at these universities are much more the things that are inspiring me these days.

Jessie Rubin:

I completely agree with Conland that it’s been so heartwarming to see the power of student movements, the power of working people movements on our campuses. It’s been heartwarming to see encampments starting to pop up again around the country even though the stakes are much higher than they’ve been than ever. Students are putting their bodies on the line, they’re risking expulsion, they’re risking arrest, they’re risking physical injury. And it’s really clear that no matter how hard our administrations try to stamp out dissent, including by expelling core organizers, that students keep coming out in and greater force and developing new tools to keep each other safe. And we see that this student pressure works. Just a few days ago, MIT was forced to cut ties with Elbit systems after a targeted campaign by a BDS group on campus. EL I is an Israeli arms company and has been a target in many BDS campaigns across the globe.

Ember McCoy:

Yeah, one thing I similarly, I similarly don’t want to be a downer, but one thing I think for us that’s been really present on my mind at least this week is the importance of also making connections between not just what the Trump administration is doing to facilitate the targeting of pro-Palestine activists, but what Democrat elected officials are doing in the state of Michigan to help support that. Dana Nessel, who is our attorney general is there’s all these articles and things and she’s coming out being like, oh, she’s a big anti-Trump democrat. She’s taking an aggressive approach to these ICE and these lawsuits. But at the same time, she sent Trump’s FBI to our houses on Wednesday, and she’s continuing to prosecute our free speech in a way that is really important to connect the criminalization of international students or international community members who are then that platform is then going to be able to be used, potentially could be used to by Trump’s administration.

And so there’s all these really important connections that I think need to be made. And for me, obviously what the Trump administration is doing is horrible, but it’s also really, really important that to name that this did not start or end with the Trump administration and it’s being actively facilitated by democratic elected officials across the United States. But I think one thing that’s a bright spot is I do think that activists at the University of Michigan and in our community are doing a really good job of trying to name that and to have really concrete political education for our community members. And I’m really inspired by the ways in which our community showed up for us on Wednesday and the rest of the week and the ways in which people were able to galvanize around us and act quickly and kind of test our infrastructures as successful in that way.

Lavinia:

Yeah, I think the threats to academic freedom through things like grant withholding or threatening DEI offices or what have you, are I think waking up faculty in particular to sort the broader power structures which govern universities. And those power structures frequently don’t include faculty. So a lot of them are, I think being, I wouldn’t say radicalized, but awakened to the kind of undemocratic nature of these institutions and specifically how they can threaten their students. I mean, I know especially as PhD students, we do tend to work closely with a lot of faculty. And I think there is sort of an inspiring change happening there as well.

Ember McCoy:

One additional thing about Harvard is I would say I agree with everything Conlin said, and the University of Michigan has the largest public endowment in the country. We now have a 20 billion endowment. It’s $3 billion more than it was in 2023 when we were doing our strike. And part of I think why Harvard is able to make the statement so that they can around resisting Trump’s funding is because they have the resources to do so, and a lot of institutions do not. University of Michigan is one that absolutely does. And so I do think it helps us try to leverage that argument that what is the 20 billion endowment for if it’s not for right now, why are we just immediately bending the knee to the Trump administration, especially on a campus that is known to have a long legacy of anti-war divestment and all of these other really important things.

And two weeks ago, I think it was time is nothing right now, but we got an email from President Ono saying that the NIH is requiring that institutions who get grants from the NIH certify that they don’t have diversity, equity and inclusion programs. And this was a new thing, do not have BDS campaigns, that they’re not divesting from Israel, which is not only obviously one of the main demands of the TER Coalition, but has also been a demand that students on campus that geo has taken stand for decades for over 20 years at the University of Michigan. And so seeing that all being facilitated is really, really scary, and I think it’s really frustrating that the University of Michigan administration is doing what they’re doing. So I think for me, there’s just a little teeny glimmer of hope to be able to use that as leverage more than anything.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Well, and as we’ve mentioned on this call and in previous episodes, I mean the Trump administration is using multiple things to justify these attacks, including the notion that universities are just overrun with woke ideology embodied in diversity, equity and inclusion programs, trans student athletes participating in sports. But really the tip of this authoritarian spear has been the charge that this administration is protecting campuses from a scourge of antisemitism that is rampant across institutions of higher education around the country. And of course, like plenty of university administrations have gone along with that framing and have even adopted policies that accept the premise that criticism of the state of Israel and the political ideology of Zionism is tantamount to anti-Semitism, including Harvard. And so I wanted to just ask y’all, if you had a chance to talk to people out there who are buying this, what is the reality on campuses? Are they overrun with antisemitism and wokeness the way people are being told? What do you want people to know about the reality on campus versus what they’re hearing from the White House and on Fox News and stuff?

Jessie Rubin:

Yeah, I mean, I can start by answering as an anti-Zionist Jew, I would say that the schools are of course not overrun by antisemitism, but instead we’re seeing growing mass movements that are anti genocide movements, that are Palestine liberation movements, and that is by no means antisemitic. And on top of that, these new definitions of antisemitism that are getting adopted on campuses actually make me feel less safe. They completely invalidate my identity as an anti-Zionist Jew and say that my religion or my culture is somehow at odds with my politics.

Ember McCoy:

I mean, I would just echo what Jesse said. I think that’s something we’re definitely being accused of, right at the University of Michigan, like you said, the elected officials are Zionists, right? And so they’re weaponizing this argument of antisemitism on campus and while also persecuting and charging anti-Zionist Jews with felony charges for speaking out for pro-Palestine. I think for those listening really all, it seems so simple, but I feel like it’s just you have to really listen to the people who are part of these movements and look as who’s a part of it. Because I think, as Jesse said, it’s really an intergenerational interfaith group that have shared politics. And it’s really important to understand that distinction between antisemitism and anti-Zionism that is being inflated in really, really terrifying ways.

Conlan Olson:

And I would just say the encampments, especially last spring and now again this spring and student movements really community spaces and spaces where people are taking care of each other, and that is what it feels like being in campus activism these days. I feel cared for by my comrades and the people I organize with. And I think that when we say solidarity, it’s not just a political statement, it’s also something that we really feel. And so yeah, I would invite people worried about antisemitism or other divisive ideologies on college campuses to just listen to the students who feel cared for and who are doing the work to care for each other.

Lavinia:

Yeah, I think one thing that was really wonderful, at least about the encampment at U of M is that there were lots of people who I think did have this misconception that there was some relationship between anti-Zionism and antisemitism, and then upon visiting the encampment and seeing the kind of solidarity that was being displayed there, they sort of potentially were a bit disabused of that notion. Unfortunately, I think that’s part of why the encampments in particular were so threatening to university administrations and Zionist officials, et cetera.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Now, Lavinia, Ember, Jesse Conlin, there’s so much more that we could talk about here. But with the final minutes that I have, I wanted to focus in on the fact that y’all are unions and union members, and this is a show about and for workers. And I wanted to round things off by sort of talking about what role unions and collective labor power have to play in this terrifying moment. How can graduate student unions like yours and other unions like faculty unions and unions representing staff workers on campuses, what can labor organizations do to work together to fight this?

Jessie Rubin:

Sure. Thank you for your question. The first thing that I want to say is as workers, the most powerful tool that we have is our labor, and we have the power to withhold labor. We have to remember that we’re not just bystanders who the Trump administration can cross with no consequences. Graduate students, we produce their research that saves lives in human health. We write books that shape American life and we invent the things that America is so proud of. We also teach undergraduates, the university would just simply not run without its graduate students. So a strike poses a threat that simply cannot be ignored.

Conlan Olson:

And in addition to our work in higher education, the whole point is that we believe in solidarity, and that includes solidarity across sectors and across borders. And of course, mobilizing in this way is a huge task, but we’re seeing really inspiring work. For example, UIW Labor for Palestine is a coalition of workers in manufacturing to legal services to higher education, all fighting together against investment in Israeli genocide. And so I think that cross sectoral organizing both between grad students and other unions on campuses, but even unions, not on campuses at all, is really important. And I think working to connect people is a huge part of the work that needs to be done now.

Ember McCoy:

So I think we already little mentioned a little bit at the University of Michigan, what we built during our strike and the organizing model and the networks and community that we built at that time has directly supported our pro-Palestine activism and our ICE organizing and the combination of the two through things like safety planning department meetings, and then literally being the institutions that have resources to do things like set up a hotline or to have bodies that are mobilized and already connected to each other. And so a lot of it is, I don’t feel that we’re even reinventing the real wheel right now, right? It’s like unions are this space where this collective organizing and this solidarity and financial and physical and legal resources already exist. And so we should absolutely be leveraging those to protect ourselves and our comrades. And at the University of Michigan, I know this is not the case everywhere, including Columbia, but until two weeks ago anyways, there hadn’t been a unionized staff member who was fired. So while undergrad research assistants were getting hiring bands and being fired from their jobs, they’re not unionized, grad workers were not being fired. And I think a lot of that is in part because we have an incredibly strong contract. And it would’ve been really hard to fire someone who was a graduate teaching instructor last two weeks ago. There was a full-time staff member who was fired for something or for allegedly participating in a protest that happened before she was even hired or applied to the job.

She is a part of our new United Staff University staff United Union. Is that right? Vidia? Did I? Yeah, I think it’s university. Okay. Yeah. So she’s a part of our university staff, United Union. They don’t have a contract yet though. So she is in a position where she has people that can start to try to fight for her, but then they don’t have a contract. And so I think also for workers who are not yet unionized, this is a really critical time to be able to use that type of institution to protect workers because we are seeing it work in many places.

Conlan Olson:

And just to build on that, I think one troubling pattern that we’ve seen recently is people who are nervous to sign a union card because they’re worried about retaliation for being involved with labor organizing. And just to start, I think that fear is totally understandable, and I don’t think it’s silly or invalid, but I also think that we need to remember that people are far safer in a union than they are without a union. And so in addition to our power to withhold labor, we’re also just a group of people who keep each other safe. So we have mutual aid collectives, we run campaigns to defend each other, like the one that we’re running for Rani. And so lying low is just not going to work, especially in this political moment. And so yeah, I really want people to remember that unions keep you safe.

Lavinia:

I think empirically there has been sort of a duality in the organizing conversations that we’re having for GEO as well where people both see how dangerous the situation is right now and want to be involved, but at the same time, especially if they’re not a citizen, they don’t necessarily feel comfortable exposing themselves, I guess. So I think one thing that’s just important in general for unions right now is providing avenues for people who are in that situation to get involved and contribute, even if that’s not necessarily going to the media or speaking out in a very public way.

Maximillian Alvarez:

With the last couple minutes that we have here, I wanted to end on that note and just acknowledge the reality that this podcast is going to be listened to by students, grad students, faculty, non university affiliated folks who are terrified right now, people who are self-censoring, people who are going back in their Facebook feeds and Instagram feeds and deleting past posts because they’re terrified of the government surveilling them and scrubbing them. And people are worried about getting abducted on the street by agents of the state losing their jobs, their livelihoods, their research. This is a very terrifying moment, and the more filled with terror we are, the more immobilized we are and the easier we are to control. So I wanted to ask y’all if you just had any final messages to folks out there on your campus or beyond your campus who are feeling this way, what would you say to them about ways they could get involved in this effort to fight back or any sort of parting messages that you wanted to leave listeners with before we break?

Lavinia:

I think doubt is a wonderful time to plug in. So for people who maybe previously hadn’t been thinking about unions especially as sort of an important part of their lives or thought, oh, the union on my campus is just doing whatever it needs to do, but I don’t necessarily need to have any personal involvement in their activities, I think right now is when we need all hands on deck given the level of political repression that’s happening. And also just to maybe bring in that old Martin Eller quote about first they came for the communist and I did not speak up because I was not a communist, et cetera. I think it’s also just really important to emphasize that I don’t think any of this is going to stop here. And even within the context of pro-Palestine organizing at the university, it is basically escalated in terms of the severity of the legal charges that are being brought. Obviously bringing in the FB is kind of really crazy, et cetera. So I don’t think that this is going to stop here or there’s any reason to assume that if you are not taking action right now, that means that you’re going to be safe ultimately. Yeah,

Ember McCoy:

And I think I would add, like many of us had said in the call, I think it’s very clear that we keep each other safe. The institutions that we’ve built, the organizing communities that we’ve built are very much actively keeping each other safe. And I think we’re seeing that in many different ways. And it’s important to acknowledge that and see that we’re much stronger fighting together as a part of these networks than that we are alone.

Conlan Olson:

I think as a closing thought, I also just want to say I think it’s really essential that we expand our view beyond just higher education. And so let me say why I think that’s true. So people know about Mahmud and Mosen and Ru Mesa, but I also want people to know about Alfredo Juarez, also known as Lelo, who’s a worker and labor organizer with the Independent Farm Workers Union in Washington state. And Lelo was kidnapped by ice from his car on his way to work in the tulip fields about a month ago. He’s an incredibly powerful labor organizer. He’s known especially for his ability to organize his fellow indigenous mixed deco speaking workers, and he was targeted by the state for this organizing. I think it’s important to keep this in mind and to learn from campaigns that are going on elsewhere and also to contribute to them.

And also I want people to remember that it’s not all dark. And so one story that was really inspiring to me recently was that in early April, a mother and her three young children living in a small town on the shore of Lake Ontario and upstate New York were taken by ice. And in response, the town, which keep in mind is a predominantly Republican voting town, turned out a thousand out of 1300 people in the town to a rally, and the family’s free now. And so we’re all labor organizers. Turning out a thousand out of 1300 people is some seriously impressive organizing. And I think learning from these lessons and keeping these victories in mind is really important. Not only as just an intellectual exercise, but also solidarity is something that we do every day. So it’s for example, why we fight for divestment from genocide. It’s why we do mutual aid. It’s why we engage with the neighborhoods that our universities are in. It’s why we don’t just defend our comrades who are highly educated, who have high earning potential, but we also defend our comrades who are taken, whose names we don’t even know yet. And so I just think expanding our view beyond just higher education is both a source of wisdom and something that we can learn from and also a source of hope for me

Jessie Rubin:

Really beautifully said Conlin. And I just want to add that expanding our view beyond higher education also includes the communities that our campuses reside on. I mean, I’m coming from a Columbia perspective where my university is consistently displacing people in Harlem who have been there for decades in this project of expanding Columbia’s campus continues to this day, and it’s something that we must fight back against. It’s really important that we protect our neighbors, not just on campus but also off campus. It’s important that we get to know our neighbors, that we are truly fully members of our greater community.

Ember McCoy:

If folks listening are interested in supporting us here at the University of Michigan, and I hope our Columbia colleagues can do the same, we have a legal slash mutual aid fund for our comrades who are facing charges and who are rated by the FBI. It is Bitly, BIT ly slash legal fund, and that is all lowercase, which matters. And we’re also happy to take solidarity statements and Columbia SWC did a great one for us and we’re happy to do the same. Thank you.

Maximillian Alvarez:

All right, gang, that’s going to wrap things up for us this week. Once again, I want to thank our guests, Ember McCoy and Lavinia from the University of Michigan Graduate Employees Organization and Jessie Rubin and Conlan Olson from Student Workers of Columbia University. And I want to thank you all for listening, and I want to thank you for caring. We’ll see you all back here next week for another episode of Working People. And if you can’t wait that long, then go explore all the great work we’re doing at the Real News Network where we do grassroots journalism that lifts up the voices and stories from the front lines of struggle. Sign up for the Real News Newsletter so you never miss a story and help us do more work like this by going to the real news.com/donate and becoming a supporter today. I promise you it really makes a difference. I’m Maximillian Alvarez. Take care of yourselves. Take care of each other. Solidarity forever.


This content originally appeared on The Real News Network and was authored by Maximillian Alvarez.

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Amid Dutton’s ‘hate media’ and Trump’s despotism, press freedom is more vital than ever https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/30/amid-duttons-hate-media-and-trumps-despotism-press-freedom-is-more-vital-than-ever/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/30/amid-duttons-hate-media-and-trumps-despotism-press-freedom-is-more-vital-than-ever/#respond Wed, 30 Apr 2025 09:00:45 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=113838 COMMENTARY: By Alexandra Wake

Despite all the political machinations and hate towards the media coming from the president of the United States, I always thought the majority of Australian politicians supported the role of the press in safeguarding democracy.

And I certainly did not expect Peter Dutton — amid an election campaign, one with citizens heading to the polls on World Press Freedom Day — to come out swinging at the ABC and Guardian Australia, telling his followers to ignore “the hate media”.

I’m not saying Labor is likely to be the great saviour of the free press either.

The ALP has been slow to act on a range of important press freedom issues, including continuing to charge journalism students upwards of $50,000 for the privilege of learning at university how to be a decent watchdog for society.

Labor has increased, slightly, funding for the ABC, and has tried to continue with the Coalition’s plans to force the big tech platforms to pay for news. But that is not enough.

The World Press Freedom Index has been telling us for some time that Australia’s press is in a perilous state. Last year, Australia dropped to 39th out of 190 countries because of what Reporters Without Borders said was a “hyperconcentration of the media combined with growing pressure from the authorities”.

We should know on election day if we’ve fallen even further.

What is happening in America is having a profound impact on journalism (and by extension journalism education) in Australia.

‘Friendly’ influencers
We’ve seen both parties subtly start to sideline the mainstream media by going to “friendly” influencers and podcasters, and avoid the harder questions that come from journalists whose job it is to read and understand the policies being presented.

What Australia really needs — on top of stable and guaranteed funding for independent and reliable public interest journalism, including the ABC and SBS — is a Media Freedom Act.

My colleague Professor Peter Greste has spent years working on the details of such an act, one that would give media in Australia the protection lacking from not having a Bill of Rights safeguarding media and free speech. So far, neither side of government has signed up to publicly support it.

Australia also needs an accompanying Journalism Australia organisation, where ethical and trained journalists committed to the job of watchdog journalism can distinguish themselves from individuals on YouTube and TikTok who may be pushing their own agendas and who aren’t held to the same journalistic code of ethics and standards.

I’m not going to argue that all parts of the Australian news media are working impartially in the best interests of ordinary people. But the good journalists who are need help.

The continuing underfunding of our national broadcasters needs to be resolved. University fees for journalism degrees need to be cut, in recognition of the value of the profession to the fabric of Australian society. We need regulations to force news organisations to disclose when they are using AI to do the job of journalists and broadcasters without human oversight.

And we need more funding for critical news literacy education, not just for school kids but also for adults.

Critical need for public interest journalism
There has never been a more critical need to support public interest journalism. We have all watched in horror as Donald Trump has denied wire services access for minor issues, such as failing to comply with an ungazetted decision to rename the Gulf of Mexico to the Gulf of America.

And mere days ago, 60 Minutes chief Bill Owens resigned citing encroachments on his journalistic independence due to pressure from the president.

The Committee to Protect Journalists is so concerned about what’s occurring in America that it has issued a travel advisory for journalists travelling to the US, citing risks under Trump administration policies.

Those of us who cover politically sensitive issues that the US administration may view as critical or hostile may be stopped and questioned by border agents. That can extend to cardigan-wearing academics attending conferences.

While we don’t have the latest Australian figures from the annual Reuters survey, a new Pew Research Centre study shows a growing gap between how much Americans say they value press freedom and how free they think the press actually is. Two-thirds of Americans believe press freedom is critical. But only a third believe the media is truly free to do its job.

If the press isn’t free in the US (where it is guaranteed in their constitution), how are we in Australia expected to be able to keep the powerful honest?

Every single day, journalists put their lives on the line for journalism. It’s not always as dramatic as those who are covering the ongoing conflict in the Middle East, but those in the media in Australia still front up and do the job across a range of news organisations in some fairly poor conditions.

If you care about democracy at all this election, then please consider wisely who you vote for, and perhaps ask their views on supporting press freedom — which is your right to know.

Alexandra Wake is an associate professor in journalism at RMIT University. She came to the academy after a long career as a journalist and broadcaster. She has worked in Australia, Ireland, the Middle East and across the Asia Pacific. Her research, teaching and practice sits at the nexus of journalism practice, journalism education, equality, diversity and mental health.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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A Place to Learn Your Place: Education and Racial Capitalism https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/29/a-place-to-learn-your-place-education-and-racial-capitalism/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/29/a-place-to-learn-your-place-education-and-racial-capitalism/#respond Tue, 29 Apr 2025 17:19:54 +0000 https://progressive.org/magazine/a-place-to-learn-your-place-education-and-racial-capitalism-ewing-20250429/
This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Eve L. Ewing.

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Reaffirming Higher Education as a Public Good https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/29/reaffirming-higher-education-as-a-public-good/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/29/reaffirming-higher-education-as-a-public-good/#respond Tue, 29 Apr 2025 16:48:03 +0000 https://progressive.org/public-schools-advocate/reaffirming-higher-education-as-a-public-good-bader-20250429/
This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Eleanor J. Bader.

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‘Worse’ than McCarthyism: Trump’s war on higher education, free speech, and political dissent https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/28/worse-than-mccarthyism-trumps-war-on-higher-education-free-speech-and-political-dissent/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/28/worse-than-mccarthyism-trumps-war-on-higher-education-free-speech-and-political-dissent/#respond Mon, 28 Apr 2025 20:02:43 +0000 https://therealnews.com/?p=333790 People rally and march in support of universities and education on April 17, 2025 in New York City. Photo by Spencer Platt/Getty ImagesWe asked three leading scholars of McCarthyism and political repression in the US how Donald Trump’s war on higher education, free speech, and political dissent compares to the 1950s anti-Communist Red Scare. “It’s worse” and “much broader,” they say.]]> People rally and march in support of universities and education on April 17, 2025 in New York City. Photo by Spencer Platt/Getty Images

A dystopian reality has gripped America’s colleges and universities: ICE agents are snatching and disappearing international students in broad daylight; student visas are being revoked en masse overnight; funding cuts and freezes are upending countless careers and our entire public research infrastructure; students are being expelled and faculty fired for speaking out against Israel’s US-backed genocidal war on Gaza and ethnic cleansing of Palestinians. An all-out assault on higher ed and the people who live, learn, and work there is being led by the federal government and aided by law enforcement, internet vigilantes, and even university administrators. Today’s climate of repression recalls that of McCarthyism and the height of the anti-communist Red Scare in the 1950s, but leading scholars of McCarthyism and political repression say that the attacks on higher education, free speech, and political repression we’re seeing today are “worse” and “much broader.”

In this installment of The Real News Network podcast, TRNN Editor-in-Chief Maximillian Alvarez speaks with a panel of scholars about the Trump administration’s authoritarian war on higher education in America, the historical roots of the attacks we’re seeing play out today, and what lessons we can draw from history about how to fight them. Panelists include:

Studio Production: David Hebden
Audio Post-Production: Jules Taylor


Transcript

The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Welcome everyone to the Real News Network podcast. My name is Maximillian Alvarez. I’m the editor in chief here at The Real News and it’s so great to have you all with us. Higher education looks very different today than it did when I was a graduate student at the University of Michigan and then an editor at the Chronicle of Higher Education during the first Trump administration just a few short years ago. As you have heard from the harrowing interviews that we’ve published at the Real News interviews with faculty members, graduate students and union representatives, a dystopian reality has gripped America’s colleges and universities under the second Trump administration fear of ice agents snatching and disappearing international students in broad daylight student visas revoked on mass overnight funding cuts that have upended countless careers and our entire public research infrastructure, self-censorship online and in the classroom, students expelled and faculty fired for speaking out against Israel’s US backed genocidal war on Gaza and ethnic cleansing of Palestinians, an all out assault on higher ed and the people who live, learn, and work there is being led by the federal government and aided by police, internet vigilantes and even university administrators.

Now, when you go digging into the darker parts of American history to find comparisons to the bleak situation we find ourselves in now, one of the obvious periods that stands out is that of McCarthyism and the height of the anti-communist red scare in the 1950s. In her canonical book, no Ivory Tower McCarthyism and the universities historian Ellen Schreker writes the following, the academy’s enforcement of McCarthyism had silenced an entire generation of radical intellectuals and snuffed out all meaningful opposition to the official version of the Cold War. When by the late fifties the hearings and dismissals tapered off. It was not because they encountered resistance, but because they were no longer necessary, all was quiet on the academic front. In another era, perhaps Schreker also writes, the academy might not have cooperated so readily, but the 1950s was the period when the nation’s, colleges and universities were becoming increasingly dependent upon and responsive toward the federal government, the academic communities collaboration with McCarthyism was part of that process.

My friends, we now find ourselves in another era and we are going to find out if colleges and universities will take the path they didn’t travel in the 1950s or if we’re going to continue down the horrifying path that we are currently on. Today we’re going to talk about the Trump administration’s authoritarian war on an effort to remake higher education in America, the historical roots of the attacks that we’re seeing play out today and what lessons we can draw from history about how to fight it to help us navigate this hairy terrain. I am truly honored to be joined by three esteemed guests. First, we are joined by Ellen Schreker herself. Professor Schreker is a historian and author who has written extensively about McCarthyism and American Higher Education, and she’s a member of the American Association of University Professors National Committee on Academic Freedom and Tenure.

She’s the author of numerous irreplaceable books including her most recent work, which she co-edited called The Right to Learn, resisting the Right Wing Attack on Academic Freedom and other Titles Like The Lost Promise American Universities in the 1960s, no Ivory Tower McCarthyism and the Universities, and many are the Crimes McCarthyism in America. We are also joined by Professor David Plumal Liu Louise Hewlett Nixon professor in comparative literature at Stanford University. David is the author of several books including his most recent one, speaking out of Place, getting Our Political Voices Back. He is also the host of the podcast speaking out of place which everyone should listen to. And lastly, we are joined by Professor Alan Walt. Alan is an editor of Against the Current and Science and Society. He’s the h Chandler Davis Collegiate Professor Emeritus of English Literature and American Culture at the University of Michigan.

Wald is the author of a vital trilogy of books from the University of North Carolina press about writers and communism in the United States, and he serves as a member of the Academic Council of Jewish Voice for Peace and full disclosure here, I myself am a former student of Allen’s, but he really kicked my butt in grad school, so trust me when I say I don’t think you guys have to worry about any special treatment here. David Ellen Allen, thank you all so much for joining us today on The Real News Network. I truly appreciate it and I wanted to just kind of dive right in and ask if we could go around the table and start where we are here and now from your vantage points, how would you describe and assess what’s happening to higher education in America right now? Would you describe this as fascism, McCarthyism, an authoritarian takeover or something else? And does it even matter what we call it at this point?

Ellen Schrecker:

We can call it all of the above and then some or as my favorite sign at the first really big demonstration I was at I guess about two weeks ago, make dystopia fiction again. That’s where we are, and I used to get all sort of into, was it McCarthyism? Of course, it’s not just one man, it’s not even just Trump, although he seems to have a sort of lock on authoritarianism of a certain what shall we say, manic type. But it’s the difference between what I’ve been studying for the past 40 years, I guess if not longer, is that now everything is at play during the McCarthy period, and I do use the term McCarthyism just because it’s sort of specifically located in the anti-communist red scare of the Early Cold War. We could call it the home front of the Cold War if you wanted, just focused on individual communists, their past, their refusal to collaborate with that iteration of political oppression. And today it’s much broader. What the Trump administration is doing is focusing completely on everything that has to do with higher education as well as pretty much everything that has to do with everything else. I mean, this administration is worse than anything I’ve ever seen as a historian or studied. The closest that it comes to really is the rollback of the Civil War, the rollback against reconstruction when people were being shot by the dozens, and we haven’t gotten that blood thirsty, but I’m scared to death.

Alan Wald:

There are two points that I want to make. First of all, as Ellen very effectively pointed out, we’re now in this kind of broad spectrum crisis every single day, everything’s happening all at once. It’s hard to get a fix on what the most important thing to me from my perspective and my experience, you can’t lose sight of what precipitated the current situation. Would it begin, and I referred to it as the antisemitism scare. It’s an obvious comparison to the red skin, but there’s a pretext for what’s going on today, and that started several a while back like October, 2023. That’s when the real assault on student rights and academic freedom began and was started under the Biden Harris administration that is Democrats as well as Republicans. They targeted pro-Palestinian speech in action with this exaggerated claim. They were claiming that there was an epidemic of antisemitism rampant on the campuses.

You hear those two terms over and over epidemic rampant, and they said it was an epidemic that was endangering the safety of Jewish students. Of course, Jewish students were in the vanguard. Now we’re not talking about a small number of real anti-Semitic acts. Those could have occurred if there were real anti-Semitic acts I’m against. I want to oppose ’em if we can accurately identify them. But what was happening was this kind of bonkers exaggeration, a conflation of militant anti-Israel and anti-Zionist critique, which it can be vulgar or sometimes simplistic and sometimes not very helpful, but it’s not antisemitism. And it became a kind of smokescreen anti antisemitism now that Trump administration is using to attack all these other things because it worked. I mean, for a while they were trying to use critical race theory and so on, but this antisemitism and for various reasons we can discuss that was a better smear.

Now the other question you raised that I’ll try to tackle briefly is just this, is it fascism? I’ve been in study groups where we go back and forth about this. Are we talking about fascism as a rigorous theoretical economic concept or is this fascism thing and a rhetorical advice because we want to sound the alarm or is it just an epithet? Everybody’s a fascist. Reagan was a fascist, Johnson was a Goldwater, everybody. And what does it mean if you call somebody a fascist? What does that imply in terms of your action? Joe Biden did not do any great favors when he called Trump a fascist. Then he smiles and hands the guy, the keys to the White House. Is that what you do when there’s real fascism? Some people would say that that kind of obscures the situation. So we have to be careful about these terms.

I don’t think rhetorical overkill will help things. But on the other hand, there is the resemblance to classical fascism and what’s going on in terms of a mass movement right wing, the usurp of political powers and so on. At the same time as I understand that there is a fascist aspect, this, and maybe it’s a kind of new fascism post fascism on the edge of fascism, probably it’s more like or band’s dictatorship over Hungary where he used economic coercion to undermine the universities, undermine the press, undermine everything. But one thing about this fascism cry, if we go back to McCarthyism, and Ellen knows this better than I do, they left and especially the communist movement said that was fascism. They said it was one minute to midnight and the communists, they did what you do when you think it’s fascism. They sent a layer of people underground.

They sent a whole leadership underground because that’s what you do when you’re facing fascism. And it looked bad. 1954, they had executed the Rosenbergs, they had the leadership of the party and a lot of the secondary leadership were in prison. Lots of people were being fired, terrible things were going on. And yet in 1955 in December, in the deep South, which is where things were much worse, the Montgomery bus boycott occurred under fascism supposedly September 19, I mean December, 1955. And in September 57, the Little Rock nine stood up and went to a school and faced down a mob and so on. And in 1960, the sit-in movement began. This is just shortly after we supposedly had fascism, and then of course 1961 of Freedom Rides 1964, the Berkeley free spoof free speech. We know this because some of us, we lived through all that. So if that had really been fascism as people were saying, then why did it disappear in this matter? And it was just a small number of people at first who fought against it. So we have to be careful about using that term fascism. I think it’s good to look at the comparison and gird ourselves, but we shouldn’t get too hysterical and think all us lost start leaving the country like certain professors at Yale have done. We have to gird ourselves through a tough fight. And there are a lot of ways we could wage this fight, which I’m sure we’ll get into in a future discussion.

David Palumbo-Liu:

Yeah, I mean, I would just say in terms of fascism, we think we can all agree to bracket it and refer to it because there are certainly fascistic elements in it. And the classic definition, or one classic definition, I suppose there are lots, a fascism is the collusion of the business in political classes. And you can see that precisely in Steve Bannon and Elon Musk, the intense privatization of everything in education, not just education, but any kind of public good. That’s the primary aim that Musk is driving for. And for Bannon, its immigrants. I mean, it’s a very racialized attack, feeding off America’s pretty natural racism and the attacks on brown and black people. And I’m thinking, I’m here for the list of, I’m here as a substitute, a last minute substitute for Cherise Bird and Stelli, and I urge everybody to read her book Black Scare Red Scare because she puts these two facets together historically beautifully.

But I think that’s this powerful conversions of these two things. And when it comes to universities, the fact that they’re attacking the funding, which is public funding, is emblematic of what we’re up against. And so that’s where I think I would like to respond to the fashion what we’re up against. It is massive. The other thing I would add simply because I’m here in Silicon Valley is techno fascism. We are dealing with an entirely different mediascape. So thank God for the Real News Network. It is all US alternative media. It is an incredibly important instrument in the fight against the mainstream media and Trump’s absolute mastery of playing that. So I think we have to understand the technological changes that have occurred to make the battle both more challenging, but also offer us different kinds of instruments.

Maximillian Alvarez:

I mean, there’s so much to think about in just these opening responses from you all, and I want to dig deeper into the historical roots of this moment. But before I do, I just wanted to go back around the table really quick and ask if you guys could just tell us a little bit about what this looks like from your vantage point. What are you and your colleagues, your students, your former students feeling right now? I mean, David, we had you on during the student encampment movement last year, Alan, I was organizing in Ann Arbor during the last Trump administration. Things have, the vibe has shifted as my generation says. So can you tell us a little bit of just what this all looks like from your sides of the academy right now?

Ellen Schrecker:

I’ve been retired now for, I think it’s 12 years. And so my normal was a campus that is very different from all other campuses in the United States. It’s an orthodox Jewish institution whose sort of cultural, what shall we say, politics is that of the Zionist, right? So I could not do any organizing on my campus, not because I was afraid of being fired or anything like that, but I just never would’ve had any students in my classes. So that was that. But what I’m seeing now is absolutely amazing. It’s the scariest thing I’ve ever seen. I mean, they are really out for blood, but on the same time, the pushback is amazing. During McCarthyism, there was no student activity whatsoever, or if there was, it was secret. And I think there was some, and it was secret. And then all of a sudden the civil rights movement sort of burst into full flower.

And there was a realization, I mean I do agree with Alan on this, that the civil rights movement ended McCarthyism, no question about it. All of a sudden the political establishment had to deal with real problems, not fake communist subversion. So hopefully the moment will shift and people will begin to think about civil liberties and constitutional freedom and free speech just like the good old days of the 1950s. But it’s still very, very scary and it shows you that we are living and have been living longer than we knew with a very powerful state. And I think I’ll leave it there

Alan Wald:

In regard to anti-Zionist activity, it’s kind of an amazing development. I came to University of Michigan in 1975. I was involved then in the Palestine Human Rights Committee, all three of us. And it was a terrible struggle. We couldn’t even get Noam Chomsky permission to speak on the campus when sponsored by departments. We had to use other means and so on. So to see a massive, relatively large anti-Zionist movement is inspiring and it is fed by a new generation of Jews that is unlike my generation. There was a generation of young people who were thoroughly indoctrinated in Zionism after the 67 war throughout the late last century whose eyes were opened mostly by operation cast led and the events in Gaza in the early 20th century. And now they’re angry that they were lied to and they’re kind of the backbone. I mean, of course there are Palestinians and other students involved, but an important element are Jewish students who realized that they were deceived about what’s going on in the Middle East.

So that’s good. There’s also a big upsurge of faculty activism in areas not seen before. As Ellen has documented, the a UP was not very nice during the 1950s. It kind of disappeared. A UP is terrific today. I mean, I dunno might have something to do with the departure of Kerry Nelson, but the new president is wonderful and the chapter here is vital and vibrant. And also the faculty senate at University of Michigan, which was pretty dormant during my time of activist politics, is now playing a terrific role, has a terrific leadership, but it’s not much around Palestine, I have to say. That’s why I’m worried about that issue getting pushed aside. They’re very upset about what happened with DEI, diversity and equity and inclusion here at University of Michigan because just overnight without any real threat from the government, they just dropped it and pretty much forced out the director who’s now moving on to another position.

And so people are upset about that issue and the procedure used and they’re upset about the other threats, although we haven’t actually had the removal of faculty from programs like they did at Harvard’s one. But the Palestine issue is not that central. And some of the things related to it, like the new excessive surveillance, which I guess Maximilian didn’t experience, but there are cameras everywhere now on campus. I mean, you can’t do a thing without being photographed. People are upset about that. Those kinds of issues are mobilizing people, but I am worried about somebody being put under the bus and a compromise being made around Palestine rights and Palestine speech.

David Palumbo-Liu:

I’m going to take the liberty of answering the question in rather a fuller form because I might have to leave. So I want to get some of these points and sort of picks up on what Alan said. But to answer your question directly, max, how is it like at Stanford? Well, the Harvard statement gave everybody a shot of courage and it was great. I fully support it. However, I find it very deficient in all sorts of ways, even while admiring it. I’ll tell you a short anecdote to illustrate what I’m talking about. We had a focus group in the faculty senate and I was sitting next to this person from the med school and she said, well, yes, it’s horrible. Everybody’s talking about their grants being taken away. That’s the real surgeons of a lot of faculty activities. My grants have been taken away, so she said five of my grants were taken away, but two got replaced after I went through this application process.

So maybe that’s the new norm. And I said, well, only in baseball is batting 400 a good thing. And she said, well, I’m in ear, nose, throat, whatever. Thank God I’m not in gynecology or obstetrics. Then I’d really be in my grants. And I said, well, I teach race and ethnicity. What are you going to say about me not even be able to give a class much less? So I said to her, think of this as structural, not particular. It’s a structural attempt to take over, not just the university, but everything public. And that’s something I think we really need to drive home to folks, is that unless we see all these struggles interconnected, and that’s one of the big problems with the university is it’s not that we’re woke, it’s that we’re removed. We are not connected to human beings anymore. We’re connected to our, too much of us and our ones are connected to research.

And Ellen mentioned Jennifer Ruth, who’s a strong ally of mine. The day of action was amazing. This was a national day of action that was put on by the Coalition for Action in Higher Education. And it combined not only labor unions, but K through 12. And it had a vision of what we could do that far exceeded the, I will say it, selfishness of some of our elite colleagues in our elite schools who are just there to keep the money rolling. All they want is to reset the clock before Trump sort of mythical time that things were fine, but it was fine for them. And if they don’t understand exactly what Alan said and what we all think, if we can’t protect the most vulnerable of us, then we are leaving a gaping hole in the structure so that protect all of us. And so we can’t throw Palestinians, immigrants, undocumented folks, queer throat folks to the machine saying, well, we will appease you with these things and this is what happens under fascism. So I really want to encourage people to look, check out khi, check out the new reinvigorated a UP, thank God that it has partnered with a FT. These are the kinds of things that I think, if not save us, at least give us a sense of comradeship that we are doing something together that can be productive at whatever scale.

Maximillian Alvarez:

I want to go back around the table and hopefully we can get back to you, David, before you have to hop off for your next class. But we already started getting into this in the first round of questions, but I wanted to go a bit deeper and ask, when it comes to the state and non-state actors converging to attack the institutions and the very foundations of higher education, what historical precedents would you compare our current moment to, right? I mean, it doesn’t have to just be McCarthyism, but even if it is, what aspects of McCarthyism or what other periods do you want to point listeners to? And also what historical antecedents have laid the groundwork for the current assault on higher ed? So Ellen, let’s start again with you and go back around the table.

Ellen Schrecker:

Okay, well, the main thing about McCarthyism, which is sort of a classic case of collaboration of mainstream institutions with official red baiters at the time, now it’s official, what is it? Defenders of the Jews, thank you very much. It’s that collaboration. McCarthyism did it very cleverly. I don’t think they intended it, but they had sort of McCarthy as their straw man. He was up there, he was a drunk, he was out of control. He was making charges against innocent people. And so they would say, oh, McCarthyism is dreadful. And then fire three tenured professors, and we are seeing that, or we were up until, if you can believe it, Harvard, I have three Harvard degrees. I want you to know, and I thought I loved every minute of it and thought I got such a lousy education. You can’t believe it. But that’s beside the point. That’s not what you go to school for anyhow. You go to school to stay out of the job market as long as you possibly can. But anyhow, what we saw throughout McCarthyism throughout the 1960s, throughout going way back to the beginning of the 20th century, is that your private institutions are collaborating with the forces of what will be called political repression.

Political repression would not succeed in the United States without the collaboration of mainstream establishment institutions, the corporations. I’ve been starting to have bad dreams about Jamie Diamond Dimon the head of Citi Corp that he’s coming after me next and they’re going to close out my credit cards and there I’ll be standing in line in the homeless areas. But what we’re seeing is and have been seeing and is the American form of political repression, is that collaboration between mainstream institutions, including the mainstream media, Hollywood certainly going along with depriving the American population of access to information they need. I mean, that’s one of our functions as a force for resistance is to give people the intellectual ammunition to fight back. And I think everybody else here would probably agree.

Alan Wald:

My view is that in the 20th century there’s always been this collaboration, but it had a lot to do with foreign policy. As I remember the World War I period when they fired professors from Columbia and other colleges is because they were anti-war against the first World war. And during the Little Red Scare, 1939 or 41, it was because of the hit Hitler Stalin pack to the beginning of World War I and so on, which the communists were opposed to US intervention and the allies and so on. Then during the McCarthy period, again, it was reinforcing US foreign policy in the Cold War and during the Vietnam period when professors were fired, Bruce Franklin and other people were persecuted. Again, it was US foreign policy and now today around the assault on Gaza and support of the Israeli state, and again, it’s US foreign policy. So I see that as a very consistent factor and at every stage, community groups, businesses, and eventually the universities found some way to collaborate in a process even in the red skier, which I think is the most obvious comparison.

The government didn’t do the well, government fired it. It had its own subversive investigation in the government, and they fired a lot of people and forced a lot of people to quietly resign. That’s very similar to the situation today. But in terms of the faculty and other places, they counted on the universities to do the firing. They didn’t send many people to jail. They sent Chandler Davis to jail because of the contempt of Congress, but the others were fired by the university and the public schools and businesses blacklisted them and so on. So there was this kind of collaboration that went all the way. And of course they counted on the private sector to jump in certain areas and do their dirty work. All those are red channels. Those were private investigators. That wasn’t the government. The government may have fed them names, but today of course, we have Canary mission and we have other organizations that blacklist people and publicize their names and so on. And of course we have these massive email campaigns against universities having speakers like Maura Stein, if she goes to speak somewhere about being fired, thousands of emails will suddenly appear and they’ll try to cancel or some way change the venue of her speaking and so on. So this kind of pattern of interventions is pretty much consistent and it pretty consistently involves the state working with universities and businesses.

David Palumbo-Liu:

Yeah. Well, I think that you asked be at the beginning where you asked us all what’s going on campuses and what’s really striking a lot of fear of course is ice. And I think back to the Palmer raids, the Palmer raids, which were sort of the beginning of the justice Department acting as criminals and the whole idea of during the red summer, for example, and Max, this whole stop cop city, the Rico case being pressed against the protestors, right? This imaginary notion that they were all conniving together like mafia when the actual mafia is in the White House itself. So I think the whole capture of the Justice Department by the fascist state is what’s going to be one of the most formidable things because, and we’re pressing our universities, there are laws about where ice can go and where not, but they’re turning. They’re not making any public statements.

Some universities are giving sort of surreptitious, covert good legal advice to people who are getting their measles roped. But this is what’s appalling to me. No university leaders are really coming out and saying, no, dad, God damnit, this is illegal. I mean, they’re not speaking truth, and that’s what makes the whole enterprise shaky and vulnerable to assault. The more you push back, the Japanese called it, well with the trade wars, it’s extortion. You don’t pay an extortionist. Columbia tried it and failed miserably, and yet other are lining up saying, well, maybe in our case it’ll be different. And that’s sort of the definition of crazy when you keep on doing the same thing expecting a different result.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Well, and that takes my mind to the antecedent question, right? Because we’ve mentioned the new leadership of the American Association of University professors. I myself just interviewed President Todd Wolfson on our podcast working people, and he talked about this, how the decades long process of corporatization and neoliberal about which you have all written, and Ellen’s written an entire book about this subject, multiple books in fact. But Todd pointed to how that process over the past four decades has contributed to making universities uniquely vulnerable to the kinds of attacks that they’re facing now, which is a bit different from the situation described in Ellen’s book about McCarthyism and higher education that I quoted in the introduction where Ellen, you mentioned that in the fifties this was a period where colleges and universities were becoming more dependent on the federal government, and so they were more vulnerable to the top down like power moves of the federal government at that time. So I just wanted to ask what that looks like now in the year of our Lord 2025 when I ask about antecedents. What are the sort of changes to the very structure of higher education that have led to universities capitulating to the Trump administration, like David was just saying, or not defending their students, not defending academic freedom as vigorously as we would expect them to?

Ellen Schrecker:

Well, we could start with the backlash against the student movement of the sixties, which was orchestrated in large part by certain right wing groups, within groups of billionaires and right-wing think tanks and groups of libertarian, sort of pundit types that are now becoming fairly well known within the academic community before they were operating secretly. Now, they can’t quite keep everything secret because a lot of smart people have been writing about this, and especially the key work here that I always push is Nancy McLean’s book Democracy and Chains, which really sort of chronicles the rise of these right wings, think tanks that are creating scenarios for how you take over a university and destroy it. And also of course, how you take over a legal system and destroy it and how you take over a political system and destroy it often through the use of hundreds of millions of dollars.

I mean, we are talking about very big rich people, many of them, shall we say in the oil industry. I mean, they’re protecting their interests and they’re doing a very good job of that. I have the feeling that Elon Musk just sort of sticks a intravenous needle into the federal Treasury and withdraws however much money he wants. That is always the image I have of how he’s operating. And so the federal government is incredibly important here in a way that it wasn’t in the 1950s, in the 1950s, they were just throwing money at higher education. This is a period that’s been called by many historians, the golden age of American higher education. Well, it was in a certain sense, but they sold their soul at the same time to McCarthyism. So we’re always looking at these amazing contradictions and trying to figure out, okay, what’s their next step?

Rather than thinking about what should be their next step? How do we fight back? How do we can’t go back to a golden age? There was no golden age. Let’s start there and say, how can we get something that is going to support a democratic system of higher education for everybody in America and then go on. We’re not. But unfortunately for the past 40 or 50 years, they’ve just been backpedaling. These higher education establishment has been seeding ground to the forces of ignorance, and now we’re stuck with having to fight back. And luckily we are fighting back, even if not necessarily in a way that we love, because seeding an awful lot of ground.

Maximillian Alvarez:

With the few minutes I have left with y’all, I want to talk about the fight back, and I want to ask y’all like what lessons we can draw from our own history, both the victories and the losses about what we’re really facing and how we can effectively fight it, and also what will happen, what will our universities and society look like if we don’t fight now?

David Palumbo-Liu:

Okay, so I’ll say add my two minutes and pick up actually from what Ellen said, because yes, it was the reaction to the student protest movements in the sixties that for one thing made student loans unforgivable. That was Congress’s little knife in the gut. But remember the trilateral commission that Samuel Huntington headed, and he actually published this scree called There’s Too much Democracy. And to answer Max’s point, my recommendation is to restore a sense of what democracy should look like. And that’s the only way to do that is not to stay in our ivory towers, but to draw the resources for democracy and instill the capacity for action in everybody and make it possible for everybody to see that nobody is immune from this. This is tearing down the common trust that we have with each other and substituting this oligarchy that is beyond scale. Thank you so much for having me on. I’ll let you continue your conversations, but it’s been such an honor and a pleasure to be with Ellen. And Ellen and Max, I’ll see you a bit.

Alan Wald:

Okay. Look, first of all, I think that Ellen’s making a good point about the no golden age. It’s not if the universities were terrific defenders of student rights during the 1960s. I was at Berkeley. I mean, when I arrived at Berkeley, the National Guard was occupying the city. It was not a very nice atmosphere. And even here at University of Michigan, I was involved in a 15 year struggle to stop divestment in South Africa and get a degree for Nelson Mandela, 15 years. It took us of constant protests and trying to get to the regents meeting which they would ban us from, or they’d move to secret locations and have a million excuses. Oh, we can’t give a degree to Mandela in prison. We don’t give it to prisoners. Of course, eventually they gave in and they did give it to him, but it took 15 years.

And I mentioned already the problem with Palestine rights on the campus arguing for that was hell. So it’s not been perfect. I mean, now they’re invoking all kinds of new rules and regulations about time and place and bullhorn use of a bullhorn that they didn’t have before, or at least they weren’t punishing people before. So it wasn’t so great. And in terms of university repression, yes, it’s much worse for the Palestine protestors for some other groups, eil their protestors, they seem to get away with all kinds of things. But in terms of responses, first of all, everybody is saying, we need unity. We can’t give in. If we give in, it’s like putting blood in the water. The sharks come after you even more. And I apologize to these sharks who are offended by comparison with the Trump administration. But yeah, so we all agree on that, but I am concerned about them giving in on this IHRA definition of antisemitism.

Everybody’s praising Harvard, wonderful, wonderful, but Harvard already agreed to that horrible definition and they set a precedent, and that’s going to happen at a lot of places. And that is the wedge that’s going to cut out free speech and free discussion. If you don’t know this definition, the International Holocaust Nce Association that’s being promoted by Congress and supported by the Trump administration and I think will become the law of the land for Adeem. You should look at it carefully because of the 11 definitions of antisemitism. Seven, refer to Israel. Now, anybody who does research on antisemitism and the US knows that most antisemitism is young men who get it from social media. They get these conspiracy theories and so on. There is very little antisemitism on the left. The left is involved in criticizing Israeli state racism. But in addition, these 11 no-nos for defining antisemitism say that if you call the Israeli state racist, you’re an antisemite and antisemitism is not on the campus.

So instead of refuting that claim that Israel is a racist state, which it seems that way, especially with their law saying that only Jews have self-determination and not Palestinians, and they have 60 or so laws on the books against Palestinians and Apartheid and so on, instead of trying to refute that argument, they’re just trying to suppress it. And they’re also trying to suppress any comparisons with Nazi Germany. Now, that’s not something that I myself do a lot, but you can’t have scholarship without serious comparisons. And there’s certainly good arguments that there are comparisons to be made. So they’re trying to silence these things instead of refuting them in intellectual debate. And once they do that and get that institutionalized, that’ll lead to a lot of other things. So we have to draw a line, and I think that’s one of the things we got to draw a line on the IHRA definition.

Ellen Schrecker:

I couldn’t agree with you more, but it’s really hard when I get up to talk to sort of stick it in there and make sure that I say, Gaza, Gaza, Gaza, this has to stop. But at the same time, I know there are people who maybe aren’t aware of Gaza. It’s too horrible. You can’t look at it or something. I don’t know. It’s a very hard issue to deal with because I know that people will stop listening to you. How do you talk to, you make alliances with people who don’t want to hear what you say when you have to make alliances with those people. I don’t know how to do it yet. I’m learning, but I’m curious. I would like to discuss that issue and probably argue with you about it a bit.

Alan Wald:

Well, I’m not sure where the argument is. I think that the pro-Palestinian rights movement has to be more disciplined. I much support what Jewish Voice for Peace does. That’s why I join them. I think that they’re focusing on Stop the genocide. Jews don’t do it in our name. That’s great. Some of the other groups that march around waving flags that people don’t understand the difference between a Palestinian flag and a Hamas flag. So they’re told it’s Hamas flag and they believe it, or they use slogans that are incomprehensible or mean different things. Or

Ellen Schrecker:

If

Alan Wald:

You put a bus sticker on somebody’s house because you want to show that that administrator’s a Nazi, people know that the Nazi sign is something that’s used to intimidate Jews. So it’s confusing. So there’s a lot of stuff out there that needs to be cleaned up. I think it’s just a minority that’s not acting in a way that says, what will convince people before you do something, what is going to win people over? So there are debates about where to draw the line. For example, Peter Byard, he came here to speak recently and he said, I believe it’s genocide, but if I use the word genocide, people, they’ll shut up. They won’t listen to me. They’ll put their hands over their ears. So I describe all the things that amount to genocide, but I don’t use the term maybe in some audiences you have to do that. Solidarity is not just showing your anger and showing your support, it’s also figuring out how to help people. In this case, we have to build a mass movement to get the Zionist state and the United States off the backs of the Palestinians so that they’re free to determine their own future and their own kind of leadership, which I hope will be a democratic and secular one, not a conservative right wing religious one like Hamas. But we have to get the US and the Israeli state off their backs first. And that means building a mass movement.

Ellen Schrecker:

I have been waking up in the morning reading the New York Times much too closely and feeling incredibly depressed, and recently I am somewhat less depressed. I can go right to my computer and start writing something. I can feel that maybe it’s going to make a difference because I’m seeing much more fight back against political repression that I, as a historian, and I’m speaking as a historian, never saw in the past in a similar situation. And I think that I used to sort of say, well, we must fight. We must have solidarity. But I’d never said, I have hope, and now I do have hope. I think we are on the upswing, that the forces of ignorance are now shooting at each other and shooting themselves in the foot and are beginning to really understand that they’re not going to win because nobody what they want. And that’s as simple as that. Thank you.

Alan Wald:

I don’t think I can add much, but one mistake Trump is making is he is attacking so many different sections of the society that we have the basis for a majority against him. I mean, he is firing all these people. He is screwing up the economy. He’s taking away healthcare. I mean, it’s not just the universities. So there’s an objective basis for a majority toe against him. We just have to find a way to do that.

Maximillian Alvarez:

I want to thank all of our brilliant guests today, professor Ellen Schreker, professor Allen Wald, and Professor David Pumba Liu for this vital conversation. And I want to thank you all for listening, and I want to thank you for caring. Before you go, I want to remind y’all that the Real News is an independent viewer and listener supported grassroots media network. We don’t take corporate cash, we don’t have ads, and we never ever put our reporting behind paywalls, but we cannot continue to do this work without your support. So if you want more vital storytelling and reporting like this from the front lines of struggle, we need you to become a supporter of The Real News. Now, we’re in the middle of our spring fundraiser right now, and with these wildly uncertain times politically and economically, we are falling short of our goal and we need your help. So please go to the real news.com/donate and become a supporter today. If you want to hear more conversations and coverage just like this for our whole crew at the Real News Network, this is Maximillian Alvarez signing off. Take care of yourselves. Take care of each other, solidarity forever.


This content originally appeared on The Real News Network and was authored by Maximillian Alvarez.

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PodTalk.live ushers in new ‘indie’ information and debate era https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/28/podtalk-live-ushers-in-new-indie-information-and-debate-era/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/28/podtalk-live-ushers-in-new-indie-information-and-debate-era/#respond Mon, 28 Apr 2025 06:16:35 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=113722 PodTalk.live

After a successful beta-launch this month, PodTalk.live has now called for people to register as foundation members — it’s free to join the post and podcast social platform.

The foundation membership soft-launch is a great opportunity for founders to help shape a brand new, vibrant, algorithm-free, info discussion and debate social platform.

“PodTalk.live has been put to test by selected individuals and we’re pleased to report that it has performed fabulously,” said the the platform developer Selwyn Manning.

Manning is founder and managing director of the company that custom-developed PodTalk.live — Multimedia Investments Ltd.

PodTalk.live
PodTalk.live . . . a new era. Image: PodTalk screenshot APR

MIL is based in Aotearoa New Zealand, where PodTalk.live was developed and is served from.

And now, PodTalk.live has emerged from its beta stage and is ready for foundation members to shape the next phase of its development.

An alternative platform
PodTalk.live was designed to be an alternative platform to other social media platforms.

PodTalk has all the functions that most social media platforms have but has placed the user-experience at the centre of its backend design and engineering.

PodTalk.live has been custom-designed, created and is served from New Zealand.

“We ourselves became annoyed at how social media giants use algorithms to drive what content their users see and experience,” Manning said.

“And, we also were appalled at how some social media companies trade user data, and were unresponsive to user-concerns.

“So we decided to create a platform that focuses on ‘discussion and debate’ communities, and we have engineered PodTalk to ensure the content that users see is what they choose — rather than some obscure algorithm making that decision for them.

“PodTalk.live is independent from other social media platforms, and at best will become an alternative choice for people who seek a community where they are the centre of a platform’s core purpose.

Sign-up invitation
““And today, we invite people to sign up now and become foundation members of this new and ethically-based social community platform,” Manning said.

What PodTalk.live provides includes:

  • user profiles with full interactivities with other users and friends;
  • user created groups, posts, video, images, polls, and file sharing;
  • private and secure one-on-one (and group) messages;
  • availability of all the above for entry users with a free membership;
  • premium membership for podcasters and event publishers requiring easy to use podcast publication and syndication services; and next-level community engagement tools that users have all on the one platform.

Manning said PodTalk.live was founded on the belief that for social, political and economical progress to occur people needed to discuss issues in a safe environment and embark on robust debate.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

]]>
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PodTalk.live ushers in new ‘indie’ information and debate era https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/28/podtalk-live-ushers-in-new-indie-information-and-debate-era-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/28/podtalk-live-ushers-in-new-indie-information-and-debate-era-2/#respond Mon, 28 Apr 2025 06:16:35 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=113722 PodTalk.live

After a successful beta-launch this month, PodTalk.live has now called for people to register as foundation members — it’s free to join the post and podcast social platform.

The foundation membership soft-launch is a great opportunity for founders to help shape a brand new, vibrant, algorithm-free, info discussion and debate social platform.

“PodTalk.live has been put to test by selected individuals and we’re pleased to report that it has performed fabulously,” said the the platform developer Selwyn Manning.

Manning is founder and managing director of the company that custom-developed PodTalk.live — Multimedia Investments Ltd.

PodTalk.live
PodTalk.live . . . a new era. Image: PodTalk screenshot APR

MIL is based in Aotearoa New Zealand, where PodTalk.live was developed and is served from.

And now, PodTalk.live has emerged from its beta stage and is ready for foundation members to shape the next phase of its development.

An alternative platform
PodTalk.live was designed to be an alternative platform to other social media platforms.

PodTalk has all the functions that most social media platforms have but has placed the user-experience at the centre of its backend design and engineering.

PodTalk.live has been custom-designed, created and is served from New Zealand.

“We ourselves became annoyed at how social media giants use algorithms to drive what content their users see and experience,” Manning said.

“And, we also were appalled at how some social media companies trade user data, and were unresponsive to user-concerns.

“So we decided to create a platform that focuses on ‘discussion and debate’ communities, and we have engineered PodTalk to ensure the content that users see is what they choose — rather than some obscure algorithm making that decision for them.

“PodTalk.live is independent from other social media platforms, and at best will become an alternative choice for people who seek a community where they are the centre of a platform’s core purpose.

Sign-up invitation
““And today, we invite people to sign up now and become foundation members of this new and ethically-based social community platform,” Manning said.

What PodTalk.live provides includes:

  • user profiles with full interactivities with other users and friends;
  • user created groups, posts, video, images, polls, and file sharing;
  • private and secure one-on-one (and group) messages;
  • availability of all the above for entry users with a free membership;
  • premium membership for podcasters and event publishers requiring easy to use podcast publication and syndication services; and next-level community engagement tools that users have all on the one platform.

Manning said PodTalk.live was founded on the belief that for social, political and economical progress to occur people needed to discuss issues in a safe environment and embark on robust debate.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

]]>
https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/28/podtalk-live-ushers-in-new-indie-information-and-debate-era-2/feed/ 0 529822
PodTalk.live ushers in new ‘indie’ information and debate era https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/28/podtalk-live-ushers-in-new-indie-information-and-debate-era-3/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/28/podtalk-live-ushers-in-new-indie-information-and-debate-era-3/#respond Mon, 28 Apr 2025 06:16:35 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=113722 PodTalk.live

After a successful beta-launch this month, PodTalk.live has now called for people to register as foundation members — it’s free to join the post and podcast social platform.

The foundation membership soft-launch is a great opportunity for founders to help shape a brand new, vibrant, algorithm-free, info discussion and debate social platform.

“PodTalk.live has been put to test by selected individuals and we’re pleased to report that it has performed fabulously,” said the the platform developer Selwyn Manning.

Manning is founder and managing director of the company that custom-developed PodTalk.live — Multimedia Investments Ltd.

PodTalk.live
PodTalk.live . . . a new era. Image: PodTalk screenshot APR

MIL is based in Aotearoa New Zealand, where PodTalk.live was developed and is served from.

And now, PodTalk.live has emerged from its beta stage and is ready for foundation members to shape the next phase of its development.

An alternative platform
PodTalk.live was designed to be an alternative platform to other social media platforms.

PodTalk has all the functions that most social media platforms have but has placed the user-experience at the centre of its backend design and engineering.

PodTalk.live has been custom-designed, created and is served from New Zealand.

“We ourselves became annoyed at how social media giants use algorithms to drive what content their users see and experience,” Manning said.

“And, we also were appalled at how some social media companies trade user data, and were unresponsive to user-concerns.

“So we decided to create a platform that focuses on ‘discussion and debate’ communities, and we have engineered PodTalk to ensure the content that users see is what they choose — rather than some obscure algorithm making that decision for them.

“PodTalk.live is independent from other social media platforms, and at best will become an alternative choice for people who seek a community where they are the centre of a platform’s core purpose.

Sign-up invitation
““And today, we invite people to sign up now and become foundation members of this new and ethically-based social community platform,” Manning said.

What PodTalk.live provides includes:

  • user profiles with full interactivities with other users and friends;
  • user created groups, posts, video, images, polls, and file sharing;
  • private and secure one-on-one (and group) messages;
  • availability of all the above for entry users with a free membership;
  • premium membership for podcasters and event publishers requiring easy to use podcast publication and syndication services; and next-level community engagement tools that users have all on the one platform.

Manning said PodTalk.live was founded on the belief that for social, political and economical progress to occur people needed to discuss issues in a safe environment and embark on robust debate.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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How to fight Trump’s cyber dystopia with community, self-determination, care and truth https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/26/how-to-fight-trumps-cyber-dystopia-with-community-self-determination-care-and-truth/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/26/how-to-fight-trumps-cyber-dystopia-with-community-self-determination-care-and-truth/#respond Sat, 26 Apr 2025 03:28:55 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=113658 COMMENTARY: By Mandy Henk

When the US Embassy knocked on my door in late 2024, I was both pleased and more than a little suspicious.

I’d worked with them before, but the organisation where I did that work, Tohatoha, had closed its doors. My new project, Dark Times Academy, was specifically an attempt to pull myself out of the grant cycle, to explore ways of funding the work of counter-disinformation education without dependence on unreliable governments and philanthropic funders more concerned with their own objectives than the work I believed then — and still believe — is crucial to the future of human freedom.

But despite my efforts to turn them away, they kept knocking, and Dark Times Academy certainly needed the money. I’m warning you all now: There is a sense in which everything I have to say about counter-disinformation comes down to conversations about how to fund the work.

DARK TIMES ACADEMY

There is nothing I would like more than to talk about literally anything other than funding this work. I don’t love money, but I do like eating, having a home, and being able to give my kids cash.

I have also repeatedly found myself in roles where other people look to me for their livelihoods; a responsibility that I carry heavily and with more than a little clumsiness and reluctance.

But if we are to talk about President Donald Trump and disinformation, we have to talk about money. As it is said, the love of money is the root of all evil. And the lack of it is the manifestation of that evil.

Trump and his attack on all of us — on truth, on peace, on human freedom and dignity — is, at its core, an attack that uses money as a weapon. It is an attack rooted in greed and in avarice.

In his world, money is power
But in that greed lies his weakness. In his world, money is power. He and those who serve him and his fascist agenda cannot see beyond the world that money built. Their power comes in the form of control over that world and the people forced to live in it.

Of course, money is just paper. It is digital bits in a database sitting on a server in a data centre relying on electricity and water taken from our earth. The ephemeral nature of their money speaks volumes about their lack of strength and their vulnerability to more powerful forces.

They know this. Trump and all men like him know their weaknesses — and that’s why they use their money to gather power and control. When you have more money than you and your whānau can spend in several generations, you suddenly have a different kind of  relationship to money.

It’s one where money itself — and the structures that allow money to be used for control of people and the material world — becomes your biggest vulnerability. If your power and identity are built entirely on the power of money, your commitment to preserving the power of money in the world becomes an all-consuming drive.

Capitalism rests on many “logics” — commodification, individualism, eternal growth, the alienation of labour. Marx and others have tried this ground well already.

In a sense, we are past the time when more analysis is useful to us. Rather, we have reached a point where action is becoming a practical necessity. After all, Trump isn’t going to stop with the media or with counter-disinformation organisations. He is ultimately coming for us all.

What form that action must take is a complicated matter. But, first we must think about money and about how money works, because only through lessening the power of money can we hope to lessen the power of those who wield it as their primary weapon.

Beliefs about poor people
If you have been so unfortunate to be subject to engagement with anti-poverty programmes during the neoliberal era either as a client or a worker, you will know that one of the motivations used for denying direct cash aid to those in need of money is a belief on the part of government and policy experts that poor people will use their money in unwise ways, be it drugs or alcohol, or status purchases like sneakers or manicures.

But over and over again, there’s another concern raised: cash benefits will be spent on others in the community, but outside of those targeted with the cash aid.

You see this less now that ideas like a universal basic income (UBI) and direct cash transfers have taken hold of the policy and donor classes, but it is one of those rightwing concerns that turned out to be empirically accurate.

Poor people are more generous with their money and all of their other resources as well. The stereotype of the stingy Scrooge is one based on a pretty solid mountain of evidence.

The poor turn out to understand far better than the rich how to defeat the power that money gives those who hoard it — and that is community. The logic of money and capital can most effectively be defeated through the creation and strengthening of our community ties.

Donald Trump and those who follow him revel in creating a world of atomised individuals focused on themselves; the kind of world where, rather than relying on each other, people depend on the market and the dollar to meet their material needs — dollars. of course, being the source of control and power for their class.

Our ability to fund our work, feed our families, and keep a roof over our heads has not always been subject to the whims of capitalists and those with money to pay us. Around the world, the grand multicentury project known as colonialism has impoverished us all and created our dependency.

Colonial projects and ‘enclosures’
I cannot speak as a direct victim of the colonial project. Those are not my stories to tell. There are so many of you in this room who can speak to that with far more eloquence and direct experience than I. But the colonial project wasn’t only an overseas project for my ancestors.

In England, the project was called “enclosure”.

Enclosure is one of the core colonial logics. Enclosure takes resources (land in particular) that were held in common and managed collectively using traditional customs and hands them over to private control to be used for private rather than communal benefit. This process, repeated over and over around the globe, created the world we live in today — the world built on money.

As we lose control over our access to what we need to live as the land that holds our communities together, that binds us to one another, is co-opted or stolen from us, we lose our power of self-determination. Self-governance, freedom, liberty — these are what colonisation and enclosure take from us when they steal our livelihoods.

As part of my work, I keep a close eye on the approaches to counter-disinformation that those whose relationship to power is smoother than my own take. Also, in this the year of our Lord 2025, it is mandatory to devote at least some portion of each public talk to AI.

I am also profoundly sorry to have to report that as far as I can tell, the only work on counter-disinformation still getting funding is work that claims to be able to use AI to detect and counter disinformation. It will not surprise you that I am extremely dubious about these claims.

AI has been created through what has been called “data colonialism”, in that it relies on stolen data, just as traditional forms of colonialism rely on stolen land.

Risks and dangers of AI
AI itself — and I am speaking here specifically of generative AI — is being used as a tool of oppression. Other forms of AI have their own risks and dangers, but in this context, generative AI is quite simply a tool of power consolidation, of hollowing out of human skill and care, and of profanity, in the sense of being the opposite of sacred.

Words, art, conversation, companionship — these are fiercely human things. For a machine to mimic these things is to transgress against all of our communities — all the more so when the machine is being wielded by people who speak openly of genocide and white supremacy.

However, just as capitalism can be fought through community, colonialism can and has been fought through our own commitment to living our lives in freedom. It is fought by refusing their demands and denying their power, whether through the traditional tools of street protest and nonviolent resistance, or through simply walking away from the structures of violence and control that they have implemented.

In the current moment, that particularly includes the technological tools that are being used to destroy our communities and create the data being used to enact their oppression. Each of us is free to deny them access to our lives, our hopes, and dreams.

This version of colonisation has a unique weakness, in that the cyber dystopia they have created can be unplugged and turned off. And yet, we can still retain the parts of it that serve us well by building our own technological infrastructure and helping people use that instead of the kind owned and controlled by oligarchs.

By living our lives with the freedom we all possess as human beings, we can deny these systems the symbolic power they rely on to continue.

That said, this has limitations. This process of theft that underlies both traditional colonialism and contemporary data colonialism, rather than that of land or data, destroys our material base of support — ie. places to grow food, the education of our children, control over our intellectual property.

Power consolidated upwards
The outcome is to create ever more dependence on systems outside of our control that serve to consolidate power upwards and create classes of disposable people through the logic of dehumanisation.

Disposable people have been a feature across many human societies. We see it in slaves, in cultures that use banishment and exile, and in places where imprisonment is used to enforce laws.

Right now we see it in the United States being directed at scale towards those from Central and Latin America and around the world. The men being sent to the El Salvadorian gulag, the toddlers sent to immigration court without a lawyer, the federal workers tossed from their jobs — these are disposable people to Trump.

The logic of colonialism relies on the process of dehumanisation; of denying the moral relevance of people’s identity and position within their communities and families. When they take a father from his family, they are dehumanising him and his family. They are denying the moral relevance of his role as a father and of his children and wife.

When they require a child to appear alone before an immigration judge, they are dehumanising her by denying her the right to be recognised as a child with moral claims on the adults around her. When they say they want to transition federal workers from unproductive government jobs to the private sector, they are denying those workers their life’s work and identity as labourers whose work supports the common good.

There was a time when I would point out that we all know where this leads, but we are there now. It has led there, although given the US incarceration rate for Black men, it isn’t unreasonable to argue that in fact for some people, the US has always been there. Fascism is not an aberration, it is a continuation. But the quickening is here. The expansion of dehumanisation and hate have escalated under Trump.

Dehumanisaton always starts with words and  language. And Trump is genuinely — and terribly — gifted with language. His speeches are compelling, glittering, and persuasive to his audiences. With his words and gestures, he creates an alternate reality. When Trump says, “They’re eating the cats! They’re eating the dogs!”, he is using language to dehumanise Haitian immigrants.

An alternate reality for migrants
When he calls immigrants “aliens” he is creating an alternate reality where migrants are no longer human, no longer part of our communities, but rather outside of them, not fully human.

When he tells lies and spews bullshit into our shared information system, those lies are virtually always aimed at creating a permission structure to deny some group of people their full humanity. Outrageous lie after outrageous lie told over and over again crumbles society in ways that we have seen over and over again throughout history.

In Europe, the claims that women were consorting with the devil led to the witch trials and the burning of thousands of women across central and northern Europe. In Myanmar, claims that Rohinga Muslims were commiting rape, led to mass slaughter.

Just as we fight the logics of capitalism with community and colonialism with a fierce commitment to our freedom, the power to resist dehumanisation is also ours. Through empathy and care — which is simply the material manifestation of empathy — we can defeat attempts to dehumanise.

Empathy and care are inherent to all functioning societies — and they are tools we all have available to us. By refusing to be drawn into their hateful premises, by putting morality and compassion first, we can draw attention to the ridiculousness of their ideas and help support those targeted.

Disinformation is the tool used to dehumanise. It always has been. During the COVID-19 pandemic when disinformation as a concept gained popularity over the rather older concept of propaganda, there was a real moment where there was a drive to focus on misinformation, or people who were genuinely wrong about usually public health facts. This is a way to talk about misinformation that elides the truth about it.

There is an empirical reality underlying the tsunami of COVID disinformation and it is that the information was spread intentionally by bad actors with the goal of destroying the social bonds that hold us all together. State actors, including the United States under the first Trump administration, spread lies about COVID intentionally for their own benefit and at the cost of thousands if not millions of lives.

Lies and disinformation at scale
This tactic was not new then. Those seeking political power or to destroy communities for their own financial gain have always used lies and disinformation. But what is different this time, what has created unique risks, is the scale.

Networked disinformation — the power to spread bullshit and lies across the globe within seconds and within a context where traditional media and sources of both moral and factual authority have been systematically weakened over decades of neoliberal attack — has created a situation where disinformation has more power and those who wield it can do so with precision.

But just as we have the means to fight capitalism, colonialism, and dehumanisation, so too do we — you and I — have the tools to fight disinformation: truth, and accurate and timely reporting from trustworthy sources of information shared with the communities impacted in their own language and from their own people.

If words and images are the chosen tools of dehumanisation and disinformation, then we are lucky because they are fighting with swords that we forged and that we know how to wield. You, the media, are the front lines right now. Trump will take all of our money and all of our resources, but our work must continue.

Times like this call for fearlessness and courage. But more than that, they call on us to use all of the tools in our toolboxes — community, self-determination, care, and truth. Fighting disinformation isn’t something we can do in a vacuum. It isn’t something that we can depersonalise and mechanise. It requires us to work together to build a very human movement.

I can’t deny that Trump’s attacks have exhausted me and left me depressed. I’m a librarian by training. I love sharing stories with people, not telling them myself. I love building communities of learning and of sharing, not taking to the streets in protest.

More than anything else, I just want a nice cup of tea and a novel. But we are here in what I’ve seen others call “a coyote moment”. Like Wile E. Coyote, we are over the cliff with our legs spinning in the air.

We can use this time to focus on what really matters and figure out how we will keep going and keep working. We can look at the blue sky above us and revel in what beauty and joy we can.

Building community, exercising our self-determination, caring for each other, and telling the truth fearlessly and as though our very lives depend on it will leave us all the stronger and ready to fight Trump and his tidal wave of disinformation.

Mandy Henk, co-founder of Dark Times Academy, has been teaching and learning on the margins of the academy for her whole career. As an academic librarian, she has worked closely with academics, students, and university administrations for decades. She taught her own courses, led her own research work, and fought for a vision of the liberal arts that supports learning and teaching as the things that actually matter. This article was originally presented as an invited address at the annual general meeting of the Asia Pacific Media Network on 24 April 2025.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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The fall of Saigon 1975: Fifty years of repeating what was forgotten https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/21/the-fall-of-saigon-1975-fifty-years-of-repeating-what-was-forgotten/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/21/the-fall-of-saigon-1975-fifty-years-of-repeating-what-was-forgotten/#respond Mon, 21 Apr 2025 08:45:05 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=113491 Part one of a two-part series: On the courage to remember

COMMENTARY: By Eugene Doyle

The first demonstration I ever went on was at the age of 12, against the Vietnam War.

The first formal history lesson I received was a few months later when I commenced high school. That day the old history master, Mr Griffiths, chalked what I later learnt was a quote from Hegel:

“The only lesson we learn from history is that we do not learn the lessons of history.” It’s about time we changed that.

Painful though it is, let’s have the courage to remember what they desperately try to make us forget.

Cultural amnesia and learning the lessons of history
Memorialising events is a popular pastime with politicians, journalists and old soldiers.

Nothing wrong with that. Honouring sacrifice, preserving collective memory and encouraging reconciliation are all valid. Recalling the liberation of Saigon (Ho Chi Minh City) on 30 April 1975 is important.

What is criminal, however, is that we failed to learn the vital lessons that the US defeat in Vietnam should have taught us all. Sadly much was forgotten and the succeeding half century has witnessed a carnival of slaughter perpetrated by the Western world on hapless South Americans, Africans, Palestinians, Iraqis, Afghans, and many more.

Honouring sacrifice, preserving collective memory and encouraging reconciliation are all valid
Honouring sacrifice, preserving collective memory and encouraging reconciliation are all valid. Image: www.solidarity.co.nz

It’s time to remember.

Memory shapes national identity
As scholars say: Memory shapes national identity. If your cultural products — books, movies, songs, curricula and the like — fail to embed an appreciation of the war crimes, racism, and imperial culpability for events like the Vietnam War, then, as we have proven, it can all be done again. How many recognise today that Vietnam was an American imperial war in Asia, that “fighting communism” was a pretext that lost all credibility, partly thanks to television and especially thanks to heroic journalists like John Pilger and Seymour Hersh?

Just as in Gaza today, the truth and the crimes could not be hidden anymore.

How many recognise today that Vietnam was an American imperial war in Asia?
How many recognise today that Vietnam was an American imperial war in Asia? Image: www.solidarity.co.nz

If a culture doesn’t face up to its past crimes — say the treatment of the Aborigines by settler Australia, of Māori by settler New Zealand, of Palestinians by the Zionist state since 1948, or the various genocides perpetrated by the US government on the indigenous peoples of what became the 50 states, then it leads ultimately to moral decay and repetition.

Lest we forget. Forget what?
Is there a collective memory in the West that the Americans and their allies raped thousands of Vietnamese women, killed hundreds of thousands of children, were involved in countless large scale war crimes, summary executions and other depravities in order to impose their will on a people in their own country?

Why has there been no collective responsibility for the death of over two million Vietnamese? Why no reparations for America’s vast use of chemical weapons on Vietnam, some provided by New Zealand?

Vietnam Veterans Against War released a report “50 years of struggle” in 2017 which included this commendable statement: “To VVAW and its supporters, the veterans had a continuing duty to report what they had witnessed”. This included the frequency of “beatings, rapes, cutting body parts, violent torture during interrogations and cutting off heads”.

The US spends billions projecting itself as morally superior but people who followed events at the time, including brilliant journalists like Pilger, knew something beyond sordid was happening within the US military.

The importance of remembering the My Lai Massacre
While cultural memes like “Me Love You Long Time” played to an exoticised and sexualised image of Vietnamese women — popular in American-centric movies like Full Metal Jacket, Green Beret, Rambo, Apocalypse Now, as was the image of the Vietnamese as sadistic torturers, there has been a long-term attempt to expunge from memory the true story of American depravity.

The most infamous such incident of the Vietnam War was the My Lai Massacre of 16 March 1968.
The most infamous such incident of the Vietnam War was the My Lai Massacre of 16 March 1968. Image: www.solidarity.co.nz

All, or virtually all, armies rape their victims. The US Army is no exception — despite rhetorically jockeying with the Israelis for the title of “the world’s most moral army”. The most famous such incident of the Vietnam War was the My Lai Massacre of 16 March 1968 in which about 500 civilians were subjected to hours of rapes, mutilation and eventual murder by soldiers of the US 20th Infantry Regiment.

Rape victims ranged from girls of 10 years through to old women. The US soldiers even took a lunch break before recommencing their crimes.

The official commission of inquiry, culminating in the Peers Report found that an extensive network of officers had taken part in a cover-up of what were large-scale war crimes. Only one soldier, Lieutenant Calley, was ever sentenced to jail but within days he was, on the orders of the US President, transferred to a casually-enforced three and half years of house arrest. By this act, the United States of America continued a pattern of providing impunity for grave war crimes. That pattern continues to this day.

The failure of the US Army to fully pursue the criminals will be an eternal stain on the US Army whose soldiers went on to commit countless rapes, hundreds of thousands of murders and other crimes across the globe in the succeeding five decades. If you resile from these facts, you simply haven’t read enough official information.

Thank goodness for journalists, particularly Seymour Hersh, who broke rank and exposed the truth of what happened at My Lai.

Senator John McCain’s “sacrifice” and the crimes that went unpunished
Thousands of Viet Cong died in US custody, many from torture, many by summary execution but the Western cultural image of Vietnam focuses on the cruelty of the North Vietnamese toward “victims” like terror-bomber John McCain.

The future US presidential candidate was on his 23rd bombing mission, part of a campaign of “War by Tantrum” in the words of a New York Times writer, when he was shot down over Hanoi.

The CIA’s Phoenix Programme was eventually shut down after public outrage and hearings by the US Congress into its misdeeds
The CIA’s Phoenix Programme was eventually shut down after public outrage and hearings by the US Congress into its misdeeds. Image: www.solidarity.co.nz

Also emblematic of this state-inflicted terrorism was the CIA’s Phoenix Programme, eventually shut down after public outrage and hearings by the US Congress into its misdeeds. According to US journalist Douglas Valentine, author of several books on the CIA, including The Phoenix Program:

“Central to Phoenix is the fact that it targeted civilians, not soldiers”.

Common practices, Valentine says, quoting US witnesses and official papers, included:

“Rape, gang rape, rape using eels, snakes, or hard objects, and rape followed by murder; electrical shock (“the Bell Telephone Hour”) rendered by attaching wires to the genitals or other sensitive parts of the body, like the tongue; “the water treatment”; “the airplane,” in which a prisoner’s arms were tied behind the back and the rope looped over a hook on the ceiling, suspending the prisoner in midair.”

No US serviceman, CIA agent or other official was held to account for these crimes.

Tiger Force — part of the US 327th Infantry — gained a grisly reputation for indiscriminately mowing down civilians, mutilations (cutting off of ears which were retained as souvenirs was common practice, according to sworn statements by participants). All this was supposed to be kept secret but was leaked in 2003.

“Their crimes were uncountable, their madness beyond imagination — so much so that for almost four decades, the story of Tiger Force was covered up under orders that stretched all the way to the White House,” journalists Michael Sallah and Mitch Weiss reported.

Their crimes, secretly documented by the US military, included beheading a baby to intimidate villagers into providing information — interesting given how much mileage the US and Israel made of fake stories about beheaded babies on 7 October 2023. The US went to great lengths to hide these ugly truths — and no one ever faced real consequences.

The US went to great lengths to hide these ugly truths
The US went to great lengths to hide these ugly truths. Image: www.solidarity.co.nz

Helicopter gunships and soldiers at checkpoints gunned down thousands of Vietnamese civilians, including women and children, much as US forces did at checkpoints in Iraq, according to leaked US documents following the illegal invasion of that country.

The worst cowards and criminals were not the rapists and murderers themselves but the high-ranking politicians and military leaders who tried desperately to cover up these and hundreds of other incidents. As Lieutenant Calley himself said of My Lai: “It’s not an isolated incident.”

Here we are 50 years later in the midst of the US-Israeli genocide in Gaza, with the US fuelling war and bombing people across the globe. Isn’t it time we stopped supporting this madness?

Eugene Doyle is a community organiser and activist in Wellington, New Zealand. He received an Absolutely Positively Wellingtonian award in 2023 for community service. His first demonstration was at the age of 12 against the Vietnam War. This article was first published at his public policy website Solidarity and is republished here with permission.

  • Next article: The fall of Saigon 1975: Part two: Quiet mutiny: the US army falls apart.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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Gaza had educational justice. Now the genocide has wiped that out, too https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/20/gaza-had-educational-justice-now-the-genocide-has-wiped-that-out-too/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/20/gaza-had-educational-justice-now-the-genocide-has-wiped-that-out-too/#respond Sun, 20 Apr 2025 12:02:37 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=113463 COMMENTARY: By Refaat Ibrahim

Palestinians have always been passionate about learning. During the Ottoman era, Palestinian students travelled to Istanbul, Cairo, and Beirut to pursue higher education.

During the British Mandate, in the face of colonial policies aimed at keeping the local population ignorant, Palestinian farmers pooled their resources and established schools of their own in rural areas.

Then came the Nakba, and the occupation and displacement brought new pain that elevated the Palestinian pursuit of education to an entirely different level.

Education became a space where Palestinians could feel their presence, a space that enabled them to claim some of their rights and dream of a better future. Education became hope.

In Gaza, instruction was one of the first social services established in refugee camps. Students would sit on the sand in front of a blackboard to learn.

Communities did everything they could to ensure that all children had access to education, regardless of their level of destitution. The first institution of higher education in Gaza — the Islamic University — held its first lectures in tents; its founders did not wait for a building to be erected.

I remember how, as a child, I would see the alleys of our neighbourhood every morning crowded with children heading to school. All families sent their children to school.

When I reached university age, I saw the same scene: Crowds of students commuting together to their universities and colleges, dreaming of a bright future.

This relentless pursuit of education, for decades, suddenly came to a halt in October 2023. The Israeli army did not just bomb schools and universities and burn books. It destroyed one of the most vital pillars of Palestinian education: Educational justice.

Making education accessible to all
Before the genocide, the education sector in Gaza was thriving. Despite the occupation and blockade, we had one of the highest literacy rates in the world, reaching 97 percent.

The enrolment rate in secondary education was 90 percent, and the enrolment in higher education was 45 percent.

One of the main reasons for this success was that education in Gaza was completely free in the primary and secondary stages. Government and UNRWA-run schools were open to all Palestinian children, ensuring equal opportunities for everyone.

Textbooks were distributed for free, and families received support to buy bags, notebooks, pens, and school uniforms.

There were also many programmes sponsored by the Ministry of Education, UNRWA, and other institutions to support talented students in various fields, regardless of their economic status. Reading competitions, sports events, and technology programmes were organised regularly.

At the university level, significant efforts were made to make higher education accessible. There was one government university which charged symbolic fees, seven private universities with moderate to high fees (depending on the college and major), and five university colleges with moderate fees.

There was also a vocational college affiliated with UNRWA in Gaza that offered fully free education.

The universities provided generous scholarships to outstanding and disadvantaged students.

The Ministry of Education also offered internal and external scholarships in cooperation with several countries and international universities. There was a higher education loan fund to help cover tuition fees.

Simply put, before the genocide in Gaza, education was accessible to all.

The cost of education amid genocide
Since October 2023, the Zionist war machine has systematically targeted schools, universities, and educational infrastructure. According to UN statistics, 496 out of 564 schools — nearly 88 percent — have been damaged or destroyed.

In addition, all universities and colleges in Gaza have been destroyed. More than 645,000 students have been deprived of classrooms, and 90,000 university students have had their education disrupted.

As the genocide continued, the Ministry of Education and universities tried to resume the educational process, with in-person classes for schoolchildren and online courses for university students.

In displacement camps, tent schools were established, where young volunteers taught children for free. University professors used online teaching tools like Google Classroom, Zoom, WhatsApp groups, and Telegram channels.

Despite these efforts, the absence of regular education created a significant gap in the educational process. The incessant bombardment and forced displacement orders issued by the Israeli occupation made attendance challenging.

The lack of resources also meant that tent schools could not provide proper instruction.

As a result, paid educational centres emerged, offering private lessons and individual attention to students. On average, a centre charges between $25 to $30 per subject per month, and with eight subjects, the monthly cost reaches $240 — an amount most families in Gaza cannot afford.

In the higher education sector, cost also became prohibitive. After the first online semester, which was free, universities started requiring students to pay portions of their tuition fees to continue distance learning.

Online education also requires a tablet or a computer, stable internet access, and electricity. Most students who lost their devices due to bombing or displacement cannot buy new ones because of the high prices. Access to stable internet and electricity at private “workspaces” can cost as much as $5 an hour.

All of this has led many students to drop out due to their inability to pay. I, myself, could not complete the last semester of my degree.

The collapse of educational justice
A year and a half of genocide was enough to destroy what took decades to build in Gaza: Educational justice. Previously, social class was not a barrier for students to continue their education, but today, the poor have been left behind.

Very few families can continue educating all their children. Some families are forced to make difficult decisions: Sending older children to work to help fund the education of the younger ones, or giving the opportunity only to the most outstanding child to continue studying, and depriving the others.

Then there are the extremely poor, who cannot send any of their children to school. For them, survival is the priority. During the genocide, this group has come to represent a large portion of society.

The catastrophic economic situation has forced countless school-aged children to work instead of going to school, especially in families that lost their breadwinners. I see this painful reality every time I step out of my tent and walk around.

The streets are full of children selling various goods; many are exploited by war profiteers to sell things like cigarettes for a meagre wage.

Little children are forced to beg, chasing passersby and asking them for anything they can give.

I feel unbearable pain when I see children, who just a year and a half ago were running to their schools, laughing and playing, now stand under the sun or in the cold selling or begging just to earn a few shekels to help their families get an inadequate meal.

About optimism and courage
For Gaza’s students, education was never just about getting an academic certificate or an official paper. It was about optimism and courage, it was a form of resistance against the Israeli occupation, and a chance to lift their families out of poverty and improve their circumstances.

Education was life and hope.

Today, that hope has been killed and buried under the rubble by Israeli bombs.

We now find ourselves in a dangerous situation, where the gap between the well-to-do and the poor is widening, where an entire generation’s ability to learn and think is being diminished, and where Palestinian society is at risk of losing its identity and its capacity to continue its struggle.

What is happening in Gaza is not just a temporary educational crisis, but a deliberate campaign to destroy opportunities for equality and create an unbalanced society deprived of justice.

We have reached a point where the architects of the ongoing genocide are confident in the success of their strategy of “voluntary transfer” — pushing Palestinians to such depths of despair that they choose to leave their land voluntarily.

But the Palestinian people still refuse to let go of their land. They are persevering. Even the children, the most vulnerable, are not giving up.

I often think of the words I overheard from a conversation between two child vendors during the last Eid. One said: “There is no joy in Eid.” The other one responded: “This is the best Eid. It’s enough that we’re in Gaza and we didn’t leave it as Netanyahu wanted.”

Indeed, we are still in Gaza, we did not leave as Israel wants us to, and we will rebuild just as our ancestors and elders have.

Refaat Ibrahim is a Palestinian writer from Gaza. He writes about humanitarian, social, economic and political issues related to Palestine. This article was first published by Al Jazeera and is republished under Creative Commons.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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Idaho Gave Families $50M to Spend on Private Education. Then It Ended a $30M Program Used by Public School Families. https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/18/idaho-gave-families-50m-to-spend-on-private-education-then-it-ended-a-30m-program-used-by-public-school-families/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/18/idaho-gave-families-50m-to-spend-on-private-education-then-it-ended-a-30m-program-used-by-public-school-families/#respond Fri, 18 Apr 2025 09:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/idaho-vouchers-public-school-funding-cuts by Audrey Dutton

ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

Just weeks after creating a $50 million tax credit to help families pay for private school tuition and homeschooling, Idaho has shut down a program that helped tens of thousands of public school students pay for laptops, school supplies, tutoring and other educational expenses.

The Republican leading the push to defund Idaho’s Empowering Parents grants said it had nothing to do with the party’s decision to fund private schools. But the state’s most prominent conservative group, a strong supporter of the private school tax credit, drew the connection directly.

The Idaho Freedom Foundation, on its website, proposed adding the $30 million that fueled Empowering Parents to the newly created tax credit, paying for an additional 6,000 private and homeschool students to join the 10,000 already expected to benefit from the program.

The new voucher-style tax credits have major differences from the grants lawmakers killed.

The tax credits are off-limits to public school students, while the grants went predominantly to this group. And there’s limited state oversight on how the private education tax credits will be used, while the grants to public school families were only allowed to be spent with state-approved educational vendors.

Rep. Soñia Galaviz, a Democrat who works in a low-income public elementary school in Boise, condemned the plan to kill the grants in a speech to legislative colleagues.

“I have to go back to the families that I serve, the parents that I love, the kids that I teach, and say, ‘You no longer can get that additional math tutoring that you need,’” she said, “that ‘the state is willing to support other programs for other groups of kids, but not you.’”

When states steer public funds to private schools, well-off families benefit more than those in lower income brackets, as ProPublica has reported in Arizona. The programs are pitched as enabling “school choice,” but in reality, research has found the money tends to benefit families that have already chosen private schools.

Idaho lawmakers passed such a program this year with the new tax credit, which some describe as a version of school “vouchers” that parents in other states spend on schools of their choosing.

The credit allows private and homeschool families to reduce their tax bills by $5,000 per child — $7,500 per student with disabilities — or get that much money from the state if they owe no taxes. Lower-income families have priority, and there’s no cap on how many credits each family can claim. The law says funds must go to traditional academic expenses like private school tuition or homeschool curricula and textbooks, plus a few other costs like transportation. But families don’t have to provide proof of how they spent the money unless they’re audited.

The Empowering Parents grant program that lawmakers repealed was open to students no matter where they learn, although state data shows at least 81% of the money went to public school students this academic year — more than 24,000 of them. It offered up to $1,000 per student, with lower-income families getting first dibs and a family limit of $3,000.

Idaho Gov. Brad Little created a similar program in 2020 called Strong Families, Strong Students with federal pandemic funds, to help families make the abrupt shift to remote learning. State lawmakers created the current program in 2022, also using one-time federal pandemic recovery money, and liked it so much they renewed it with ongoing state funding in 2023.

Charlene Bradley used the grant this school year to buy a laptop for her daughter, a fifth grader in Nampa School District. Before the purchase, Bradley’s daughter could use computers at school, but there was no way to do schoolwork at home, “besides my cell phone which we did have to use sometimes,” Bradley said in a Facebook message.

Debra Whiteley used it for home internet and a printer for her 12-year-old daughter, who attends public school in north-central Idaho. Whiteley’s daughter resisted doing projects that needed pictures or graphs. “Now when she has a project she can make a tri fold display that’s not all hand written and self drawn, which looking back on, I didn’t have a clue she may have been embarrassed about,” Whiteley said in a Facebook message.

Annie Coltrin used it to get “much needed” tutoring for her daughter, a sophomore in an agricultural community in southern Idaho. The grant paid for Coltrin’s daughter to receive math tutoring in person twice a week, which took her grade from a low D to a B+.

Such families were on the minds of education leaders like Jason Sevy when they advocated for preserving the Empowering Parents program this year.

Sevy, who chairs a rural public school district board in southwestern Idaho and is the Idaho School Boards Association’s president-elect, said families in his district used the Empowering Parents grants for backpacks and school supplies, or laptops they couldn’t afford otherwise.

“You’re looking at families with five kids that were only making $55,000 a year. Having that little extra money made a big difference,” Sevy said. “But it also closed that gap for these kids to feel like they were going to be able to keep up with everybody else.”

Few families in Sevy’s district will be able to use the state’s new tuition tax credits for private education, he said. A tiny residential school is the only private school operating in Sevy’s remote county. The next-closest options require a drive to the neighboring county, and Sevy worries those schools wouldn’t take English-language learners or children who need special education. (Unlike public schools, private schools can accept or reject students based on their own criteria.)

“This is the program that was able to help those groups of people, and they’re just letting it go away” to free up money for private schools, Sevy said.

The freshman legislator who sponsored the bill to end Empowering Parents is Sen. Camille Blaylock, a Republican from a small city west of Boise.

Blaylock’s stance is that the grants aren’t the proper role of government.

Speaking on the Senate floor in March, Blaylock highlighted the fact that the vast majority of the Empowering Parents money went to electronics — mostly computers, laptops and tablets.

“This program has drifted far from its original intent,” Blaylock said. “It’s turning into a technology slush fund, and if we choose to continue funding it, we are no longer empowering parents. We are creating entitlements.”

In an interview, Blaylock denied any desire to divert public school money to private education and said she was unaware the Idaho Freedom Foundation took that “unfortunate” position.

“The last thing I want is for this to be a ‘taking away from public schools to give to school choice,’ because that is not my intent at all,” Blaylock said.

She told the Senate’s education committee this year that her hope in ending the grants was to cut government spending by $30 million. But if the savings had to go somewhere, she’d want it to benefit other public school programs, especially in a year when lawmakers created the $50 million tax credit for private and homeschooling.

Regardless of how the $30 million in savings will be spent in the future, Blaylock’s assertion that the grants weren’t supposed to help families buy computers goes against what’s in the legislative record.

Lawmakers pitched Empowering Parents three years ago as a way to help lower-income students be on equal footing with their peers, with one legislator arguing that tablets and computers are such a part of education now that “without the ability of families to afford those devices, a student’s learning is substantially jeopardized.”

Republican Sen. Lori Den Hartog, opening debate on her bill to create Empowering Parents in 2022, said it was partly to address pandemic learning loss. “But,” she said, “it’s also a recognition of the ongoing needs that students in our state have, and that there is a potential different avenue to provide resources to those students.”

First in the list of eligible expenses Den Hartog spelled out: computer hardware, internet access, other technology. Then came textbooks, school materials, tutoring and everything else. (Den Hartog, who voted to repeal the program this year, did not respond to a request for comment.)

Killing the grants also went against the praise that Little, the state’s Republican governor, has showered on it. He has described the program as itself a form of “school choice,” touting how it helped low-income parents afford better education.

“The grants help families take charge of tools for their children’s education — things like computers and software, instructional materials and tutoring,” Little said in January 2023 when announcing his intent to make Empowering Parents permanent.

He called the grants “effective, popular and worthy of continued investment” because they “keep parents in the driver’s seat of their children’s education, as it should be.”

In the months before Idaho lawmakers voted to kill the program, Little again cited Empowering Parents as a success story, a way “to ensure Idaho families have the freedom and access to choose the best fit for their child’s unique education and learning needs.” He pointed out that the grants mainly went to public school students. He again touted it in his State of the State address in January, not as a temporary pandemic-era program but as “our popular” grant program “to support students’ education outside of the classroom.”

Nonetheless, the Idaho House and Senate both voted to kill the grant program by wide margins, and Little signed the bill on April 14.

Blaylock disagreed that the grant’s creators foresaw it would be used mostly for laptops and electronics. And, despite acknowledging state lawmakers decided to make it permanent, she disagrees that it was intended to be an ongoing program. She said public schools already get $36 million a year from the state to spend on technology, which they use to furnish computers students can take home, so families don’t need state money to buy more.

Little, in a letter explaining his decision to join lawmakers in killing the grants, said he was “proud of the positive outcomes” from the program. But, he wrote: “Now that the pandemic is squarely in the rearview mirror and students have long been back in school, I agree with the Legislature that this program served its purpose.”

When looking back at how Empowering Parents was created, Sevy, the local school board chair, suspects it was a soft attempt “to get the foot in the door” toward vouchers, not purely an effort to meet the needs of all students.

He remembers telling Den Hartog that the program was helping low-income families in his district. “She was super-excited to hear that,” Sevy said. “It’s like, OK! And here we are two years later, just getting rid of it.”


This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Audrey Dutton.

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Are Community Schools the Positive Disruptor Public Education Needs? https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/16/are-community-schools-the-positive-disruptor-public-education-needs/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/16/are-community-schools-the-positive-disruptor-public-education-needs/#respond Wed, 16 Apr 2025 19:05:36 +0000 https://progressive.org/public-schools-advocate/are-community-schools-the-positive-disruptor-public-education-needs-bryant-20250416/
This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Jeff Bryant.

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Trump’s racist, corrupt agenda – like a bank robbery in broad daylight https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/16/trumps-racist-corrupt-agenda-like-a-bank-robbery-in-broad-daylight/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/16/trumps-racist-corrupt-agenda-like-a-bank-robbery-in-broad-daylight/#respond Wed, 16 Apr 2025 01:39:40 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=113281 EDITORIAL: By Giff Johnson, editor of the Marshall Islands Journal

US President Donald Trump and his team is pursuing a white man’s racist agenda that is corrupt at its core. Trump’s advisor Elon Musk, who often seems to be the actual president, is handing his companies multiple contracts as his team takes over or takes down multiple government departments and agencies.

Trump wants to be the “king” of America and is already floating the idea of a third term, an action that would be an obvious violation of the US Constitution he swore to uphold but is doing his best to violate and destroy.

Every time we hear the Trump team spouting a “return to America’s golden age,” they are talking about 60-80 years ago, when white people ruled and schools, hospitals, restrooms and entire neighborhoods were segregated and African Americans and other minority groups had little opportunity.

Every photo of leaders from that time features large numbers of white American men. Trump’s cabinet, in contrast to recent cabinets of Democratic presidents, is mainly white and male.

This is where the US going. And lest any white women feel they are included in the Trump train, think again. Anything to do with women’s empowerment — including whites — is being scrubbed off the agenda by Trump minions in multiple government departments and agencies.

“Women” along with things like “climate change,” “diversity,” “equality,” “gender equity,” “justice,” etc are being removed from US government websites, policies and grant funding.

The white racist campaign against people of colour has seen iconic Americans removed from government websites. For example, a photo and story about Jackie Robinson, a military veteran, was recently removed from the Defense Department website as part of the Trump team’s war on diversity, equity and inclusion.

Broke whites-only colour barrier
Robinson was not only a military veteran, he was the first African American to break the whites-only colour barrier in Major League Baseball and went on to be elected to the Baseball Hall of Fame for his stellar performance with the Brooklyn Dodgers.

How about the removal of reference to the Army’s 442nd infantry regiment from World War II that is the most decorated unit in US military history? The 442nd was a fighting unit comprised of nearly all second-generation American soldiers of Japanese ancestry who more than proved their courage and loyalty to the United States during World War II.

The Defense Department removing references to these iconic Americans is an outrage. But showing the moronic level of the Trump team, they also deleted a photo of the plane that dropped the atomic bomb on Hiroshima, Japan at the end of World War II because the pilot named it after his mother, “Enola Gay.”

Despite the significance of the Enola Gay airplane in American military history, that latter word couldn’t get past the Pentagon’s scrubbing team, who were determined to wash away anything that hinted at, well, anything other than white, heterosexual male. And there is plenty more that was wiped off the history record of the Defense Department.

Meanwhile, Trump, his team and the Republican Party in general while claiming to be focused on eliminating corruption is authorising it on a grand scale.

Elon Musk’s redirection of contracts to Starlink, SpaceX and other companies he owns is one example among many. What is happening in the American government today is like a bank robbery in broad daylight.

The Trump team fired a score of inspectors general — the very officials who actively work to prevent fraud and theft in the US government. They are eliminating or effectively neutering every enforcement agency, from EPA (which ensures clean air and other anti-pollution programmes) and consumer protection to the National Labor Relations Board, where the mega companies like Musk’s, Facebook, Google and others have pending complaints from employees seeking a fair review of their work issues.

Huge cuts to social security
Trump with the aid of the Republican-controlled Congress is going to make huge cuts to Medicaid and Social Security — which will affect Marshallese living in America as much as Americans — all in order to fund tax cuts for the richest Americans and big corporations.

Then there is Trump’s targeting of judges who rule against his illegal and unconstitutional initiatives — Trump criticism that is parroted by Fox News and other Trump minions, and is leading to things like efforts in the Congress to possibly impeach judges or restrict their legal jurisdiction.

These are all anti-democracy, anti-US constitution actions that are already undermining the rule of law in the US. And we haven’t yet mentioned Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and its sweeping deportations without due process that is having calamitous collateral damage for people swept up in these deportation raids.

ICE is deporting people legally in the US studying at US universities for writing articles or speaking about justice for Palestinians. Whether we like what the writer or speaker says, a fundamental principle of democracy in the US is that freedom of expression is protected by the US constitution under the First Amendment.

That is no longer the case for Trump and his Republican team, which is happily abandoning the rule of law, due process and everything else that makes America what it is.

The irony is that multiple countries, normally American allies, have in recent weeks issued travel advisories to their citizens about traveling to the United States in the present environment where anyone who isn’t white and doesn’t fit into a male or female designation is subject to potential detention and deportation.

The immigration chill from the US will no doubt reduce visitor flow resulting in big losses in revenue, possibly in the billions of dollars, for tourism-related businesses.

Marshallese must pay attention
Marshallese need to pay attention to what’s happening and have valid passports at the ready. Sadly, if Marshallese have any sort of conviction no matter how ancient or minor it is likely they will be targets for deportation.

Further, even the visa-free access privilege for Marshallese and other Micronesians is apparently now under scrutiny by US authorities based on a statement by US Ambassador Laura Stone published recently by the Journal

It is a difficult time being one of the closest allies of the US because the RMI must engage at many levels with a US government that is presently in turmoil.

Giff Johnson is the editor of the Marshall Islands Journal and one of the Pacific’s leading journalists and authors. He is the author of several books, including Don’t Ever Whisper, Idyllic No More, and Nuclear Past, Unclear Future. This editorial was first published on 11 April 2025 and is reprinted with permission of the Marshall Islands Journal. marshallislandsjournal.com

Freedom of speech at the Marshall Islands High School

Messages of "inclusiveness" painted by Marshall Islands High School students in the capital Majuro
Messages of “inclusiveness” painted by Marshall Islands High School students in the capital Majuro. Image: Giff Johnson/Marshall Islands Journal

The above is one section of the outer wall at Marshall Islands High School. Surely, if this was a public school in America today, these messages would already have been whitewashed away by the Trump team censors who don’t like any reference to “inclusiveness,” “women,” and especially “gender equality.”

However, these messages painted by MIHS students are very much in keeping with Marshallese society and customary practices of welcoming visitors, inclusiveness and good treatment of women in this matriarchal society.

But don’t let President Trump know Marshallese think like this. — Giff Johnson


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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Obama praises Harvard for ‘setting example’ to universities resisting Trump https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/15/obama-praises-harvard-for-setting-example-to-universities-resisting-trump/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/15/obama-praises-harvard-for-setting-example-to-universities-resisting-trump/#respond Tue, 15 Apr 2025 10:02:03 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=113253 Asia Pacific Report

Former US President Barack Obama has taken to social media to praise Harvard’s decision to stand up for academic freedom by rebuffing the Trump administration’s demands.

“Harvard has set an example for other higher-ed institutions — rejecting an unlawful and ham-handed attempt to stifle academic freedom, while taking concrete steps to make sure all students at Harvard can benefit from an environment of intellectual inquiry, rigorous debate and mutual respect,” Obama wrote in a post on X.

He called on other universities to follow the lead.

Harvard will not comply with the Trump administration’s demands to dismantle its diversity programming, limit student protests over Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza, and submit to far-reaching federal audits in exchange for its federal funding, university president Alan M. Garber ’76 announced yesterday afternoon.

“No government — regardless of which party is in power — should dictate what private universities can teach, whom they can admit and hire, and which areas of study and inquiry they can pursue,” he wrote, reports the university’s Harvard Crimson news team.

The announcement comes two weeks after three federal agencies announced a review into roughly $9 billion in Harvard’s federal funding and days after the Trump administration sent its initial demands, which included dismantling diversity programming, banning masks, and committing to “full cooperation” with the Department of Homeland Security.

Within hours of the announcement to reject the White House demands, the Trump administration paused $2.2 billion in multi-year grants and $60 million in multi-year contracts to Harvard in a dramatic escalation in its crusade against the university.

More focused demands
On Friday, the Trump administration had delivered a longer and more focused set of demands than the ones they had shared two weeks earlier.

It asked Harvard to “derecognise” pro-Palestine student groups, audit its academic programmes for viewpoint diversity, and expel students involved in an altercation at a 2023 pro-Palestine protest on the Harvard Business School campus.

It also asked Harvard to reform its admissions process for international students to screen for students “supportive of terrorism and anti-Semitism” — and immediately report international students to federal authorities if they break university conduct policies.

It called for “reducing the power held by faculty (whether tenured or untenured) and administrators more committed to activism than scholarship” and installing leaders committed to carrying out the administration’s demands.

And it asked the university to submit quarterly updates, beginning in June 2025, certifying its compliance.

Garber condemned the demands, calling them a “political ploy” disguised as an effort to address antisemitism on campus.

“It makes clear that the intention is not to work with us to address antisemitism in a cooperative and constructive manner,” he wrote.

“Although some of the demands outlined by the government are aimed at combating antisemitism, the majority represent direct governmental regulation of the ‘intellectual conditions’ at Harvard.”

The Harvard Crimson daily news, founded in 1873
The Harvard Crimson daily news, founded in 1873 . . . how it reported the universoity’s defiance of the Trump administration today. Image: HC screenshot APR


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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Israeli military reservists court Australian universities amid ‘hypocrisy’ over anti-war protests https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/14/israeli-military-reservists-court-australian-universities-amid-hypocrisy-over-anti-war-protests/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/14/israeli-military-reservists-court-australian-universities-amid-hypocrisy-over-anti-war-protests/#respond Mon, 14 Apr 2025 23:41:03 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=113227 Hundreds of university staff and students in Melbourne and Sydney called on their vice-chancellors to cancel pro-Israel events earlier this month, write Michael West Media’s Wendy Bacon and Yaakov Aharon.

SPECIAL REPORT: By Wendy Bacon and Yaakov Aharon

While Australia’s universities continue to repress pro-Palestine peace protests, they gave the green light to pro-Israel events earlier this month, sparking outrage from anti-war protesters over the hypocrisy.

Israeli lobby groups StandWithUs Australia (SWU) and Israel-IS organised a series of university events this week which featured Israel Defense Force (IDF) reservists who have served during the war in Gaza, two of whom lost family members in the Hamas resistance attack on October 7, 2023.

The events were promoted as “an immersive VR experience with an inspiring interfaith panel” discussing the importance of social cohesion, on and off campus.”

Hundreds of staff and students at Monash, Sydney Uni, UNSW and UTS signed letters calling on their universities to “act swiftly to cancel the SWU event and make clear that organisations and individuals who worked with the Israel Defense Forces did not have a place on UNSW campuses.”

SWU is a global charity organisation which supports Israel and fights all conduct it perceives to be “antisemitic”. It campaigns against the United Nations and international NGOs’ findings against Israel and is currently supporting actions to suspend United States students supporting Palestine.

It established an office in Sydney in 2022 and Michael Gencher, who previously worked at the NSW Jewish Board of Deputies, was appointed as CEO.

The event’s co-sponsor, Israel-IS, is a similar propaganda outfit whose mission is to “connect with people before they connect with ideas” particularly through “cutting edge technologies like VR and AI.”

Among their 18 staff, one employee’s role is “IDF coordinator’” while two employees serve as “heads of Influencer Academy”.

The events were a test for management at Monash, UTS, UNSW and USyd to see how far each would go in cooperating with the Israel lobby.

Some events cancelled
At Monash, an open letter criticising the event was circulated by staff and students. The event was then cancelled without explanation.

At UNSW, 51 staff and postgraduate students signed an open letter to vice-chancellor Atilla Brungs, calling for the event’s cancellation. It was signed on their behalf by Jessica Whyte, an associate professor of philosophy in arts and law and Noam Peleg, associate professor in the Faculty of Law and Justice.

Prior to the scheduled event, Michael West Media sent questions to UNSW. After the event was scheduled to occur, the university responded to MWM, informing us that it had not taken place.

As of today, two days after the event was scheduled, vice-chancellor Brungs has not responded to the letter.

UTS warning to students
The UTS branch of the Australasian Union of Jewish Students partnered with Israel-IS in organising the UTS event, in alignment with their core “pillars” of Zionism and activism. The student group seeks to “promote a positive image of Israel on campus” to achieve its vision of a world where Jewish students are committed to Israel.

UTS Students’ Association, Palestinian Youth Society and UTS Muslim Student Society wrote to management but deputy vice-chancellor Kylie Readman rejected pleas. She replied that the event’s organisers had guaranteed it would be “a small private event focused on minority Israeli perspectives” and that speakers would only speak in a personal capacity.

While acknowledging the conflict in the Middle East was stressful for many at UTS, she then warned students, “UTS has not received formal notification of any intent to protest, as is required under the campus policy. As such, I must advise that any protest activity planned for 2nd April will be unauthorised. I would urge you to encourage students not to participate in an unauthorised protest.”

Students who allegedly breach campus policies can face disciplinary proceedings that can lead to suspension.

UTS Student Association president Mia Campbell told MWM, “The warning given by UTS about protesting definitely felt intimidating and frightening to a number of students, including myself.

“Especially as a law student, misconduct allegations can affect your admission to the profession . . .  but with all other avenues of communication exhausted between us and the university, it felt like we didn’t have a choice.

I don’t want to look back on what I was doing during this genocide and have done any less than what was possible at the time.

The reading of Gaza child victim's names
A UTS student reads the names of Gaza children killed in Israel’s War on Gaza. Image: Wendy Bacon/MWM

Sombre, but quietly angry protest
The UTS protest was sombre but quietly angry. Speakers read from lists naming dead Palestinian children.

One speaker, who has lost 120 members of his extended family in Gaza, explained why he protested: “We have to be backed into a corner, told we can’t protest, told we can’t do anything. We’ve exhausted every single policy . . . Add to all that we are threatened with misconduct.”

Do you think we can stay silent while there are people on campus who may have played a part in the killings in Gaza?

SWU at University of Sydney
University of Sydney staff and students who signed an open letter received no reply before the event.

Activists from USyd staff in support of Palestine, Students Against War and Jews Against the Occupation ‘48 began protesting outside the Michael Spence building that houses the university’s senior executives on the Wednesday evening, April 2.

Escorted by UTS security, three SWU representatives arrived. A small group was admitted. Soon afterwards, the participants could be seen from below in the building’s meeting room.

A few protesters remained and booed the attendees as they left. These included Mark Leach, a far right Christian Zionist and founder of pro-Israeli group Never Again is Now. Later on X, he condemned the protesters and described Israel as a “multi-ethnic enclave of civilisation.”

Warning letters for students
Several student activists have received letters recently warning them about breaching the new USyd code of conduct regulating protests. USyd has also adopted a definition of anti-semitism which critics say could restrict criticism of Israel.

It has been slammed by the Jewish Council of Australia as “dangerous” and “unworkable”.

A Jews against Occupation ’48 speaker, Judith Treanor, said, “Welcoming this organisation makes a mockery of this university’s stated values of respect, non-harassment, and anti-racism.

“In the context of this university’s adoption of draconian measures to stifle freedom of expression in relation to Palestine, the decision to host this event promoting Israel reveals a shocking level of hypocrisy and a huge abuse of power.”

Jews against occupation '48
Jews Against the Occupation ‘48: L-R Suzie Gold, Laurie Izaks MacSween and Judith Treanor at the protest. Image: Vivienne Moore/MWM

No stranger to USyd
Michael Gencher is no stranger to USyd. Since October 2023, he has opposed student encampments and street protests.

On one occasion, he visited the USyd protest student encampment in support of Palestine with Richard Kemp, a retired British army commander who tirelessly promotes the IDF. Kemp’s most recent X post congratulates Hungary for withdrawing from “the International Criminal Kangaroo Court. Other countries should reject this political court and follow suit.”

Kemp and Gencher filmed themselves attempting to interrogate students about their knowledge of conflict in the Middle East on May 21, 2024, but the students refused to be provoked and declined to engage.

In May 2024, Gercher helped organise a joint rally at USyd with Zionist Group Together with Israel, a partner of far-right group Australian Jewish Association. Extreme Zionist Ofir Birenbaum, who was recently exposed as covertly filming staff at an inner city cafe, Cairo Takeaway, helped organise the rally.

Students at the USyd encampment told MWM  that they experienced provocative behaviour towards them during the May rally.

Opposition to StandWithUs
Those who oppose the SWU campus events draw on international findings condemning Israel and its IDF, explained in similar letters to university leaders.

After the USyd event, those who signed a letter received a response from vice-chancellor Mark Scott.

He explained, “We host a broad range of activities that reflect different perspectives — we recognise our role as a place for debate and disagreeing well, which includes tolerance of varied opinions.”

His response ignored the concerns raised, which leaves this question: Why are organisations that reject all international and humanitarian legal findings, including ones of genocide and ethnic cleansing,

being made to feel ‘safe and welcome’ when their critics risk misconduct proceedings?

SWU CEO Michael Gencher went on the attack in the Jewish press:

“We’re seeing a coordinated attempt to intimidate universities into silencing Israeli voices simply because they don’t conform to a radical political narrative.” He accused the academics of spreading “provable lies, dangerous rhetoric, and blatant hypocrisy.”

SWU regards United Nations and other findings against Israel as false.

Wendy Bacon is an investigative journalist who was professor of journalism at UTS. She worked for Fairfax, Channel Nine and SBS and has published in The Guardian, New Matilda, City Hub and Overland. She has a long history in promoting independent and alternative journalism. She is a long-term supporter of a peaceful BDS and the Greens.

Yaakov Aharon is a Jewish-Australian living in Wollongong. He enjoys long walks on Wollongong Beach, unimpeded by Port Kembla smoke fumes and AUKUS submarines. This article was first published by Michael West Media and is republished with permission of the authors.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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‘People are hiding in their apartments’: Inside Trump’s assault on universities https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/11/people-are-hiding-in-their-apartments-inside-trumps-assault-on-universities/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/11/people-are-hiding-in-their-apartments-inside-trumps-assault-on-universities/#respond Fri, 11 Apr 2025 19:09:14 +0000 https://therealnews.com/?p=333417 Protesters rally in Manhattan to demand an end to cuts in science, research, education and other areas by the Trump administration on April 08, 2025 in New York City. Photo by Spencer Platt/Getty Images“I have never seen a climate of fear like this in my life anywhere. We’re getting hundreds of emails every single day from faculty, staff, and students [saying], ‘I need a safe place to stay.’”]]> Protesters rally in Manhattan to demand an end to cuts in science, research, education and other areas by the Trump administration on April 08, 2025 in New York City. Photo by Spencer Platt/Getty Images

International students are being abducted and disappeared by ICE in broad daylight. Life-saving research projects across the academy are being halted or thrown into disarray by seismic cuts to federal grants. Dozens of universities are under federal investigation for their Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion programs, their allowance of trans athletes to compete in college sports, and their tolerance of constitutionally protected Palestine solidarity protests. In today’s urgent episode of Working People, we get a harrowing, on-the-ground view of the Trump administration’s all-out assault on institutions of higher education and the people who live, learn, and work there. TRNN Editor-in-Chief Maximillian Alvarez speaks with Todd Wolfson, President of the American Association of University Professors, Associate Professor of Journalism and Media Studies at Rutgers University, and co-director of the Media, Inequality and Change Center; and Chenjerai Kumanyika, Assistant Professor at the Arthur L. Carter Journalism Institute at New York University, AAUP Council Member, and Peabody-award winning host of Empire City: The Untold Origin Story of the NYPD.

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Featured Music…

  • Jules Taylor, “Working People” Theme Song

Studio Production: Maximillian Alvarez
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Transcript

The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Alright. Welcome everyone to Working People, a podcast about the lives, jobs, dreams, and struggles of the working class today. Working People is a proud member of the Labor Radio Podcast Network and is brought to you in partnership within these Times Magazine and the Real News Network. This show is produced by Jules Taylor and made possible by the support of listeners like you. My name is Maximillian Alvarez and today we are taking an urgent look at the Trump Administration’s all out assault on institutions of higher education and the people who live, learn, and work there. As we’ve been covering here on the show and across the Real News Network, the Trump Musk administration’s attacks on workers, workers’ rights, and on democracy as such are frankly so broad, wide ranging and destructive that it’s hard to really sum it all up here. But colleges and universities have become a key target of Trump’s administration and a key battlefront for enacting his agenda.

The world of higher ed looks and feels a lot different today than it did when I was a graduate student at the University of Michigan and then an editor at the Chronicle of Higher Education just a few short years ago. International students like Mahmoud Khalil at Columbia University and Rumeysa Ozturk at Tufts are being hunted, abducted, and disappeared by ice for speaking out against Israel’s US backed genocide of Palestinians, hundreds of international students have had their visas and their ability to stay in the country abruptly revoked. Dozens of investigations into different universities have been launched by the administration because of their diversity, equity and inclusion programs, their allowance of trans athletes to compete in college sports and their tolerance of constitutionally protected Palestine solidarity protests, which the administration has dangerously deemed antisemitic and grounds for denial of federal funding. And the administration has indeed frozen federal funding as a means to bend universities to Trump’s will.

So far. Alan Blinder reports this week at the New York Times “seven universities have been singled out for punitive funding cuts or have been explicitly notified that their funding is in serious jeopardy. They are Brown University, which the Trump administration said stood to lose 510 million Columbia, which is hoping to regain about $400 million in canceled grants and contracts after it bowed to a list of demands from the federal government, Cornell University, the target of a cut of at least 1 billion Harvard University, which has approximately 9 billion at stake. Northwestern University, which Trump administration officials said would be stripped of $790 million. The University of Pennsylvania, which saw $175 million in federal funding suspended because of its approach to a transgender athlete’s participation in 2022 and Princeton University, which said dozens of grants have been suspended. The White House indicated that $210 million was at risk.”

The battle on and over our institutions of higher education have been and will continue to be a critical front where the future of democracy and the Trump Administration’s agenda will be decided. And it will be decided not just by what Trump does and how university administrators and boards of regents respond. It will be decided by how faculty respond, how students and grad students respond, staff campus communities, and you in the public writ large. We’re going to be covering that fight continuously here on working people and at the Real News Network in the coming months and years. And we’re taking it head on in today’s episode with two guests who are on the front lines of that fight.

I’m honored to have them joining us together. Returning to the podcast, we’ve got Todd Wolfson, who currently serves as president of the American Association of University Professors. Todd is associate professor of Journalism and Media Studies at Rutgers University and he’s the co-director of the Media, Inequality, and Change Center, a collaboration between the University of Pennsylvania’s Anenberg School of Communication and Rutgers University’s School of Communication and Information.

We are also joined today by Chenjerai Kumanyika, assistant professor at the Arthur L. Carter Journalism Institute at New York University, who serves as a council member for the AAUP. You likely already know Chenjerai’s voice. I mean, the man is a radio and podcast legend. He’s a Peabody award-winning host of Empire City: The Untold Origin Story of the NYPD. He’s the co-creator, co-executive producer and co-host of Uncivil, Gimlet Media’s podcast on the Civil War, and so much more. Brother Todd, brother Chenj, thank you both so much for joining us on the show today. I really appreciate it and I want to just dive right in. And I want to start by just asking you both to keep pulling on the thread from my introduction to the show just now. I tried to pack in as much information as I could, but really this is just scratching the surface of things. So can you both help our listeners better understand the full scope of what is actually happening across higher ed in the United States right now? So Todd, let’s start with you and then Chenj, please hop in after

Todd Wolfson:

You did a pretty good job packing in a lot of information in the short bit Max and yeah, it’s like drinking from a fire hose right now. I characterize the main attacks as there’s about five streams of main frontal assaults on higher ed. One is an absolute attempt at the destruction of our biomedical research infrastructure and then a broader research infrastructure from there. And National Endowments of the Humanities just announced a 70% cancellation of all their grants. But the biggest funding agency that’s taken the biggest hit is the NIH, which is the biggest biomedical research funding organization in the world. In the world. And at this point in 2024, they’d given out 6 billion in grants to do research on cancer and to do research on the Alzheimer’s and strokes and pediatric oncology and diabetes and all the things we all need so that when we go to the doctor, they have cutting edge therapies to save the lives of ourselves and our parents.

Now that 6 billion is 2.7 billion, that’s how much they’ve given out in 2025, less than half. So if we project that out, the NIH gives out 40 billion in funding for research on issues, biomedical health research, we expect something like 20 billion. So a $20 billion cut in research is what we’re looking at. And again, it’s primarily targeted at the biomedical infrastructure, but this is also National Science Foundation grants, it’s National Endowment of Humanities grants. It’s all the critical things that we need. So that’s one bucket. The second bucket is extreme attacks on our students. You flagged it, right? Abductions of students in broad daylight, Mahmud, Khalil, who you mentioned, I think there’s about eight or nine students now that have been just abducted in broad daylight and whisked into an ice underground prison system, usually hundreds of miles from their home, often with no charge, maybe the slightest charge of some pro-Palestinian in organizing or protest work or even editorial work, which is their right of freedom of speech absolute and getting whisked off.

But those folks who they’ve abducted are just scratching the surface over the weekend. Over this past weekend, the numbers something like 600 visas were revoked across the country. We think at least a hundred of them were college, graduate and undergraduate students. So not all that’s hitting our colleges and universities. It’s bigger than that, but it’s probably the largest sector taking this hit and we’re trying to figure it out at Rutgers, my home institution 1212 students got their visas revoked and the folks who got their visas revoked this past weekend, they’re not on record for anything. We think it’s country of origin and connected to the Muslim Ban 2.0, but we’re not even sure. So that’s a second. And just to be clear about these attacks on our students, the goal is to outlaw protest, right? This is the first step in the strategy. They’re weaponizing antisemitism to go after pro-Palestinian protestors.

This is a first step and they want to see they’re testing the water and they want to see how far they can take this. Just yesterday they floated deporting US citizens, so they’re going to keep pushing this and the goal is to shut us up. The other things I’ll just flag really quickly that it should be on folks’ Radar is also happening. As we know. They’re also attacking universities for DEI related grants and programs, and that’s been a massive attack. It was one of the first executive orders. So for instance, we have a researcher who is doing research on the diversity of wheat crops, the genome and wheat crops. That research canceled because the word diversity is in it and they don’t want diversity any sort of DEI. And so plant genome diversity is part of DEI now and it’s of the keystone cops, and they’re doing this through keyword searches, but it gets more serious than that.

They’re also canceling research on infant mortality rates. We want to understand why they’re differing infant mortality rates in urban or suburban or rural settings in black communities and white communities and Latinx communities. They won’t allow that research anymore or literacy rates. They don’t allow differing literacy rates in urban, suburban rural communities, diversity research. So there’s DEI attacks, and then the last attack I’ll flag, and I’ll let Chenjerai come in is that the attack on our institutions writ large, and that’s the stuff that we’re seeing at Columbia and we’re seeing at all these other universities that you laid out. It’s not simply to weaponize antisemitism, to threaten cuts in the biomedical research and weaponize antisemitism. It’s bigger than that. They want to be able to control these institutions and the first step is Columbia bowing. And so now they expect these next six bow and on and on from there. And the goal is for them to come in and tell us what we can research, what we can teach, what our students can say and learn. So it’s a real attempt at massive control. And again, they’re looking at hungry in Europe and they’re getting much of their strategy here. So those are four major buckets of attacks going on. I’m sorry, get in there, Chenj.

Chenjerai Kumanyika:

First of all, I think you laid it out real well. And also I’ll just say much respect to you Max, to working people pod. I’ve been a long time fan, real excited to be here. So I just want to step back a little bit and talk about, we have to really look at why this is happening and if you look at these cuts, it points to a little bit about why they’re doing this, right? First of all, they’re lying about what higher education is and I think that’s really important. They want to cast higher education as a place that is only for a certain kind of elites, but that’s not true. Higher education is where so many families in America, across America, different communities, not just in rural community cities where people are sending their kids because they want to have a fair shot, whether family members because they want to have a fair shot.

So that’s one component. They also want to actually restrict higher education to maybe people just imagine a certain kind of classes that they think don’t matter. But we have to understand is higher education is a lot of things. Higher education are healthcare facilities, not just places where health research is being done, but also where health workers are working in places where people are nurses, doctors, people who are nurses, aides and doctor aides. All those kinds are working at healthcare facilities that are a part of higher education. And in some communities, those are the only healthcare facilities and they reach out into the community.

Universities are, and like I said, speaking of labor universities are places where people of all kinds of different folks work. They want you to think about this caricature of the woke student and then the woke out of touch elite professor. But of course a lot of people working in universities are contingent, contingent faculty, people who are teaching an incredible load and do not have the kind of job security that we would like them to have. You have staff, you have people who, there’s food facilities, cafeteria workers. So in many places, universities are public, universities are huge employer for the state, a huge amount of that is happening. So they are really central. And this is not to say at all that higher education doesn’t have problems, but I think with everything with this administration, and if you look at the A UP and some of the incredible exciting coalitions we’ve been building around labor and higher education, we were already trying to address some of these changes that these outside agitators would like to do to control our institutions and make them places cases with administrators being complicit with that.

So that’s just one thing, but I want to say that they’re lying about what it is, but it’s also like they’re lying when you look at what they’re attacking. So for example, if you look at these cuts to the NIH, right? This is not some kind of austerity where they’re doing this because they want to help taxpayers. This is ideological. They want to replace public science with corporate science and they want to defund fields that they can’t control, especially ones that address systemic health disparities or things like the social determinants of health, reproductive research, things like gun violence, climate health, mental health. I mean, look at these cuts that happened yesterday when you, I think Cornell and Northwestern are not verifying everything. They’re still trying to figure out what’s going on in this cuts that happen, but you just look at it and go, some of the stuff that’s being cut, cancer research, I mean they receive stop work orders to stop cancer research.

So when we say these cuts kill, it’s serious. It’s not hyperbole. And I think that that’s really important for folks to understand. And just one other thing I’ll say is, but not only in the STEM fields, why are they so obsessed with, for example, gender and queer studies in the humanities? Partially because they understand that when people study those fields, they expose how gender gets used as a political category to maintain state control using sexuality and kinship and labor. They understand that in the humanities, the research around race and around the real history of America. They understand that when people understand that, when people understand history, they’re like, oh, then they’re less vulnerable to some of the moves that they want to make and the ways that they want to, their policies harm people both here and abroad. And so I just think disabilities, they don’t want people studying disability studies and really understand how some of these market logics harm people who are disabled or people who are chronically ill. And then what that has to mean for health infrastructure because again, they want to reformulate this society and according to what profits, billionaires. So I think that when we look at these cuts, part of our battle is that, and I think what’s happening now in an unfortunate way is we’re seeing people come together around a real understanding of why it’s important for this research to continue, why it’s important for it to be protected from Elon Musk or people like RFK or whatever and what higher education really is.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Todd, Chenjerai, I want to ask if you could take us even further into your lifeworld and your experience of all this chaos that’s happening in higher ed right now at the hands of the Trump administration. We were talking in that first section about the scope of this attack. I want to ask if you could tell us about the experience of the attacks. How have you both personally been processing this as it’s been unfolding in your capacities as professors, but also as representatives and leaders of the AAUP? What are you hearing from your colleagues in the faculty? How are students responding to this and other members of the community?

Chenjerai Kumanyika:

Well, I guess I’ll jump in. There’s so much. One thing I’ll say is that there are Todd and a number of other leaders in organizations like Higher Ed, labor United, some people in a UP who are not necessarily positioned in the leadership in the way that we are now and and other folks who are working in a coalition which we now have called Labor for Higher Education. So many people and people at different AAUP locals were already in a fight about the direction higher education is going in. I mean, as someone who just kind of came into the academy around two, I mean as a professor, I started my first appointment around 2013. What I saw was I worked at universities where the whole faculty had been kind of casualized and really didn’t have the ability to speak up. And I saw what the effects of that were.

I saw what they were living in fear because the way the contract structure had been set up, they kind of had to beg for their jobs every year. They didn’t have protections, they didn’t have the benefits they needed, and in the southern states, they really had real obstacles to really organizing around collective bargaining. So I saw what that meant for people though I saw what that meant. For example, what the custodial workers in university, they didn’t have a place they could really go to appeal and push back on things that the administration might be doing with them. And then I moved through to different institutions. I was at Rutgers for full disclosure briefly, and I saw kind of the opposite of what it means when you have a wall to wall union and what it means actually to go through those struggles and all those other kinds of things.

So I just want to say that it was really interesting that so many of us were kind of in this battle. I was still kind of learning and getting involved with it when these cuts hit, what you saw was everything that we had already been talking about just kind of escalate to a whole new level and then with these new pieces involved. And for me, it looks like talking to colleagues who were doing HIV research or cancer research, I mean seeing them at an informal event and they’re just almost in tears because their whole research infrastructure, they have to figure out if they’re going to fire people. There’s a diverse array of postdoc students who’s not only their education but their jobs are in flux. They’re thinking about the people that they serve and they’re just in a panic state. And then I’m seeing people who put it is not easy to get an NEH grant or an NIH grant.

You put a lot of work into doing that, and that work sustains both the communities and some of those institutions. And I’m just seeing people, some of these grants, for example, are grants that function at multiple institutions, you know what I’m saying? So they kind of helped to really create an infrastructure for people to do powerful, important research. A lot of research by the way, and this is I think also if you look at it is one way people tend to think about a place like Cornell, but you got to understand some of that research was in innovation. Some of it was even in national security stuff. So that’s the kind of stuff that I was seeing be people say, oh my God, how do I keep this work going? What do I do? Scrambling, panicking. And the idea that the Trump administration is doing this to somehow make America more competitive to protect working class vulnerable people is absurd.

And then to talk about the DEI stuff that was coming down, I mean we’re kind of in the discussion now about the cuts. I would say. I mean it’s just fascinating and very clarifying to watch these folks try to just roll back a hundred years of civil rights progress in the most flagrant and obvious ways. No way I can say it. How as a journalist, your job usually is to try to translate something that’s not quite clear. This is so crystal clear. People see it. They see what you’re not allowed to talk about. They see who’s getting fired. And then the final thing I’ll say is that when it comes to the issue of the free to protest students who stood up on the issue of Palestine, I mean, I’ve been in meetings with colleagues who are talking about students and colleagues hiding in their apartment.

People are being advised by their lawyers in to hide in their apartment because they’re not sure what’s going to happen if they come out. If there’s every time on the street I’m at NYU. But anytime those ice vehicles or certain kinds of police vehicles pull up, you just see a wave of terror go across the company snatching people off the street. And so to sort of try to function in every day in that kind of context and do the work that we want to do as a faculty member, I want to tell my colleagues and my students that it’s going to be okay, but the way that we can actually make it is to really organize. And it’s good we are organizing, but it’s horrifying.

Todd Wolfson:

Thank you. Change. I mean, I want to start where you have tough, and it doesn’t perfectly answer your question Max, but it just needs to be said here, which is the 60 to 70 years of divestment from higher ed and the fascist threats to higher ed in this moment are deeply entangled, and that’s something that needs to be clearly understood and discussed more. So divestment started at the moment when schools like the University of California system and CUNY were free. They were free in the seventies, in the sixties into the early seventies, and people of color were getting access to free higher ed for the first time or a highly subsidized higher ed for the first time in this country’s history. And in the same moment, those same universities around the country were the backbone of the sixties in the protests, whether it’s the protests against Vietnam or for the Civil Rights Movement, black Panther party, each one of these had the Berkeley free speech movement was deeply, universities were critical to them.

And so at first it was a racialized and political attack on our universities that started in the sixties and seventies. Reagan was governor of California, and he said quite directly, we can’t let the working class get educated for free. That was said, and that led to divest from our institutions first in California. Again, Reagan was like, we got to do something about those radicals, radical hippies in Berkeley. And so they divested and they forced students to start paying for their higher ed. So that happened. And lo and behold, the right-wing attack on higher ed led to a full scale like neoliberal corporate kind of ideology within higher ed, where our institutions became more and more dependent on a corporate logic, a neoliberal logic to run themselves, which meant Chen drive’s point more contingent faculty, higher tuition rates higher and higher and higher tuition rates, 2 trillion student debt bureaucrats running our institutions, and importantly, mission drift.

They don’t remember what the institution is for because they’re so tied to corporate America ideology. And so no longer are these institutions, the bedrock of a public system, a common good system. And so fast forward to the fascist attacks on our institution, which we’re outlining right now. They had already hollowed out the core. They had already hollowed out the cord. And that’s why Columbia bows and knee in one second flat. That’s why our presidents go down to Washington DC when they’re called by the Educational Workforce Committee, and they cannot respond with a clear vision of what higher ed is about, and they get end run by right-wing ideologues in the Senate and in Congress. And so it’s really important to just flag that there’s a deeply entwined relationship between fascism, right-wing ideology, authoritarianism and neoliberalism, which isn’t really well talked about, which is what has put us in this situation.

I’m sorry, I just want to go into that. It’s got to be flagged. Note to your question. It’s like I have never seen a climate of fear like this in my life anywhere, anywhere in my experience, we’re getting hundreds of emails every single day from faculty, from staff, from students. I need a safe place to say to Chen’s point, I need a safe place to stay. That’s on half of our discussions right now is people need safe places to stay. I don’t know if my research project is going to be cut. I’m not going to get tenure. I’m going to have to change careers because a loss of funding, I’m going to be set home and I’m not going to be able to come back and finish my degree. These are the kind of discussions we’re having, and it’s not like once in a while.

It’s every single day, multiple times a day. The fear is palpable and it’s purposeful. It’s purposeful, right? They’re trying to destabilize us, they’re trying to make us fearful, and they’re trying to get us all to bow down to what is a fascist threat to our institutions. So I mean, that’s the situation we’re in, but I’m seeing something else too, and this is what gives me a lot of hope, is that fear is turning into anger and that anger is turning into action and we need more of that. And we need the people who are the least vulnerable, US-born citizens, people with tenure to stand up and step into this battle full throated not only for ourselves but for all of us, for higher education, for democracy, but also for the vulnerable students who dared to speak out for a free Palestine and now are getting dragged away in handcuffs by ice agents. It’s on us to do that and continue building that power.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Guys, we were just talking about how the sort of long path to turning universities into their kind of contemporary neoliberal corporate ties, versions of themselves like that all predated these attacks. And it has, as you both pointed out, made institutions of higher ed, especially vulnerable to these sorts of attacks from the Trump administration. I wanted to kind of just tug on that thread a bit more by asking about the workforce and what the campus community looks like after decades of neoliberal reforms because this was something that I dealt with as a graduate student and political organizer at the University of Michigan during the first Trump administration. We are trying to rally members of the campus community and in so doing had to come up against the fact that you have students who, unlike the student activists of the 1960s, who now having to make the calculation of whether or not they could afford to get suspended or even miss a class because they are paying tens of thousands of dollars for this tuition.

So that right there is already a complicating factor in the political minds of people on campus, especially students. But you also have—Chenjerai mentioned the ways that faculty in higher ed over the past 40 years, we used to have around 75% of the faculty be tenured or tenure track and only 25% being non-tenure track and contingent faculty, adjuncts, lecturers, so on and so forth. That ratio is completely flipped and the vast bulk of the teaching workforce in higher ed is made up of so-called contingent faculty, and that puts a lot more pressure on those faculty members to not get involved in political activity for fear that their paychecks and livelihoods and professional reputations will be tarnished and they’ll be out of a job. So these are sort of just some of the realities that one has to deal with trying to organize on a campus in the 21st century. I wanted to ask if you could just for folks listening talk about that more and what it looks like from the faculty side. So as you all on your campuses are trying to respond to this moment, what role is the AAUP playing in that? For folks listening, could you just say what the AAUP is, but also what the differences between say a tenured professor and an adjunct professor and their involvement in this fight right now?

Todd Wolfson:

So I’ll just lay out what the AAUP is a real brief. So AAUP is over a hundred years old. John Dewey, one of the great US scholars was one of the founders of it. And when it was first, and this is why it’s a complicated organization, when it was first established, it was a professional association for faculty, and it probably was like that for its first 50 years. But in 1970 or about that time, it also started unionizing and building collective bargaining units. And so it is been a layered history of first a professional association layered on top of that a union, a national union for faculty in particular. And so today it is both of those things. But from my vantage as the president who comes out of a strong union at Rutgers, I think in this moment in time, it needs to act less like a professional association and more like a union.

It needs to build power, it needs to organize and it needs to fight, fight not only up against the threats we face right now with the Trump administration, but also fight to reimagine what higher education is for and about, which I’d love to get to, but I’ll say one other thing about this and then quickly talk about faculty and then kick it to Chen, which is we have 500 chapters across this country on every type of university in community colleges, two year institutions at four year publics, four year privates in Ivy League institutions, every type of institution, out of those 500, about 400 of our chapters are called advocacy chapters. They don’t have collective bargaining rights. And about 100 are unions. And an important thing for your listeners to know is private. In private universities, faculty, tenured faculty do not have the right to unionize, but in public universities they do.

So it’s a strange bifurcation. And so there are a few places where faculty have unions in private institutions, but almost the entirety of tenure stream faculty that are unionized are unionized our public institutions. And so then I’ll just say one other thing for folks to know, which is, and unfortunately a UP used to primarily cater to tenure stream faculty, our leadership, we do not believe in that. We believe in, everyone fights together, wall to wall, coast to coast. And so we’re really fighting to reframe that. And it’s not just about faculty. We need to build with faculty. We need to build with our postdocs, our grad workers. We need to build with our undergrads, we need to build with our custodial staff, professional staff, tech across the board, our medical workers. That’s the only way forward. That’s the only way we build the power necessary to fight back.

And the last thing I’ll say is that the professor, the faculty in this country, you flagged it and it’s important to know it is not what they say it is. The majority, at least the plurality of faculty are contingent. Most of them are adjunct faculty, which means part-time. And most of them are applying for their jobs semester after semester every semester with no benefits, no zero benefits. And so we have adjunct faculty that are teaching six classes in a semester at six different institutions up and down the eastern seaboard. So the teacher is one day in a school in upstate New York and the next day teaching in Philadelphia. That’s the situation. And they’re lucky to scrape by with 60 grand a year and no benefits. So the story they tell about what the professoriate is and the reality of the professoriate couldn’t be more different. And it’s important to understand that when we think about our institutions today. But I’ll let Chenjerai get in there and talk a little bit more about that.

Chenjerai Kumanyika:

Yeah, I just think I want to go back to something Todd says, we have to, I can’t help, but we make this a little historical. This is not actually not unprecedented. And it’s really important for people to understand that this is part of a historical trajectory that has to do with neoliberalism. I was reading recently and talking actually with Ryan Leventhal incredible book called Burdened. One of the things that lays out is that in 1979, some conservatives got together at the Heritage Foundation and were like, we’re going to start to lay out a plan. And they laid out a plan called a series what ultimately became a series of publications called Mandate for Leadership. They launched the first one in 1980. And that did a lot of things. Mandate for leadership was broad, it didn’t just focus on higher education. But actually the first thing you got to understand is Project 2025 was a part in that series.

So people talk about project 25, like 2025, it came out of nowhere. No, it was a part of things that started, and it’s not like they never had a chance to implement it. The sort of attacks cuts, similar types of things that were implemented that were sort of planned out in this kind of early eighties version of the project 2025 were actually implemented other Reagan administration. Now, one of the many things that did was it really gutted federal support for higher education, including things like student loans and actually transformed a lot of, I mean I would say including student support. Because one of the things that happened during that period was that a lot of the federal grants, I think in the early, if you would’ve looked going back to the forties, only like 20% of the federal money that came in was targeted toward a loan structure where people would have to repay it right after the eighties where they realized that they could actually turn student debt into a product.

It became like a centerpiece. But that was just one of many ways in which you started to see this divestment of states of the federal government from public education support. And so yes, to your point, that has meant that all these people, that has meant that our faculty, so many of the faculty are insecure. And I want to be clear, the reason, part of why I bring that up is that they were very intentional about the idea that people who are insecure are going to be less political. People who are in debt are going to be less political. They’re not going to be sure, and they’re going to have to make very careful decisions about how they can fight if they can fight. And some of it is even just being overloaded with work. And as you try to pay back this debt as you try to do it, you might not even have time to get your mind around it, if that sounds familiar to anybody.

And for this reason, this is one of the ways I just want to be clear, that these attacks don’t just touch people currently in the academy, they touch both the cuts to funding. I mean, I’m hearing from parents who are unsure what disciplines their folks should go into. So they’re actually trying to shape it where at a time when we need massive amount of doctors, we have emerging health threats that are happening. People are like, I don’t know if I want to go be a doctor because I’m seeing the funding being cut at the elite places where I would’ve done that. So it affects things that level. And then the funding available affects families who have to say, am I going to be able to get that support I need? So how do we fight? So that’s more and more people are being drawn into this fight. In this way, you’re seeing all these people being attacked and in a way they are kind of taking a step toward building our coalition for us because I think they’re overreaching. When you hear all about all these people being affected, all these people feeling insecure.

For me, that’s the coalition that we want to organize. Now, on a note of organizing, let me say a few things. Higher education is, on the one hand, higher education is any other kind of workplace. You have some people who are very engaged who’ve been pulling their weight, who’ve been leading the fight, and you have some people who maybe are just focused on their jobs and haven’t yet seen themselves as organizers. But I would say in this situation, what we’re trying to do across workplaces, including, and what our organizations are doing is inviting people in and saying, Hey, see how these battles that you’re fighting at an individual level, at a department level, you know what I mean? Whether you’re a parent, whether you’re a community member who doesn’t want to see that medical research cut, see how this is part of a larger fight?

And where I think higher education interestingly, isn’t a place to lead is that the way I’ve been learning from leaders like Todd, leaders from Labor for higher ed, Hulu, even leaders at a FT, right? People who have a long history of organizing labor has a set of strategies that we can use that is not just the same as people coming out into the street. I was excited to see people at our days of action all over the country. I was excited to see people at the hands-off protests, hundreds of thousands of people in the street, but coming out into the street is not enough. We need a repertoire of strategies which include things that can create real leverage, things people cannot ignore. And so in a way, what the a UP is leading is we’re actually showing people that repertoire of strategies. We have a legal strategy, incredible legal counsel has been rolling out lawsuits that are moving through the system.

We know that the legal strategy by itself is not going to be the thing that does it, but it buys us time. It slows things down and it shows people that we know how to throw a punch. And at the same time where we’re building the power that we need to take real labor action, we’re doing educations and teachings. So in that way, what I’ve seen is that there’s times when people don’t necessarily know really what I do as a professor or they’re like, oh, you offering a professor in the books? Now I’m seeing people who are outside of the academy saying, we love the way that higher education is leading at a time when folks don’t know what to do, or maybe they don’t know what to do beyond just simply coming out into the street. Which again, I encourage you ain’t going to hear me be one of these people talking about people.

Well, I don’t. The demands weren’t clear enough. No, listen, this is a time honestly, to think like an organizer, not like, I’m just going to say it, not like a social media influencer. Social media influencers build currency because you just point out, you dunk on people. Look, if there’s somebody who voted for Trump and they see it’s wrong now and they’re like, I want to get involved in changing it. I don’t like what I’m seeing. I want to welcome that person in. I’m not here to dunk on you. I don’t get nothing but dunking on you on clicks and likes, but if you join our coalition and become part of it and spread the move to your people, we get stronger and we can fight this. And that’s what we’re trying to show people our version of that with the way that we’re organizing. And again, I’m learning this in a way, I’m newer to this than other people, but it’s really exciting to me to feel like there’s something we can do.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Todd, Chenjerai, I have so much more I want to talk to you about, but I know we only have a few more minutes here before we have to wrap up. And so I want to make them count. I wanted to, in this last 10 minutes or so, focus in on three key questions. One, if the Trump administration is not stopped, thwarted, frustrated in its efforts to remake higher education in this country, what is the end game there? What are our colleges and universities and our higher ed system going to look like if they get what they want? The next question is, and then on top of that, the situation that people are in is needing to defend institutions that already had deep problems with them as we’ve been talking about here. And you can’t just galvanize by saying, we got to defend the norms and institutions that were already in place. That’s the same university system that saddled people like me with hundreds of thousands of dollars of debt that we’re not exactly chomping at the bit to save that system in its current form. So what is the alternate vision? What is the future of higher education that y’all are fighting for in rallying people around? Then the last question is how do we get there? What can folks listening do to be part of this and why should they get involved before it’s too late?

Todd Wolfson:

Look, I mean, I think it’s really clear what the Trump administration’s goals are here. And they’ve taken this out of hundreds of years, a hundred years of history, of authoritarian and fascist regimes. And one of the key sectors that these regimes always target is higher education, always. I think most recently it is Victor Orban and Hungary. But you can peel back our history and you’ll see it has happened before in many different moments when fascist forces are on the march. And so the reason why higher ed is targeted is because it’s an independent formation that can offer not always an imperfect, but can offer a counter political ideology and it needs to come under control of the state because otherwise it is a danger to the state’s ability to push forward. Fascism in particular an educated populace. And so there is a real goal here at the biggest level to slow down enrollment numbers take over the way a higher education is done so that we are not a counterforce to fascism in this country.

And so it is a clear path towards that. This is not the only institution that they’re going to target and go after, but it’s one of the key institutions that they will go after and target labor’s another, which is why labor unions in higher ed are at such a critical cross hair. Another is college students and protests from college students who have always led this country have always been the mirror of showing a mirror to us and showing us what we look like and been a moral beacon for us. And so there are real aspects of higher ed that are really, really dangerous or threatening to a Trump administration and what they want to achieve. And so if they get rid of higher ed or they take control of it, I think it is a step towards, it’s not the entirety of, but a critical step towards authoritarianism.

We could call it fascism, we could call it post fascism, we could call it an I liberal democracy. There’s a lot of ideas going around about what exactly we’re in, and I think it’s a complex merger of a host of things, but I think wherever they’re trying to go, it means less voice, less power for all working people and getting rid of the higher ed is a way to get there. And so I’ll just say two other things in this short time to you, which is one, higher ed has never been perfect, right? Let’s just be clear about some of its worst moments in history. Our great land grant institutions, which are great, one of the great things about America, American higher ed system, which Lincoln dubbed the people’s colleges or along those lines we’re all based on taking off stolen land from indigenous people.

That’s clear. That happened. And those same indigenous native folks didn’t get to enjoy and use those universities to advance their lives. So they merely were extractive from the people who are here first, but then also post World War ii, the GI program, black people didn’t get access to it the same way white soldiers coming back did. And so always at the heart of this institution has been racism and classism and sexism has been coded into our higher ed. So we should be clear about that. And we don’t want to build a new higher ed that replicates those problems. We need to reimagine it, but we need to reimagine it building off what we have now. We can’t just say tomorrow we want something wholly new. We have to take steps. People are getting their livelihoods from these institutions. They’re finding ways to have social mobility through these institutions.

So we need to build through them. And what our vision is is a fully funded public higher education system fully funded. Nobody should be going to college and coming out in debt, nobody. And there needs to be an end to student debt. We need to end the debt that has already been accrued. That’s better for all the people who have that debt, but it’s also better for our economy writ large for you, max. We got to get rid of your debt too. And then we have to make sure that people who work on our campuses work with dignity. Right now, that is not the case. Too many people, as we already discussed, are working across six institutions, scraping together a living, and we have to end that. We have to make sure everyone who works can have long-term dignified employment. And we have to make sure that we fully fund and increase our funding to our HBCUs, our minority serving institutions, our tribal colleges and universities.

And we forgot to say this, the attack on the Department of Education defund those institutions. So that also is another line of attack that I forgot to mention. So we want more funding for those groups and we want more funding for science, more funding for arts. And so that’s the kind of higher ed we want to build. We want to build that higher ed as one which has shared governance so that the students and the faculty and the staff of our institutions govern our institutions, not business bureaucrats that now control them. So that’s a vision we want to put forward. And the last thing I want to say is we have a way to get there, but the first step has got to be responding to Trump. We can’t build the vision of higher ed that we all want without first standing up to fascism.

And so Chenjerai said this, and my heart sings when he says this because we’re on the same page. Protests are great. They are not going to stop fascism. They will not stop fascism. The courts are great. Thank God they’ve done a good job for us so far in holding up some of the worst aspects of Trump’s illegal moves. They will not stop fascism. We are going to have to scale up Our organizing higher ed is going to have to build with other sectors, federal workers, K 12 workers, healthcare workers, immigrant workers, all under attack in different ways. And we’re going to have to figure out the demands we need to make and the militancy we’re going to have to take the militant moves we’re going to have to take to force them to stop. And that’s going to mean risk, but there is no other way forward. And so that’s what a U p’s committed to. That’s what labor for higher ed’s committed to, and that’s where we’re trying to go and we need other sectors to join us to get there.

Chenjerai Kumanyika:

Yeah, I mean Todd really said it. I would just add two points to that. I mean, when you see what’s being cut and what’s being attacked, you’re getting a glimpse of the future of what it is. And you could go to places like Hungary, you could go to a lot of places where these things are a little bit more developed and see what this looks like there. And I guarantee it’s not something that we want. But there’s two points I want to make, which is that one of the things about worker power right across sectors is that workers when they’re in control can say, this is what we want the institutions that we work in to do, and this is what we don’t want them to do. Workers can govern the direction of institutions. When you see Amazon workers and tech workers who are stepping up saying, we don’t want to be involved in making technology that’s supporting genocide, or that’s just supporting oppression or data extraction here at home, like that’s worker power workers saying, let’s get together and dictate what happens as opposed to administrator or I would just say sort of like billionaire executive power, which is organized around a completely different set of priorities.

And the same is true in the academy. One of the dangers is that if you look at the various org parts of labor at the university, I mean folks are also saying, this is what we want our universities to be on the right side of history, doing powerful, important work. We do not want them to be involved in suppression. And if you don’t like what you see at Columbia where you see them bending the knee and then you see them actually becoming complicit in a way teaching the Trump administration what they can do, what they’re allowed to do, that’s a consequence of not having sufficient worker power.

And you’re going to see more of that. So you’re imagining not just what’s going to get removed, but now imagine that universities are really deployed as an arm of fascism and in all its different formation. So that’s one thing that I think is at stake. The second thing I would really bring up is that higher education battles are so important because everything that we really want to try to make this world a better place is interwoven with higher education. So if we want to defeat the urgent threat of climate change, that takes research people who are finding the solutions, right? Precisely the kind of research that’s being taken. So that’s not just about what’s happening at universities, it’s about the climate stakes for everybody. And most of the people that affects are not in the university, but the university research and making sure you’re having real research on that is central to that.

When it talks about when you talk about healthcare, fighting for a world where we do have healthcare for all and understanding what that healthcare needs to look like, the university is crucial for that. Todd already mentioned the NIH was responsible for almost, I think basically all the therapies that came out that were useful in the last decade, really, right? So you can’t talk about healthcare without talking about it when you talk about labor and this emerging regime where labor protections and technology trying to understand what is this actually going to look like? People producing real research like our colleague Vina Dubal, who’s looking at what actually is happening with these algorithms for real and how are those algorithms going to affect things as these people try to uberize the entire planet and subject them people and create a situation where people don’t have benefits and all that, that research is also being done at the university.

So working, I just laid out three right there. Working conditions, healthcare, climate change, and we could go on, what about art? What about the things that bring us joy in life? You know what I’m saying? Where people have the room outside of the corporate factory to actually explore and produce wonderful things, art and music and culture, all those things. So to me, what’s at stake is literally that future and as higher education workers, it’s up to us to make sure that as Todd is saying, we want to fight for the conditions of education, that it really is working for the common good, but also we have to fight back this monster. And I’m terrified right now. I got to say, it is okay to say you’re scared by what I’m seeing, but I’m also encouraged. And when you’re scared, you got to lock arms with your people and walk forward anyway. And that’s what I’m seeing people stepping up and doing.

Todd Wolfson:

We have actions on April 17th throughout the countries, I think over about a hundred institutions across the country are taking part in our April 17th actions. So please come out or organize your own action. It’s being driven by the Coalition for Action in Higher ed, which is a lot of amazing A UP leaders. We will also be engaging in mayday organizing. And then this summer we want you to come to your a UP chapter, your UAW local, your CWA local, your A FT local, your NEA local, your SEIU local, whatever it is. However you can plug in. And then you need to reach out to us. We’re going to do a summer of training that’s going to prepare us for what needs to get done in the fall and we need every single higher ed worker. And one other thing, if you aren’t member of a UP, now is the time to become a member and join us in this fight. And if you don’t have a chapter, you need to build a chapter on your campus and we will be there with you every step of the way. We have a campaign called Organize Every Campus, and we will help you build your campus chapter and build your power so you can fight back at the campus level while we collectively fight back at the state and national level together. So join AAUP today. If you’re already in a union, get involved in your union and we’ll see you on the front lines.

Maximillian Alvarez:

Alright, gang. That’s going to wrap things up for us this week. Once again, I want to thank our guests, professors, Todd Wolfson and Chenjerai Kumanyika of the American Association of University Professors, and I want to thank you all for listening and I want to thank you for caring. We’ll see you all back here next week for another episode of Working People. And if you cannot wait that long, then please go explore all the great work we’re doing at the Real News Network where we do grassroots journalism that lifts up the voices and stories from the front lines of struggle. Sign up for the Real News newsletter so you never miss a story and help us do more work like this by going to the real news.com/donate and becoming a supporter today. I promise you it really makes a difference. I’m Maximillian Alvarez. Take care of yourselves. Take care of each other, solidarity forever.


This content originally appeared on The Real News Network and was authored by Maximillian Alvarez.

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‘Delusional’ Treaty Principles Bill scrapped but fight for Te Tiriti just beginning, say lawyers and advocates https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/11/delusional-treaty-principles-bill-scrapped-but-fight-for-te-tiriti-just-beginning-say-lawyers-and-advocates/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/11/delusional-treaty-principles-bill-scrapped-but-fight-for-te-tiriti-just-beginning-say-lawyers-and-advocates/#respond Fri, 11 Apr 2025 07:18:21 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=113104 By Layla Bailey-McDowell, RNZ Māori news journalist

Legal experts and Māori advocates say the fight to protect Te Tiriti is only just beginning — as the controversial Treaty Principles Bill is officially killed in Parliament.

The bill — which seeks to redefine the principles of Te Tiriti o Waitangi — sparked a nationwide hīkoi and received more than 300,000 written submissions — with 90 percent of submitters opposing it.

Parliament confirmed the voting down of the bill yesterday, with only ACT supporting it proceeding further.

The ayes were 11, and the noes 112.

Riana Te Ngahue (Ngāti Porou), a young Māori lawyer, has gone viral on social media breaking down complex kaupapa and educating people on Treaty Principles Bill.
Social media posts by lawyer Riana Te Ngahue (Ngāti Porou), explaining some of the complexities involved in issues such as the Treaty Principles Bill, have been popular. Image: RNZ/Layla Bailey-McDowell

Riana Te Ngahue, a young Māori lawyer whose bite-sized breakdowns of complex issues — like the Treaty Principles Bill — went viral on social media, said she was glad the bill was finally gone.

“It’s just frustrating that we’ve had to put so much time and energy into something that’s such a huge waste of time and money. I’m glad it’s over, but also disappointed because there are so many other harmful bills coming through — in the environment space, Oranga Tamariki, and others.”

Most New Zealanders not divided
Te Ngahue said the Justice Committee’s report — which showed 90 percent of submitters opposed the bill, 8 percent supported it, and 2 percent were unstated in their position — proved that most New Zealanders did not feel divided about Te Tiriti.

“If David Seymour was right in saying that New Zealanders feel divided about this issue, then we would’ve seen significantly more submissions supporting his bill.

“He seemed pretty delusional to keep pushing the idea that New Zealanders were behind him, because if that was true, he would’ve got a lot more support.”

However, Te Ngahue said it was “wicked” to see such overwhelming opposition.

“Especially because I know for a lot of people, this was their first time ever submitting on a bill. That’s what I think is really exciting.”

She said it was humbling to know her content helped people feel confident enough to participate in the process.

“I really didn’t expect that many people to watch my video, let alone actually find it helpful. I’m still blown away by people who say they only submitted because of it — that it showed them how.”

Te Ngahue said while the bill was made to be divisive there had been “a huge silver lining”.

“Because a lot of people have actually made the effort to get clued up on the Treaty of Waitangi, whereas before they might not have bothered because, you know, nothing was really that in your face about it.”

“There’s a big wave of people going ‘I actually wanna get clued up on [Te Tiriti],’ which is really cool.”

‘Fight isn’t over’
Māori lawyer Tania Waikato, whose own journey into social media advocacy empowered many first-time submitters, said she was in an “excited and celebratory” mood.

“We all had a bit of a crappy summer holiday because of the Treaty Principles Bill and the Regulatory Standards Bill both being released for consultation at the same time. A lot of us were trying to fit advocacy around summer holidays and looking after our tamariki, so this feels like a nice payoff for all the hard mahi that went in.”

Tania Waikato, who has more than 20 years of legal experience, launched the petition calling for the government to cancel Compass Group’s school lunch contract and reinstate its contract with local providers.
Tania Waikato, who has more than 20 years of legal experience, launched a petition calling for the government to cancel Compass Group’s school lunch contract and reinstate its contract with local providers. Image: Tania Waikato/RNZ

She said the “overwhelming opposition” sent a powerful message.

“I think it’s a clear message that Aotearoa as a whole sees Te Tiriti as part of this country’s constitutional foundation. You can’t just come in and change that on a whim, like David Seymour and the ACT Party have tried to do.

“Ninety percent of people who got off their butt and made a submission have clearly rejected the divisive and racist rhetoric that party has pushed.”

Despite the win, she said the fight was far from over.

“If anything, this is really just beginning. We’ve got the Regulatory Standards Bill that’s going to be introduced at some point before June. That particular bill will do what the Treaty Principle’s Bill was aiming to do, but in a different and just more sneaky way.

‘The next fight’
“So for me, that’s definitely the next fight that we all gotta get up for again.”

Waikato, who also launched a petition in March calling for the free school lunch programme contract to be overhauled, said allowing the Treaty Principles Bill to get this far in the first place was a “waste of time and money.”

“Its an absolutely atrocious waste of taxpayers dollars, especially when we’ve got issues like the school lunches that I am advocating for on the other side.”

“So for me, the fight’s far from over. It’s really just getting started.”

ACT leader David Seymour.
ACT leader David Seymour on Thursday after his bill was voted down in Parliament. Image: RNZ/Russell Palmer

ACT Party leader David Seymour continued to defend the Treaty Principles Bill during its second reading on Thursday, and said the debate over the treaty’s principles was far from over.

After being the only party to vote in favour of the bill, Seymour said not a single statement had grappled with the content of the bill — despite all the debate.

Asked if his party had lost in this nationwide conversation, he said they still had not heard a good argument against it.

‘We’ll never give up on equal rights.”

He said there were lots of options for continuing, and the party’s approach would be made clear before the next election

Te Tiriti Action Group Pōneke spokesperson Kassie Hartendorp said Te Tiriti offers a "blueprint for a peaceful and just Aotearoa."
Kassie Hartendorp said Te Tiriti Action Group Pōneke operates under the korowai – the cloak – of mana whenua and their tikanga in this area, which is called Te Kahu o Te Raukura, a cloak of aroha and peace. Image: RNZ

Eyes on local elections – ActionStation says the mahi continues
Community advocacy group ActionStation’s director Kassie Hartendorp, who helped spearhead campaigns like “Together for Te Tiriti”, said her team was feeling really positive.

“It’s been a lot of work to get to this point, but we feel like this is a very good day for our country.”

At the end of the hīkoi mō Te Tiriti, ActionStation co-delivered a Ngāti Whakaue rangatahi led petition opposing the Treaty Principles Bill, with more than 290,000 signatures — the second largest petition in Aotearoa’s history.

They also hosted a live watch party for the bill’s second reading on Facebook, joined by Te Tiriti experts Dr Carwyn Jones and Tania Waikato.

Hartendorp said it was amazing to see people from all over Aotearoa coming together to reject the bill.

“It’s no longer a minority view that we should respect, but more and more and more people realise that it’s a fundamental part of our national identity that should be respected and not trampled every time a government wants to win power,” she said.

Looking to the future, Hartendorp said Thursday’s victory was only one milestone in a longer campaign.

Why people fought back
“There was a future where this bill hadn’t gone down — this could’ve ended very differently. The reason we’re here now is because people fought back.

“People from all backgrounds and ages said: ‘We respect Te Tiriti o Waitangi.’

“We know it’s essential, it’s a part of our history, our past, our present, and our future. And we want to respect that together.”

Hartendorp said they were now gearing up to fight against essentially another version of the Treaty Principles Bill — but on a local level.

“In October, people in 42 councils around the country will vote on whether or not to keep their Māori ward councillors, and we think this is going to be a really big deal.”

The Regulatory Standards Bill is also being closely watched, Hartendorp said, and she believed it could mirror the “divisive tactics” seen with the Treaty Principles Bill.

“Part of the strategy for David Seymour and the ACT Party was to win over the public mandate by saying the public stands against Te Tiriti o Waitangi. That debate is still on,” she said.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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Oklahoma Faith Leaders, Education Advocates, and Parents Urge Supreme Court to Block Nation’s First Religious Public Charter School https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/07/oklahoma-faith-leaders-education-advocates-and-parents-urge-supreme-court-to-block-nations-first-religious-public-charter-school/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/07/oklahoma-faith-leaders-education-advocates-and-parents-urge-supreme-court-to-block-nations-first-religious-public-charter-school/#respond Mon, 07 Apr 2025 19:37:12 +0000 https://www.commondreams.org/newswire/oklahoma-faith-leaders-education-advocates-and-parents-urge-supreme-court-to-block-nation-s-first-religious-public-charter-school A group of Oklahoma faith leaders, public education advocates, and public-school parents – who are among the plaintiffs in a lawsuit to stop Oklahoma’s creation of the nation’s first religious public charter school – today urged the U.S. Supreme Court to protect religious freedom and public education by affirming that charter schools are public schools that must be secular and open to all students.

In an amicus brief filed today in Oklahoma Statewide Charter School Board v. Drummond, the group explained that the Oklahoma Supreme Court correctly ruled last year that Oklahoma’s charter schools are public schools and, as governmental entities, must abide by the U.S. Constitution’s protections for religious freedom and church-state separation. Therefore, the proposed St. Isidore of Seville Catholic Virtual School, which intends to indoctrinate students in one religion, cannot operate as a public charter school.

The amici, which include OKPLAC (the Oklahoma Parent Legislative Advocacy Coalition) and eight Oklahoman taxpayers, are plaintiffs in OKPLAC v. Oklahoma Statewide Charter School Board, a separate lawsuit in Oklahoma state court challenging the charter school board’s approval of St. Isidore’s application to become a public school. That case is on hold while the case before the U.S. Supreme Court is being resolved. The plaintiffs in OKPLAC are represented by Americans United for Separation of Church and State, the American Civil Liberties Union, Education Law Center, and Freedom From Religion Foundation, with support from Oklahoma-based counsel Odom & Sparks PLLC and J. Douglas Mann.

The organizations issued the following statement:

“The law is clear: Charter schools are public schools and must be secular and open to all students. The Oklahoma Supreme Court correctly found that the state’s approval of a religious public charter school was unlawful and unconstitutional. We urge the U.S. Supreme Court to affirm that ruling and safeguard public education, church-state separation, and religious freedom for all.

“Oklahoma taxpayers, including our clients, should not be forced to fund a religious public school that plans to indoctrinate students into one religion and discriminate against students and staff. Converting public schools into Sunday schools would be a dangerous sea change for our democracy.”

In addition to OKPLAC, today’s amicus brief was filed on behalf of Melissa Abdo, Krystal Bonsall, Brenda Lené, Michele Medley, Dr. Bruce Prescott, the Rev. Dr. Mitch Randall, the Rev. Dr. Lori Walke and Erika Wright.

The team of attorneys that represents the amici is led by Alex J. Luchenitser of Americans United and includes Luke Anderson of Americans United; Daniel Mach and Heather L. Weaver of the ACLU; Robert Kim, Jessica Levin and Wendy Lecker of Education Law Center; Patrick Elliott of FFRF; Benjamin H. Odom, John H. Sparks, Michael W. Ridgeway, and Lisa M. Mason of Odom & Sparks; and J. Douglas Mann.


This content originally appeared on Common Dreams and was authored by Newswire Editor.

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“Hands Off!”: 1 Million Protest Trump’s Cuts, Attacks on Education, Immigration, War on Gaza & More https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/07/hands-off-1-million-protest-trumps-cuts-attacks-on-education-immigration-war-on-gaza-more/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/07/hands-off-1-million-protest-trumps-cuts-attacks-on-education-immigration-war-on-gaza-more/#respond Mon, 07 Apr 2025 17:02:21 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=8e42a7ac661b80f96fe009104950780d
This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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"Hands Off!": 1M+ Protest Trump’s DOGE Cuts, Attacks on Education, Immigration, War on Gaza & More https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/07/hands-off-1m-protest-trumps-doge-cuts-attacks-on-education-immigration-war-on-gaza-more/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/07/hands-off-1m-protest-trumps-doge-cuts-attacks-on-education-immigration-war-on-gaza-more/#respond Mon, 07 Apr 2025 14:26:52 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=6378f2dff02dcc921ee081cefe1d2b14
This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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“Hands Off!”: 1M+ Protest Trump’s DOGE Cuts, Attacks on Education, Immigration, War on Gaza & More https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/07/hands-off-1m-protest-trumps-doge-cuts-attacks-on-education-immigration-war-on-gaza-more-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/07/hands-off-1m-protest-trumps-doge-cuts-attacks-on-education-immigration-war-on-gaza-more-2/#respond Mon, 07 Apr 2025 12:34:48 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=9a9cbc93d8c6cd0d1cebaf82e991ef2d Seg2 hands off tape

An estimated 1 million protested across the United States and around the world Saturday to tell President Donald Trump and his billionaire ally Elon Musk “Hands Off!” They rallied in opposition to the Trump administration’s dismantling of federal agencies and programs, the war in Gaza and attacks on LGBTQ+ people, immigrants, education, healthcare and reproductive rights. We hear voices from the coordinated “Hands Off!” nationwide protests, described as the largest demonstrations to date since Trump returned to office.


This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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Naloxone Education Can Save Lives https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/05/naloxone-education-can-save-lives/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/05/naloxone-education-can-save-lives/#respond Sat, 05 Apr 2025 13:00:00 +0000 https://progressive.org/op-eds/naloxone-education-can-save-lives-mitragotri-weiner-20250405/
This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Suhanee Mitragotri.

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Academic Freedom under Attack https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/04/academic-freedom-under-attack/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/04/academic-freedom-under-attack/#respond Fri, 04 Apr 2025 15:03:27 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=157183 This essay is adapted from It’s Debatable: Talking Authentically about Tricky Topics Universities in the United States are facing one of the most serious attempts to impose political control on higher education since the anticommunist loyalty tests of the 1950s. Whatever one thinks of the issues being debated today, such as the Israel/Palestine conflict, playing […]

The post Academic Freedom under Attack first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
  • This essay is adapted from It’s Debatable: Talking Authentically about Tricky Topics
  • Universities in the United States are facing one of the most serious attempts to impose political control on higher education since the anticommunist loyalty tests of the 1950s. Whatever one thinks of the issues being debated today, such as the Israel/Palestine conflict, playing politics with federal funding is a threat to open inquiry. Administrators and faculty are scrambling to respond and resistance is strengthening, although Columbia University’s capitulation to the Trump administration isn’t heartening.

    It’s too early to write an obituary for academic freedom, but whatever the outcome of these battles, universities in the United States have lost prestige that won’t be regained quickly. Though it’s difficult to critically self-reflect when under attack, I think we academics should consider our mistakes when trying to understand public opinion and political realities.

    I retired from the University of Texas at Austin in 2018 and now live in a rural area, and so I’m far from the front lines. I empathize with former colleagues, but I can’t help but reflect on those colleagues’ failures in the past to offer a robust defense of academic freedom in cases in which I was in the crosshairs. So, while at the same time that we organize to defend higher education, I want to highlight two episodes from my career that raise an important question: Where do threats to academic freedom come from? Not always from government officials.

    To be clear: I never faced the kind of threats that some professors and institutions do today, such as deportations and terminating entire academic programs. But I have seen how social penalties can be effective in silencing people, as illustrated by the censure from my bosses because of writing I did after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and the shunning that came after my critique of the ideology of transgenderism. In both cases, censure and shunning didn’t change my behavior but did have an effect on choices that others made.

    9/11 and the failure of a university

    One of the most important decisions a country can make is the choice to go to war. In a healthy democratic culture, that decision should be thoroughly debated before political leaders deploy troops in battle. But within hours after the 9/11 attacks, politicians of both parties were climbing over each other to get to microphones to call for a military response.

    I spent most of that day in my office watching the news coverage while trying to reach friends in New York to make sure they were safe. My memory of the day is blurry, but I remember clearly that by mid-afternoon—before anyone even had a clear understanding of the details of the events—it seemed inevitable that the United States would bomb someone, somewhere in retaliation. Whether it would be legal or sensible was irrelevant—politicians were preparing to use the terrorist attacks to justify war. By the end of that day, I had written the first of many articles sharply criticizing US foreign policy and arguing strongly against going to war.

    Not everyone agreed with me. For weeks, my voicemail and inbox were filled with critics who described me as a coward, a traitor, unpatriotic, and/or unmanly. (The most revealing, in a psychological sense, were the messages from men who imagined the sexual punishment I deserved, including being raped by Osama bin Laden.) After that article ran in the state’s largest newspaper and became a topic on conservative talk radio, people began calling for the university to fire me. Within two weeks, the president of the University of Texas at Austin responded publicly, calling me “misguided” and describing me as “an undiluted fountain of foolishness.”  (He was a chemist, not a poet.) Other university officials added their own denunciations, some of which were forwarded to me, but none of my bosses confronted me directly. Because I was a tenured professor with considerable job protection, none of them moved to fire me.

    The criticism continued for a few months, but I continued to write and speak out. At the time, I was already a part of a small national network opposing US militarism, and the support of people in that movement sustained me. Locally, we formed the group Austin Against War to organize protests and do political outreach. Around the country and throughout the world, many people defied the jingoist rhetoric and challenged that militarism.

    The university president’s statement had no effect on my activity, but it was effective in a larger sense. Many UT faculty members shared my views, yet only a handful joined the initial organizing efforts, I assume at least in part because of fear of being targeted as I had been. One untenured professor I knew stopped speaking out against militarism after his dean told him that continuing to circulate critical writing would almost certainly cost him his job, and I assume others made similar choices. Several graduate students from other countries told me they wanted to get involved in antiwar organizing but were afraid it could lead to the US government revoking their visas. Faculty colleagues with lawful permanent resident status who were from Muslim-majority countries on a special-registration list created the following year (the National Security Entry-Exit Registration System) told me they feared that the government would revoke their green cards even for trivial errors in record-keeping. The threat of legal action, fears about losing jobs, and peer pressure were enough to undermine a robust debate on my campus, though student activists created as much space as they could. But the university administration was either hostile or mute.

    The United States invaded Afghanistan with little domestic or international opposition beyond the small antiwar groups and pacifists. The Bush administration’s weak case for invading Iraq sparked more domestic and international opposition, leading to the world’s largest coordinated day of political protest on February 15, 2003, when millions of people unsuccessfully sought to stop the pending invasion. Soon it was clear that the antiwar movement’s analysis had been sound, as the disastrous consequences of those ill-advised invasions began to be measured in hundreds of thousands of deaths, trillions of dollars, and destabilized societies in the Middle East and Central Asia.

    Protected by tenure, I continued teaching at UT until retirement. That was positive for me, but it does not change the fact that my university failed in its obligation to foster the conversation that citizens in a democratic society needed at a crucial moment in history. Throughout that period, I argued not only that I had a right to speak out but that the university had a duty to provide a forum to make use of the expertise of the faculty and engage the community. In debates over going to war, which understandably generate strong emotions, evidence and logic are crucial, and universities have valuable resources to offer. The dominant culture needed, and still needs, to engage the evidence and logic presented by critics of US imperial foreign policy and militarism.

    Transgenderism and the failure of the left

    For more than a decade, I have offered a critique of the ideology of the transgender movement and what I believe is the failure of liberal/progressive/left people and organizations to engage with radical feminist critiques of patriarchy. I knew the potential consequences when in 2014 I wrote my first article outlining an analysis rooted in the radical feminist perspective on transgenderism, but feminist colleagues had challenged me to get off the sidelines in the debate, and I knew they were right.

    Later that year, a local left/anarchist bookstore that I had long supported sent an email blast (without speaking to me first) announcing that it was severing all ties with me. Trans activists came to some of my public lectures on feminist topics to protest or try to shout me down, even though the talks weren’t about transgenderism. Several groups that had invited me to speak about such topics as the ecological crisis withdrew invitations after receiving complaints. And, of course, I can’t know how many people who might have wanted to include me in an activity declined to invite me just to avoid hassles.

    No person or organization has an obligation to associate with me, of course. The unfortunate aspect of all this was that none of the organizations or people who shunned or de-platformed me ever explained why my writing was unacceptable, beyond repeating accusations of transphobia. I was denounced for holding views that were asserted to be unacceptable, though no coherent argument to support that denunciation was ever presented to me.

    This pattern continued for the remainder of my time at the University of Texas and in Austin, as many friends and faculty colleagues with whom I had worked on a variety of education and organizing projects avoided me. After the 2016 presidential election, I was part of a group that organized a teach-in on the political consequences of Donald Trump’s presidency. By that time, I knew my role should be behind the scenes, to avoid everyone’s work being derailed by an objection to my involvement. I had already received enough criticism to know that if I were one of the speakers, trans activists might protest. So, I handled catering and publicity, out of public view, except that the publicity material included my name and email address. That was enough to generate at least one complaint to the university, from someone who said he wouldn’t feel safe attending, knowing that I was involved in any way.

    It turned out that was the last collective education project I was part of, either at UT or with liberal/progressive/left organizations in Austin. When I talked with people about collaborating on education events that in previous years they would have wanted to be involved in, they told me my trans writing made it impossible. More common was silence; faculty colleagues I had worked with in the past simply stopped returning emails or phone messages. I continued to work on projects, either alone or with one trusted friend who shared my analysis, but I was no longer welcome in most left circles.

    I also had a number of friends and university colleagues who agreed with my critique, but would acknowledge that position only when speaking privately. These were not shy people who were afraid of public conversation about contentious issues in general. But they had observed the backlash to any challenge to the liberal/progressive/left orthodoxy on transgenderism and wanted to avoid being attacked. I never held that against anyone; we all make strategic decisions about what political battles we want to fight.

    The strangest experiences came with a few friends who seemed afraid to talk even privately, always steering conversations away from the subject. In two cases, I never really understood what my friends thought about the issue. Why the hesitancy to discuss something that was so much a part of the public debate about sex/gender justice, which they both cared about deeply, even when talking in private? I can think of two reasons. They may not have trusted me to keep their remarks confidential, but in both cases I had kept confidences before and they had no reason to doubt me. The more plausible explanation is that they didn’t want to consider reasons to challenge the liberal position that was dogma in their institutions. One of them read my 2017 book, The End of Patriarchy, and wrote me to say he thought that the chapter on transgenderism was “a great expansion of your original argument. I just don’t like it, even though it appears to be perfectly logical.” He later told me that he found conversation about the subject “unsettling,” and I honored his request that we not discuss it further.

    While these experiences were at times stressful and generally unpleasant, women who have challenged the transgender-industrial complex tend to fare much worse. I never lost a job and have never been physically attacked.  I lost some friends and missed out on organizing efforts to which I think I could have contributed, but I had other friends to rely on and always found a way to continue doing educational programs on campus.

    Just as in the 9/11 example, my experience isn’t a story of how my freedom of expression was constrained. No governmental agency shut me down, and the rejection didn’t stop me from writing or speaking out. Many other radical feminists continue to write and speak, as well. But many more people have either muted themselves or been driven out of organizations. It’s hard to imagine how we will deepen our understanding of a subject as complex as transgenderism if people making reasonable arguments that challenge the current liberal dogma are constantly attacked.

    One last personal reflection. My biggest frustration is when trans activists tell me that my work is evidence of transphobia. Stonewall, a prominent UK LGBTQ+ organization, defines transphobia as the “fear or dislike of someone based on the fact they are trans, including denying their gender identity or refusing to accept it.”  I do not fear or dislike people who identify as transgender, and I don’t deny their own sense of their identity. Offering an alternative explanation of an experience is not refusing to accept the experience.

    This is not merely an academic question for me. As a child, I was short, skinny, effeminate, and late to hit puberty—I was the smallest boy in my class and lived with a constant fear of being targeted by other boys. I also grew up in an abusive household that made impossible any semblance of “normal” development. Until the age of thirty, I had no way to make sense of that experience and assumed I was just an oddball. When I began reading feminism, especially the radical feminist writers whom I found most compelling, I realized that parts of my experience were common in patriarchy. I had suffered in the way many boys in a patriarchal society suffer, and as a man I had sought to escape that suffering by conforming to patriarchal norms of masculinity. Feminism offered a way out of that trap.

    I have empathy for people who don’t fit conventional categories and face ridicule or violence for being different, in part because I have experienced those struggles and threats. I have tried to present arguments based on credible evidence and sound logic, but underneath those intellectual positions is my own struggle, pain, and grief, which I think has sensitized me to the struggle, pain, and grief of others. But emotions are by themselves not an argument. Evidence and logic matter. The transgender movement needs to engage the evidence and logic presented by radical feminism.

    Lessons learned?

    I’m not bitter about these incidents during my teaching career. I will always be grateful that I had a chance to earn a PhD and make a living teaching. The vast majority of my experiences at the University of Texas were not only positive but joyful.

    In the classroom, I prided myself on considering all relevant points of view. When lecturing to large classes, I would often make a point on one end of the stage, then walk deliberately to the other side and say, “On the other hand …” I didn’t pretend to be neutral—I had a point of view about which analyses were most compelling—but I worked hard to be fair in the presentation of conflicting views.

    I enjoyed engaging with colleagues and students who disagreed and encouraged them to challenge me. As I said often, “Reasonable people can disagree.” I apparently said that so often that at the end of one a semester a student gave me a coffee mug with those words printed on it. I occasionally heard from, or about, a conservative student who disliked my class on political grounds, but that was rare, though of course I can’t know how many students felt that way but never spoke to me about it.

    But outside the classroom, I made a conscious choice to advocate for political positions that I knew would be controversial. I never shied away from defending my views, and I had hoped that colleagues would do the same. I made it clear in public that I was speaking as a citizen, not a representative of the university. But I also argued that when I thought I had knowledge acquired as a professor that contributed to public discourse I should share it, precisely because I was an employee of the state of Texas. That strengthens democracy.

    I wish that university administrators had made that case to the public after 9/11, instead of pursuing the duck-and-cover strategy they chose. I wish my faculty colleagues would engage challenges to left/liberal dogma, such as in the transgender debate.

    As academics today struggle with a hostile culture, it’s important to fight back, to defend the value of higher education. But it’s also wise to reflect on our missteps.

    Where do threats to academic freedom come from? Political partisans, of course. But sometimes from the folks running universities and sometimes from faculty colleagues.

    The post Academic Freedom under Attack first appeared on Dissident Voice.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Robert Jensen.

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    In An Era of Big Money, the University of Illinois Shrugs Off Rules on Athletes’ NIL Deals https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/04/in-an-era-of-big-money-the-university-of-illinois-shrugs-off-rules-on-athletes-nil-deals/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/04/in-an-era-of-big-money-the-university-of-illinois-shrugs-off-rules-on-athletes-nil-deals/#respond Fri, 04 Apr 2025 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/university-illinois-nil-basketball-college-sports-ncaa-endorsements-disclosures by Stacy St. Clair, Chicago Tribune, and Jodi S. Cohen, ProPublica

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    Amid a standout season last year, University of Illinois men’s basketball stars found themselves in high demand as they reached the Elite Eight in the 2024 NCAA Tournament.

    Three players appeared in a commercial for a local BMW dealership.

    One did an Instagram post for TurboTax.

    Another promoted an apartment complex near the Urbana-Champaign campus.

    But not one of those endorsements — which are allowed now that student-athletes can profit from their personal brands — was reported to the university, as state law requires.

    In fact, the entire Illini team reported just $9,100 in name, image and likeness deals during the 2023-24 season, according to records obtained by the Chicago Tribune and ProPublica. By comparison, the average earnings reported for a male basketball player in the Big Ten and the three other biggest college conferences were more than $145,000 during that school year, according to data that institutions voluntarily provided to the NCAA.

    The Illini basketball team’s missing disclosures reflect an indifference to documenting NIL deals across the athletic department, the news organizations found. Athletes from 20 sports combined have reported earning only about $1.2 million in three-plus years, compared with the $20 million Ohio State University’s football team reportedly received in a single year, or a University of Missouri quarterback who alone is estimated to have made more than $1 million in NIL deals.

    By shrugging its shoulders at Illinois’ reporting requirements, the university is failing to compile a complete picture of how its students — some of them still teenagers — are navigating a relatively new terrain rife with legal, moral and financial pitfalls.

    “I find that maddening and irresponsible,” said Bill Carter, founder of Student-Athlete Insights, which provides NIL consulting services. “It seems unethical to me to allow 18-to-23-year-olds to participate in something life-altering like this but provide no structure, no support, no direction.”

    A University of Illinois cheerleader rallies fans at the start of a women’s basketball game in February. The lead sponsor of the state’s law on college athletes’ name, image and likeness deals said one goal of the mandatory reporting provision was to examine potential gender gaps in compensation. (John J. Kim/Chicago Tribune)

    Officials from the Department of Intercollegiate Athletics say they inform the school’s athletes of their responsibilities but acknowledge they do not enforce compliance, despite the Illinois law requiring athletes to disclose all deals to their schools. The officials downplayed those failures by asserting that reporting is spotty nationwide.

    Athletes “should just disclose the deals, but both here and across the country, they just kind of don’t really do that,” Kamron Cox, a U of I assistant athletic director and the school’s NIL specialist, said in an interview.

    In a three-page response to questions, the athletic department acknowledged students are underreporting their earnings and did not dispute any of the figures in this story. The statement noted it is students’ responsibility to report NIL agreements and said the university has fulfilled its obligations under the law by paying for an app that allows athletes to do so. It called the state’s disclosure rules — which the university had advocated for — “ineffective,” noting the law carries no penalties and arguing that punishing players internally would harm the institution’s reputation.

    “Our program, like most across the country, is doing its best to navigate in uncharted waters,” the statement said. It contended that 70% of NIL deals nationwide go unreported, citing one industry insider whose estimates have varied. “Blind adherence to an untenable process does not appear to be the expectation of the state, the NCAA, or our industry.”

    Administrators also said they do not know how much money Illini basketball players — or any of the student-athletes — are receiving through NIL, even though today’s collegiate marketplace requires understanding the amounts needed to recruit and retain star athletes.

    That lack of knowledge “is not possible and it’s not believable,” Carter said.

    More than 20 states, including Illinois, passed laws requiring athletes to disclose their deals after the U.S. Supreme Court ruled four years ago that collegiate competitors have the right to make money. ProPublica and the Tribune obtained records of the deals reported by U of I athletes from July 2021 through October 2024 via the Freedom of Information Act, offering the public a rare look at the lack of accountability in the big-money world of college sports.

    Michael LeRoy, a University of Illinois professor who has studied name, image and likeness deals in collegiate athletics, said he wonders why the Illinois athletic department hasn’t done more to ensure compliance with NIL reporting requirements. (John J. Kim/Chicago Tribune)

    The records the U of I provided to the Tribune and ProPublica included 1,037 deals across all sports with the names of the athletes redacted by agreement. Sponsored social media posts were, by far, the most frequent way athletes reported earning money, followed by autograph signings and personal appearances.

    In this far-from-complete data, deals ranged from a male basketball player’s $326,000 arrangement with a Porsche dealership in Kentucky to $10 for a track athlete to endorse a men’s soap called “Freshticles.”

    The Illinois law on NIL requires athletes to provide their schools with copies of contracts when the deals are valued at $500 or more. Illini athletes reported more than 175 deals that meet that standard. But when the news organizations filed a public records request seeking contracts for 12 of the largest reported deals, a university administrator responded that the campus did not have any of them.

    “There is nothing in the Illinois law that would be difficult for any Big Ten athletic program to follow,” said Michael LeRoy, a labor and employment relations professor at U of I and former chair of the school’s athletic board. “But they’re clearly choosing not to do it. You have to wonder why.”

    The NCAA declined to speak with reporters for this story, but it has issued multiple statements stressing the need for transparency in NIL agreements. It established a policy last year to encourage athletes nationwide to report deals to their institutions, so schools could then provide the information to the NCAA to make available on a public dashboard intended to help students navigate the NIL marketplace.

    But up to now, there have been no consequences for athletes or institutions that fall short.

    That could soon change. Next week, a $2.8 billion settlement of a class-action lawsuit brought by student-athletes against the NCAA is expected to gain final approval, shifting the landscape again. Under the deal, known as the House settlement after one of the plaintiffs, a school would be able to pay its athletes directly from a revenue-sharing budget capped at $20.5 million for the next school year.

    Schools also could be directly involved in negotiating NIL deals for their athletes, and deals worth at least $600 and those made with collectives would need to be reported to an outside entity. That entity would evaluate whether the payments align with a fair market value and ensure the money is not a pay-to-play deal. Those reports are not expected to be made public.

    The four largest conferences — the Atlantic Coast Conference, Big Ten, Southeastern Conference and Big 12 — have said they plan to create an organization that would both implement and enforce the rules as the NCAA’s oversight role shrinks. It also could issue penalties.

    “The ante has been upped,” said Joshua Lens, a University of Iowa sports management professor who has studied NIL extensively. “It will require disclosure like we have all along, but now … the schools and athletes could be penalized.”

    Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker, shown at State Farm Center on the University of Illinois campus, signed legislation in 2021 that allows college athletes in the state to make money off their brand while requiring them to report such deals to their school. (Anthony Zilis/The News-Gazette) Face Wash and Physical Therapy

    The NIL era in Illinois began on June 29, 2021, at the State Farm Center on the University of Illinois campus. Gov. JB Pritzker signed the groundbreaking legislation, known as the Student-Athlete Endorsement Rights Act, while surrounded by several Illini athletes, including gymnast Dylan Kolak.

    Illinois was among the first states to pass an NIL law, and Kolak was ready to seize the moment. He had begun making TikTok videos during the pandemic to promote men’s gymnastics and fitness, amassing more than 500,000 followers in a little over a year.

    When companies approached him about the possibility of endorsement deals, Kolak said he either ignored their messages or explained that NCAA rules prohibited him from earning money that way. For Kolak, a partial-scholarship athlete who excelled at the floor exercise and vault, it stung each time he passed up an offer.

    Former Illini gymnast Dylan Kolak reported his NIL deal with Athletico, a physical therapy provider, to the university, in keeping with state law. (TikTok video obtained by ProPublica and the Tribune)

    Watch video ➜

    He’s the type of athlete state Rep. Kam Buckner, a former Illini defensive lineman, had in mind when the Chicago Democrat sponsored legislation codifying moneymaking opportunities for student-athletes. He was joined by two former Northwestern University athletes, state Sen. Napoleon Harris and Illinois House Speaker Emanuel “Chris” Welch.

    Buckner said he remembered what it was like to be a college athlete and need extra cash for necessities.

    “In a way, it had the underlying air of indentured servitude where you don’t even own your own space,” Buckner said. “And so for me, this was about fairness.”

    The state law’s rules for NIL are straightforward: Athletes can’t take money from the gambling, tobacco or alcohol industries. They can’t use a university logo without permission. They can’t wear their uniforms in advertisements unless they have prior approval from their institutions.

    And they have to report their NIL deals to their schools. From Buckner’s standpoint, that clause offered universities and their athletes a baseline for understanding what kind of deals — and what kind of dollars — were available in this new and unfamiliar world. The data also could help identify any gender or racial gaps that emerged, Buckner said.

    By all accounts, the school took the reporting requirement seriously in the beginning.

    “We were told to report our deals constantly,” Kolak said. “We were told we could lose our eligibility if we didn’t. Nobody wanted to risk that.”

    Kolak said he reported everything that came his way, including $900 for an Instagram post about a face wash, $1,300 for promoting men’s shoes on TikTok and $2,375 for documenting his physical therapy at Athletico.

    Illinois state Rep. Kam Buckner, a former Illini football player, was a chief sponsor of the state’s NIL legislation. He said he remembers what it was like to be a college athlete and need extra money for necessities. (Brian Cassella/Chicago Tribune)

    The reporting requirement became so ingrained in Kolak and his teammates in those early NIL days that the men’s gymnastics squad logged 128 deals in 2021 and 2022. It was the most of any Illini men’s team, with only women’s softball recording more deals.

    The number dropped significantly, however, by 2023 and 2024, after the university stopped stressing the importance of reporting. The men’s gymnastics team reported just 44 deals in those years — still the most reported by any men’s team.

    Cox, the U of I assistant athletic director, said he regularly reminded students about the disclosure rules during the first year of NIL. But after the NCAA in October 2022 barred schools from arranging or negotiating NIL deals for athletes, the department stopped stressing the importance of reporting, according to Cox.

    The fall 2022 guidance didn’t say to stop, however. In fact, it stated, “when permitted by applicable state laws — schools can and should require student-athletes to report NIL activities to the athletics department.”

    Roger Denny, the U of I athletic department’s chief operating officer, said in an interview that the department still conducts several presentations each year for athletes to go over contracts, taxes and disclosure rules. The department’s statement said it sends weekly emails to athletes and conducts sessions with an NIL consultant. Asked for an example of the emails, the department shared the most recent newsletter, in which the last item reminded athletes to disclose their NIL deals.

    Buckner, the Illinois lawmaker, said that he was unaware of the reporting practices and the rules should be followed so athletes understand the playing field. “I don’t believe in just throwing arbitrary mechanisms into policy that aren’t followed,” he said. “If they’re not doing what they’re intended to do, we’ve got to figure out how to change that.”

    The university’s lack of attention to students’ reporting is apparent in the school’s data, which shows the reported value of NIL deals dropped by 85% on the Urbana-Champaign campus in the 2023-24 academic year. According to the records, student-athletes reported making a total of just $103,000 that year, down from $702,500 in 2022-23.

    First image: University of Illinois gymnast Sam Phillips pets his cat, Richard Parker, at his apartment in Champaign. Phillips, who recently injured his Achilles tendon, said his former school, the University of Nebraska, exercised more oversight over his NIL agreements than the U of I does. Second image: Phillips displays an Instagram promotion he did for Degree deodorant. (John J. Kim/Chicago Tribune)

    Illini gymnast Sam Phillips, a two-time All-American who transferred from the University of Nebraska last year, said NIL rules were mentioned at a meeting for new U of I athletes. But there hasn’t been additional discussion about NIL, he said. By contrast, at Nebraska, Phillips said he regularly received advice from an athletic department compliance officer who reminded him to disclose his deals to the university.

    He did so through an app that many universities use called Opendorse, which helps athletes find NIL deals and report them to university officials. U of I is spending $260,000 on a contract with Opendorse through mid-2026, which the athletic department said fulfills its obligation under the state’s NIL law to facilitate reporting.

    Nebraska’s compliance officer reviewed each of Phillips’ agreements at that school, according to the app, but as of December there was no indication U of I had examined the deals Phillips had reached since his transfer, including with Abbott, Degree deodorant and Savage X Fenty underwear. The university said its athletic department reviews deals submitted through Opendorse but that it does not document it on the app and it is not required to.

    “I haven’t spoken to anyone in [the U of I] administration at all,” said Phillips, a nonscholarship athlete who uses the money to pay for living expenses. “It has been on my own.”

    Quattrone, who owns five auto dealerships in the Champaign area, has autographed sports memorabilia on display in his office at Serra Buick GMC in Savoy. Quattrone said he has sold cars to student-athletes at hefty discounts, among other compensation, in exchange for their appearances and participation in ads. (John J. Kim/Chicago Tribune) “A Ridiculously Good Deal”

    At Illinois, the reporting failures are best exemplified through the university’s marquee men’s sports: football and basketball.

    Relying on social media, news releases and media interviews, ProPublica and the Tribune identified dozens of endorsements that were not included in the database provided by U of I. The missing endorsements include several promoted during March Madness in 2024, including the TurboTax ad from basketball player Marcus Domask and a popular commercial for a Serra Champaign car dealership that featured three of his teammates.

    In that ad, Terrence Shannon Jr., Coleman Hawkins and Ty Rodgers wore Groucho Marx glasses as they sought an autograph from Illini teen superfan Tommy Rouse. The players, who have all driven luxury vehicles from Serra, had their cars cleaned while they shot the video in the showroom, according to dealership owner Ben Quattrone.

    Quattrone, a longtime supporter of the athletic department, said he has sold cars to athletes at hefty discounts in exchange for their appearances and participation in ads, as well as provided car washes in exchange for signed basketballs, all permitted under the NIL rules. He estimates he has spent about $150,000 in the past few years to purchase TV ads and other media promotions featuring Illini athletes.

    Illini athletes have posted videos on social media showing them driving BMWs, including a BMW XM, an SUV with a sticker price of $160,000. “I make them a ridiculously good deal,” said Quattrone.

    Records on NIL deals reported to the University of Illinois did not include this 2024 commercial for a Champaign car dealership in which Illini players Coleman Hawkins, Terrence Shannon Jr. and Ty Rodgers appeared in Groucho Marx glasses. (Obtained by ProPublica and the Tribune)

    Watch video ➜

    No Illinois athlete, however, has disclosed a deal with Serra to the university, records show. Quattrone said he reminds athletes to set aside money to pay taxes on their NIL deals but said he was unsure of their reporting obligations to the university.

    Around the same time as the Serra ad came out, the Pacifica on Green — a new apartment complex that caters to students — also tried to capitalize on the success of the university’s basketball team and its football program. The Tribune and ProPublica identified at least six football and men’s basketball players featured on the apartment complex’s Instagram, including then-Illini forward Dain Dainja, who appeared in multiple posts throughout the 2023-24 season.

    In one post, which celebrated the team advancing to the Elite Eight, Pacifica gave a signed Dainja jersey to a tenant who renewed his lease during March Madness. An earlier photo showed Dainja signing the jersey for the renewal promotion while wearing an olive green Pacifica T-shirt.

    No men’s basketball or football players disclosed receiving any kind of payment from the complex. Only one Illini athlete — a female basketball player — told the university about receiving compensation from Pacifica: more than $16,000 for Instagram reels, according to the data.

    Former Illini basketball player Marcus Domask promoted TurboTax in a “paid partnership” Instagram post last year. The deal was not included in the NIL records provided by the university. (Screen recording by ProPublica. Cropped by ProPublica.)

    Watch video ➜

    None of the athletes in the Serra, Pacifica or TurboTax promotions or their representatives agreed to comment for this story. A Pacifica representative also did not respond to interview requests.

    The failure by many male athletes to disclose their deals also makes it difficult to assess differences in NIL compensation between male and female students at U of I — a stated goal of the Illinois law’s lead sponsor.

    That a gender gap exists is clear, despite the flawed nature of the data. In the three-year period examined by the Tribune and ProPublica, male athletes accounted for more than $1 million in reported earnings, compared with $160,000 total for female athletes.

    But in the 2023-24 school year, after administrators stopped stressing the importance of reporting, men disclosed only $44,500 in NIL deals, compared with $58,500 for the women.

    The falloff in reporting also obscures the role played by a boosterlike nonprofit organization called the Icon Collective in raising NIL money for Illinois student-athletes. Such collectives have become common at many universities, raising millions of dollars paid to players in exchange for community service such as volunteering at a food bank.

    Icon is supposed to be independent from the U of I’s athletic department, though records show they work together on everything from athlete appearances to the beer sold at Memorial Stadium.

    Reporters identified at least six U of I athletes who promoted the Pacifica on Green apartment complex on Instagram, but only one deal with Pacifica, involving an unnamed woman, was included in the NIL data from the university. (John J. Kim/Chicago Tribune)

    In announcing Icon’s launch in early 2023, a university press release said the collective had raised more than $1.5 million intended for student-athletes.

    But Illini athletes reported receiving only about $99,000 from Icon between February 2023 and October 2024, with the bulk of it — $75,000 — going to Illini football players. No men’s basketball players reported receiving any money via the collective, though the group regularly uses images of men’s players in its marketing material.

    Icon’s president, Kathleen Knight, a former athletic department employee, declined to answer questions about the inconsistencies between the athletes’ reports and her organization’s purported fundraising.

    In a brief statement, Knight said Icon does not publicly share its financial information.

    Cox, the assistant athletic director and NIL specialist, said he does not know how much money Icon has distributed to its athletes, in part because of the lack of disclosures.

    The university made a similar statement on Thursday. Leadership of the athletic department “remains unaware of the terms of Icon’s agreements with most of our student-athletes,” it said.

    Several experts told ProPublica and the Tribune that the idea an athletic department wouldn’t know the amount of money a collective gave to its athletes defies credulity, given the well-known financial demands of the college marketplace and the typically close relationships between collectives and athletic departments.

    “It’s not even putting their head in the sand,” said Carter, the NIL expert. “It’s patently false.”

    A video board at the University of Illinois’ State Farm Center displays an advertisement for a new Icon Collective membership drive. The collective raises NIL money to benefit Illini student-athletes. (John J. Kim/Chicago Tribune) The Future of Transparency

    At a congressional hearing last month, Illini athletic director Josh Whitman talked about the future of NIL and the importance of creating national standards for revenue-sharing and NIL deals instead of a patchwork of state-by-state legislation.

    “We certainly don’t have an interest in micromanaging those opportunities for our student athletes,” he told federal lawmakers. “But it is important that we do try and create some system to monitor that, to create some level of transparency. Our student-athletes want that transparency.”

    U of I administrators, however, have argued against public transparency when it comes to NIL deals. Cox, also an adjunct professor at the university’s law school, wrote in a law publication last year that “the best move for all institutions to support student-athletes is to refuse disclosure of student-athlete NIL information as a matter of policy.”

    Administrators then succeeded in getting a law passed that they contend exempts NIL records from the Freedom of Information Act, severely hindering any further public analysis or accountability. Indeed, the U of I said in early January that it would no longer release the type of records obtained by the Tribune and ProPublica for this investigation.

    “Our position is that that’s not the public’s business,” Whitman told a reporter last year.

    The Illinois athletic department also referenced the FOIA exemption in its three-page response to ProPublica and the Tribune, saying that although there is public desire for NIL information, “the privacy of students is the more pressing concern.”

    But even as Illinois administrators pushed to change the law last year, the requirement that athletes report the deals to their institutions remained. And athletes will be required to disclose their deals under the House settlement — a mandate the university celebrated in its written statement.

    In the face of “strong and swift accountability,” officials said, their athletes would comply.

    Joe Mahr of the Chicago Tribune contributed data analysis. Mariam Elba of ProPublica contributed research reporting.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Stacy St. Clair, Chicago Tribune, and Jodi S. Cohen, ProPublica.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/04/in-an-era-of-big-money-the-university-of-illinois-shrugs-off-rules-on-athletes-nil-deals/feed/ 0 523731
    In An Era of Big Money, the University of Illinois Shrugs Off Rules on Athletes’ NIL Deals https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/04/in-an-era-of-big-money-the-university-of-illinois-shrugs-off-rules-on-athletes-nil-deals-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/04/in-an-era-of-big-money-the-university-of-illinois-shrugs-off-rules-on-athletes-nil-deals-2/#respond Fri, 04 Apr 2025 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/university-illinois-nil-basketball-college-sports-ncaa-endorsements-disclosures by Stacy St. Clair, Chicago Tribune, and Jodi S. Cohen, ProPublica

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    Amid a standout season last year, University of Illinois men’s basketball stars found themselves in high demand as they reached the Elite Eight in the 2024 NCAA Tournament.

    Three players appeared in a commercial for a local BMW dealership.

    One did an Instagram post for TurboTax.

    Another promoted an apartment complex near the Urbana-Champaign campus.

    But not one of those endorsements — which are allowed now that student-athletes can profit from their personal brands — was reported to the university, as state law requires.

    In fact, the entire Illini team reported just $9,100 in name, image and likeness deals during the 2023-24 season, according to records obtained by the Chicago Tribune and ProPublica. By comparison, the average earnings reported for a male basketball player in the Big Ten and the three other biggest college conferences were more than $145,000 during that school year, according to data that institutions voluntarily provided to the NCAA.

    The Illini basketball team’s missing disclosures reflect an indifference to documenting NIL deals across the athletic department, the news organizations found. Athletes from 20 sports combined have reported earning only about $1.2 million in three-plus years, compared with the $20 million Ohio State University’s football team reportedly received in a single year, or a University of Missouri quarterback who alone is estimated to have made more than $1 million in NIL deals.

    By shrugging its shoulders at Illinois’ reporting requirements, the university is failing to compile a complete picture of how its students — some of them still teenagers — are navigating a relatively new terrain rife with legal, moral and financial pitfalls.

    “I find that maddening and irresponsible,” said Bill Carter, founder of Student-Athlete Insights, which provides NIL consulting services. “It seems unethical to me to allow 18-to-23-year-olds to participate in something life-altering like this but provide no structure, no support, no direction.”

    A University of Illinois cheerleader rallies fans at the start of a women’s basketball game in February. The lead sponsor of the state’s law on college athletes’ name, image and likeness deals said one goal of the mandatory reporting provision was to examine potential gender gaps in compensation. (John J. Kim/Chicago Tribune)

    Officials from the Department of Intercollegiate Athletics say they inform the school’s athletes of their responsibilities but acknowledge they do not enforce compliance, despite the Illinois law requiring athletes to disclose all deals to their schools. The officials downplayed those failures by asserting that reporting is spotty nationwide.

    Athletes “should just disclose the deals, but both here and across the country, they just kind of don’t really do that,” Kamron Cox, a U of I assistant athletic director and the school’s NIL specialist, said in an interview.

    In a three-page response to questions, the athletic department acknowledged students are underreporting their earnings and did not dispute any of the figures in this story. The statement noted it is students’ responsibility to report NIL agreements and said the university has fulfilled its obligations under the law by paying for an app that allows athletes to do so. It called the state’s disclosure rules — which the university had advocated for — “ineffective,” noting the law carries no penalties and arguing that punishing players internally would harm the institution’s reputation.

    “Our program, like most across the country, is doing its best to navigate in uncharted waters,” the statement said. It contended that 70% of NIL deals nationwide go unreported, citing one industry insider whose estimates have varied. “Blind adherence to an untenable process does not appear to be the expectation of the state, the NCAA, or our industry.”

    Administrators also said they do not know how much money Illini basketball players — or any of the student-athletes — are receiving through NIL, even though today’s collegiate marketplace requires understanding the amounts needed to recruit and retain star athletes.

    That lack of knowledge “is not possible and it’s not believable,” Carter said.

    More than 20 states, including Illinois, passed laws requiring athletes to disclose their deals after the U.S. Supreme Court ruled four years ago that collegiate competitors have the right to make money. ProPublica and the Tribune obtained records of the deals reported by U of I athletes from July 2021 through October 2024 via the Freedom of Information Act, offering the public a rare look at the lack of accountability in the big-money world of college sports.

    Michael LeRoy, a University of Illinois professor who has studied name, image and likeness deals in collegiate athletics, said he wonders why the Illinois athletic department hasn’t done more to ensure compliance with NIL reporting requirements. (John J. Kim/Chicago Tribune)

    The records the U of I provided to the Tribune and ProPublica included 1,037 deals across all sports with the names of the athletes redacted by agreement. Sponsored social media posts were, by far, the most frequent way athletes reported earning money, followed by autograph signings and personal appearances.

    In this far-from-complete data, deals ranged from a male basketball player’s $326,000 arrangement with a Porsche dealership in Kentucky to $10 for a track athlete to endorse a men’s soap called “Freshticles.”

    The Illinois law on NIL requires athletes to provide their schools with copies of contracts when the deals are valued at $500 or more. Illini athletes reported more than 175 deals that meet that standard. But when the news organizations filed a public records request seeking contracts for 12 of the largest reported deals, a university administrator responded that the campus did not have any of them.

    “There is nothing in the Illinois law that would be difficult for any Big Ten athletic program to follow,” said Michael LeRoy, a labor and employment relations professor at U of I and former chair of the school’s athletic board. “But they’re clearly choosing not to do it. You have to wonder why.”

    The NCAA declined to speak with reporters for this story, but it has issued multiple statements stressing the need for transparency in NIL agreements. It established a policy last year to encourage athletes nationwide to report deals to their institutions, so schools could then provide the information to the NCAA to make available on a public dashboard intended to help students navigate the NIL marketplace.

    But up to now, there have been no consequences for athletes or institutions that fall short.

    That could soon change. Next week, a $2.8 billion settlement of a class-action lawsuit brought by student-athletes against the NCAA is expected to gain final approval, shifting the landscape again. Under the deal, known as the House settlement after one of the plaintiffs, a school would be able to pay its athletes directly from a revenue-sharing budget capped at $20.5 million for the next school year.

    Schools also could be directly involved in negotiating NIL deals for their athletes, and deals worth at least $600 and those made with collectives would need to be reported to an outside entity. That entity would evaluate whether the payments align with a fair market value and ensure the money is not a pay-to-play deal. Those reports are not expected to be made public.

    The four largest conferences — the Atlantic Coast Conference, Big Ten, Southeastern Conference and Big 12 — have said they plan to create an organization that would both implement and enforce the rules as the NCAA’s oversight role shrinks. It also could issue penalties.

    “The ante has been upped,” said Joshua Lens, a University of Iowa sports management professor who has studied NIL extensively. “It will require disclosure like we have all along, but now … the schools and athletes could be penalized.”

    Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker, shown at State Farm Center on the University of Illinois campus, signed legislation in 2021 that allows college athletes in the state to make money off their brand while requiring them to report such deals to their school. (Anthony Zilis/The News-Gazette) Face Wash and Physical Therapy

    The NIL era in Illinois began on June 29, 2021, at the State Farm Center on the University of Illinois campus. Gov. JB Pritzker signed the groundbreaking legislation, known as the Student-Athlete Endorsement Rights Act, while surrounded by several Illini athletes, including gymnast Dylan Kolak.

    Illinois was among the first states to pass an NIL law, and Kolak was ready to seize the moment. He had begun making TikTok videos during the pandemic to promote men’s gymnastics and fitness, amassing more than 500,000 followers in a little over a year.

    When companies approached him about the possibility of endorsement deals, Kolak said he either ignored their messages or explained that NCAA rules prohibited him from earning money that way. For Kolak, a partial-scholarship athlete who excelled at the floor exercise and vault, it stung each time he passed up an offer.

    Former Illini gymnast Dylan Kolak reported his NIL deal with Athletico, a physical therapy provider, to the university, in keeping with state law. (TikTok video obtained by ProPublica and the Tribune)

    Watch video ➜

    He’s the type of athlete state Rep. Kam Buckner, a former Illini defensive lineman, had in mind when the Chicago Democrat sponsored legislation codifying moneymaking opportunities for student-athletes. He was joined by two former Northwestern University athletes, state Sen. Napoleon Harris and Illinois House Speaker Emanuel “Chris” Welch.

    Buckner said he remembered what it was like to be a college athlete and need extra cash for necessities.

    “In a way, it had the underlying air of indentured servitude where you don’t even own your own space,” Buckner said. “And so for me, this was about fairness.”

    The state law’s rules for NIL are straightforward: Athletes can’t take money from the gambling, tobacco or alcohol industries. They can’t use a university logo without permission. They can’t wear their uniforms in advertisements unless they have prior approval from their institutions.

    And they have to report their NIL deals to their schools. From Buckner’s standpoint, that clause offered universities and their athletes a baseline for understanding what kind of deals — and what kind of dollars — were available in this new and unfamiliar world. The data also could help identify any gender or racial gaps that emerged, Buckner said.

    By all accounts, the school took the reporting requirement seriously in the beginning.

    “We were told to report our deals constantly,” Kolak said. “We were told we could lose our eligibility if we didn’t. Nobody wanted to risk that.”

    Kolak said he reported everything that came his way, including $900 for an Instagram post about a face wash, $1,300 for promoting men’s shoes on TikTok and $2,375 for documenting his physical therapy at Athletico.

    Illinois state Rep. Kam Buckner, a former Illini football player, was a chief sponsor of the state’s NIL legislation. He said he remembers what it was like to be a college athlete and need extra money for necessities. (Brian Cassella/Chicago Tribune)

    The reporting requirement became so ingrained in Kolak and his teammates in those early NIL days that the men’s gymnastics squad logged 128 deals in 2021 and 2022. It was the most of any Illini men’s team, with only women’s softball recording more deals.

    The number dropped significantly, however, by 2023 and 2024, after the university stopped stressing the importance of reporting. The men’s gymnastics team reported just 44 deals in those years — still the most reported by any men’s team.

    Cox, the U of I assistant athletic director, said he regularly reminded students about the disclosure rules during the first year of NIL. But after the NCAA in October 2022 barred schools from arranging or negotiating NIL deals for athletes, the department stopped stressing the importance of reporting, according to Cox.

    The fall 2022 guidance didn’t say to stop, however. In fact, it stated, “when permitted by applicable state laws — schools can and should require student-athletes to report NIL activities to the athletics department.”

    Roger Denny, the U of I athletic department’s chief operating officer, said in an interview that the department still conducts several presentations each year for athletes to go over contracts, taxes and disclosure rules. The department’s statement said it sends weekly emails to athletes and conducts sessions with an NIL consultant. Asked for an example of the emails, the department shared the most recent newsletter, in which the last item reminded athletes to disclose their NIL deals.

    Buckner, the Illinois lawmaker, said that he was unaware of the reporting practices and the rules should be followed so athletes understand the playing field. “I don’t believe in just throwing arbitrary mechanisms into policy that aren’t followed,” he said. “If they’re not doing what they’re intended to do, we’ve got to figure out how to change that.”

    The university’s lack of attention to students’ reporting is apparent in the school’s data, which shows the reported value of NIL deals dropped by 85% on the Urbana-Champaign campus in the 2023-24 academic year. According to the records, student-athletes reported making a total of just $103,000 that year, down from $702,500 in 2022-23.

    First image: University of Illinois gymnast Sam Phillips pets his cat, Richard Parker, at his apartment in Champaign. Phillips, who recently injured his Achilles tendon, said his former school, the University of Nebraska, exercised more oversight over his NIL agreements than the U of I does. Second image: Phillips displays an Instagram promotion he did for Degree deodorant. (John J. Kim/Chicago Tribune)

    Illini gymnast Sam Phillips, a two-time All-American who transferred from the University of Nebraska last year, said NIL rules were mentioned at a meeting for new U of I athletes. But there hasn’t been additional discussion about NIL, he said. By contrast, at Nebraska, Phillips said he regularly received advice from an athletic department compliance officer who reminded him to disclose his deals to the university.

    He did so through an app that many universities use called Opendorse, which helps athletes find NIL deals and report them to university officials. U of I is spending $260,000 on a contract with Opendorse through mid-2026, which the athletic department said fulfills its obligation under the state’s NIL law to facilitate reporting.

    Nebraska’s compliance officer reviewed each of Phillips’ agreements at that school, according to the app, but as of December there was no indication U of I had examined the deals Phillips had reached since his transfer, including with Abbott, Degree deodorant and Savage X Fenty underwear. The university said its athletic department reviews deals submitted through Opendorse but that it does not document it on the app and it is not required to.

    “I haven’t spoken to anyone in [the U of I] administration at all,” said Phillips, a nonscholarship athlete who uses the money to pay for living expenses. “It has been on my own.”

    Quattrone, who owns five auto dealerships in the Champaign area, has autographed sports memorabilia on display in his office at Serra Buick GMC in Savoy. Quattrone said he has sold cars to student-athletes at hefty discounts, among other compensation, in exchange for their appearances and participation in ads. (John J. Kim/Chicago Tribune) “A Ridiculously Good Deal”

    At Illinois, the reporting failures are best exemplified through the university’s marquee men’s sports: football and basketball.

    Relying on social media, news releases and media interviews, ProPublica and the Tribune identified dozens of endorsements that were not included in the database provided by U of I. The missing endorsements include several promoted during March Madness in 2024, including the TurboTax ad from basketball player Marcus Domask and a popular commercial for a Serra Champaign car dealership that featured three of his teammates.

    In that ad, Terrence Shannon Jr., Coleman Hawkins and Ty Rodgers wore Groucho Marx glasses as they sought an autograph from Illini teen superfan Tommy Rouse. The players, who have all driven luxury vehicles from Serra, had their cars cleaned while they shot the video in the showroom, according to dealership owner Ben Quattrone.

    Quattrone, a longtime supporter of the athletic department, said he has sold cars to athletes at hefty discounts in exchange for their appearances and participation in ads, as well as provided car washes in exchange for signed basketballs, all permitted under the NIL rules. He estimates he has spent about $150,000 in the past few years to purchase TV ads and other media promotions featuring Illini athletes.

    Illini athletes have posted videos on social media showing them driving BMWs, including a BMW XM, an SUV with a sticker price of $160,000. “I make them a ridiculously good deal,” said Quattrone.

    Records on NIL deals reported to the University of Illinois did not include this 2024 commercial for a Champaign car dealership in which Illini players Coleman Hawkins, Terrence Shannon Jr. and Ty Rodgers appeared in Groucho Marx glasses. (Obtained by ProPublica and the Tribune)

    Watch video ➜

    No Illinois athlete, however, has disclosed a deal with Serra to the university, records show. Quattrone said he reminds athletes to set aside money to pay taxes on their NIL deals but said he was unsure of their reporting obligations to the university.

    Around the same time as the Serra ad came out, the Pacifica on Green — a new apartment complex that caters to students — also tried to capitalize on the success of the university’s basketball team and its football program. The Tribune and ProPublica identified at least six football and men’s basketball players featured on the apartment complex’s Instagram, including then-Illini forward Dain Dainja, who appeared in multiple posts throughout the 2023-24 season.

    In one post, which celebrated the team advancing to the Elite Eight, Pacifica gave a signed Dainja jersey to a tenant who renewed his lease during March Madness. An earlier photo showed Dainja signing the jersey for the renewal promotion while wearing an olive green Pacifica T-shirt.

    No men’s basketball or football players disclosed receiving any kind of payment from the complex. Only one Illini athlete — a female basketball player — told the university about receiving compensation from Pacifica: more than $16,000 for Instagram reels, according to the data.

    Former Illini basketball player Marcus Domask promoted TurboTax in a “paid partnership” Instagram post last year. The deal was not included in the NIL records provided by the university. (Screen recording by ProPublica. Cropped by ProPublica.)

    Watch video ➜

    None of the athletes in the Serra, Pacifica or TurboTax promotions or their representatives agreed to comment for this story. A Pacifica representative also did not respond to interview requests.

    The failure by many male athletes to disclose their deals also makes it difficult to assess differences in NIL compensation between male and female students at U of I — a stated goal of the Illinois law’s lead sponsor.

    That a gender gap exists is clear, despite the flawed nature of the data. In the three-year period examined by the Tribune and ProPublica, male athletes accounted for more than $1 million in reported earnings, compared with $160,000 total for female athletes.

    But in the 2023-24 school year, after administrators stopped stressing the importance of reporting, men disclosed only $44,500 in NIL deals, compared with $58,500 for the women.

    The falloff in reporting also obscures the role played by a boosterlike nonprofit organization called the Icon Collective in raising NIL money for Illinois student-athletes. Such collectives have become common at many universities, raising millions of dollars paid to players in exchange for community service such as volunteering at a food bank.

    Icon is supposed to be independent from the U of I’s athletic department, though records show they work together on everything from athlete appearances to the beer sold at Memorial Stadium.

    Reporters identified at least six U of I athletes who promoted the Pacifica on Green apartment complex on Instagram, but only one deal with Pacifica, involving an unnamed woman, was included in the NIL data from the university. (John J. Kim/Chicago Tribune)

    In announcing Icon’s launch in early 2023, a university press release said the collective had raised more than $1.5 million intended for student-athletes.

    But Illini athletes reported receiving only about $99,000 from Icon between February 2023 and October 2024, with the bulk of it — $75,000 — going to Illini football players. No men’s basketball players reported receiving any money via the collective, though the group regularly uses images of men’s players in its marketing material.

    Icon’s president, Kathleen Knight, a former athletic department employee, declined to answer questions about the inconsistencies between the athletes’ reports and her organization’s purported fundraising.

    In a brief statement, Knight said Icon does not publicly share its financial information.

    Cox, the assistant athletic director and NIL specialist, said he does not know how much money Icon has distributed to its athletes, in part because of the lack of disclosures.

    The university made a similar statement on Thursday. Leadership of the athletic department “remains unaware of the terms of Icon’s agreements with most of our student-athletes,” it said.

    Several experts told ProPublica and the Tribune that the idea an athletic department wouldn’t know the amount of money a collective gave to its athletes defies credulity, given the well-known financial demands of the college marketplace and the typically close relationships between collectives and athletic departments.

    “It’s not even putting their head in the sand,” said Carter, the NIL expert. “It’s patently false.”

    A video board at the University of Illinois’ State Farm Center displays an advertisement for a new Icon Collective membership drive. The collective raises NIL money to benefit Illini student-athletes. (John J. Kim/Chicago Tribune) The Future of Transparency

    At a congressional hearing last month, Illini athletic director Josh Whitman talked about the future of NIL and the importance of creating national standards for revenue-sharing and NIL deals instead of a patchwork of state-by-state legislation.

    “We certainly don’t have an interest in micromanaging those opportunities for our student athletes,” he told federal lawmakers. “But it is important that we do try and create some system to monitor that, to create some level of transparency. Our student-athletes want that transparency.”

    U of I administrators, however, have argued against public transparency when it comes to NIL deals. Cox, also an adjunct professor at the university’s law school, wrote in a law publication last year that “the best move for all institutions to support student-athletes is to refuse disclosure of student-athlete NIL information as a matter of policy.”

    Administrators then succeeded in getting a law passed that they contend exempts NIL records from the Freedom of Information Act, severely hindering any further public analysis or accountability. Indeed, the U of I said in early January that it would no longer release the type of records obtained by the Tribune and ProPublica for this investigation.

    “Our position is that that’s not the public’s business,” Whitman told a reporter last year.

    The Illinois athletic department also referenced the FOIA exemption in its three-page response to ProPublica and the Tribune, saying that although there is public desire for NIL information, “the privacy of students is the more pressing concern.”

    But even as Illinois administrators pushed to change the law last year, the requirement that athletes report the deals to their institutions remained. And athletes will be required to disclose their deals under the House settlement — a mandate the university celebrated in its written statement.

    In the face of “strong and swift accountability,” officials said, their athletes would comply.

    Joe Mahr of the Chicago Tribune contributed data analysis. Mariam Elba of ProPublica contributed research reporting.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Stacy St. Clair, Chicago Tribune, and Jodi S. Cohen, ProPublica.

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    Higher Education Is at a Dangerous Crossroads https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/03/higher-education-is-at-a-dangerous-crossroads/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/03/higher-education-is-at-a-dangerous-crossroads/#respond Thu, 03 Apr 2025 19:58:26 +0000 https://progressive.org/public-schools-advocate/higher-education-is-at-a-dangerous-crossroads-nargiso-20250304/
    This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Brianna Nargiso.

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    A Texas School Board Cut State-Approved Textbook Chapters About Diversity. A Board Member Says Material Violated the Law https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/02/a-texas-school-board-cut-state-approved-textbook-chapters-about-diversity-a-board-member-says-material-violated-the-law/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/02/a-texas-school-board-cut-state-approved-textbook-chapters-about-diversity-a-board-member-says-material-violated-the-law/#respond Wed, 02 Apr 2025 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/texas-cypress-fairbanks-removed-textbook-chapters by Jeremy Schwartz, ProPublica and The Texas Tribune, and Dan Keemahill, The Texas Tribune

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    This article is co-published with The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan local newsroom that informs and engages with Texans. Sign up for The Brief Weekly to get up to speed on their essential coverage of Texas issues.

    In 2022, conservative groups celebrated a “great victory” over “wokeified” curriculum when the Texas State Board of Education squashed proposed social studies requirements for schools that included teaching kindergartners how Rosa Parks and Cesar Chavez “advocated for positive change.”

    Another win came a year later as the state board rejected several textbooks that some Republicans argued could promote a “radical environmental agenda” because they linked climate change to human behavior or presented what conservatives perceived to be a negative portrayal of fossil fuels.

    By the time the state board approved science and career-focused textbooks for use in Texas classrooms at the end of 2023, it appeared to be comfortably in sync with conservatives who had won control of local school boards across the state in recent years.

    But the Republican-led state education board had not gone far enough for the conservative majority on the school board for Texas’ third-largest school district.

    At the tail end of a school board meeting in May of last year, Natalie Blasingame, a board member in suburban Houston’s Cypress-Fairbanks Independent School District, proposed stripping more than a dozen chapters from five textbooks that had been approved by the state board and were recommended by a district committee of teachers and staffers.

    The chapters, Blasingame said, were inappropriate for students because they discussed “vaccines and polio,” touched on “topics of depopulation,” had “an agenda out of the United Nations” and included “a perspective that humans are bad.”

    In a less-publicized move, Blasingame, a former bilingual educator, proposed omitting several chapters from a textbook for aspiring educators titled “Teaching.” One of those chapters focuses on how to understand and educate diverse learners and states that it “is up to schools and teachers to help every student feel comfortable, accepted and valued,” and that “when schools view diversity as a positive force, it can enhance learning and prepare students to work effectively in a diverse society.”

    Blasingame did not offer additional details about her opposition to the chapters during the meeting. She didn’t have to. The school board voted 6-1 to delete them.

    Natalie Blasingame, a member of the Cypress-Fairbanks School Board, proposed cutting chapters from five textbooks. (Danielle Villasana for ProPublica and The Texas Tribune)

    The decision to strip chapters from books that had already won the approval of the state’s conservative board of education represents an escalation in local school boards’ efforts to influence what children in public schools are taught. Through the years, battles over textbooks have played out at the state level, where Republicans hold the majority. But local school boards that are supposed to be nonpartisan had largely avoided such fights — they weighed in on whether some books should be in libraries but rarely intervened so directly into classroom instruction. Cypress-Fairbanks now provides a model for supercharging these efforts at more fine-grained control, said Christopher Kulesza, a scholar at Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy.

    “One of the things that would concern me is that it’s ideology pushing the educational standards rather than what’s fact,” he said.

    The board’s actions send a troubling message to students of color, Alissa Sundrani, a junior at Cy-Fair High School, said. “At the point that you’re saying that diversity, or making people feel safe and included, is not in the guidelines or not in the scope of what Texas wants us to be learning, then I think that’s an issue.”

    With about 120,000 students, nearly 80% of whom are of Hispanic, Black and Asian descent, Cy-Fair is the largest school district in Texas to be taken over by ideologically driven conservative candidates. Blasingame was among a slate of candidates who were elected through the at-large voting system that ProPublica and The Texas Tribune found has been leveraged by conservative groups seeking to influence what children are taught about race and gender. Supporters say the system, in which voters cast ballots for all candidates districtwide instead of ones who live within specific geographic boundaries, results in broader representation for students, but voting rights advocates argue that it dilutes the power of voters of color.

    First image: Cy-Fair’s administration building. Second image: People gather before a school board meeting. (Danielle Villasana for ProPublica and The Texas Tribune)

    Blasingame and others campaigned against the teaching of critical race theory, an advanced academic concept that discusses systemic racism. Most of the winning candidates had financial backing from Texans for Educational Freedom, a statewide PAC that sought to build a “stronghold” of school board trustees “committed to fighting Critical Race Theory and other anti-American agendas and curriculums.” The PAC helped elect at least 30 school board candidates across the state between 2021 and 2023, in part because it focused on anti-CRT sentiment, said its founder, Christopher Zook Jr. “You could literally go out and say, CRT, you know, ‘Stop critical race theory in schools,’ and everyone knew what that means, right?” he said. “The polling showed that that messaging works.”

    Shortly before Blasingame and two fellow conservatives won election in 2021, Texas lawmakers passed a landmark law that sought to shape how teachers approach instruction on race and racism. The law, which aimed to ban critical race theory, prohibits the “inculcation” of the notion that someone’s race makes them “inherently racist, sexist, or oppressive, whether consciously or unconsciously.”

    Blasingame made no mention of the law when she pushed to remove chapters about teaching a diverse student body, but pointed to it as the reason for her objection in text messages and an interview with ProPublica and the Tribune. Though Blasingame acknowledged that one of the chapters had “very good presentation on learning styles,” she said removing the whole chapter was the only option because administrators said individual lines could not be stricken from the book.

    The textbook referred to “cultural humility” and called for aspiring teachers to examine their “unintentional and subtle biases,” concepts that she said “go against” the law. The school board needed to act because the book “slipped through” before the state’s education agency implemented a plan to make sure materials complied with the law, Blasingame said.

    Blasingame recommended removing several chapters from a textbook called “Teaching.” The chapters included references to “cultural humility” and “unintentional and subtle biases,” which she believes are not permitted under state law, which specifies how topics concerning race can be taught. (Document obtained and sentences enlarged by ProPublica and The Texas Tribune)

    State Board Chairman Aaron Kinsey, who is staunchly anti-CRT, declined to say if he thought the body had allowed textbooks to slip through as Blasingame suggested. Kinsey, however, said in a statement that contracts with approved publishers include requirements that their textbooks comply with all applicable laws. He did not comment on Cy-Fair removing chapters.

    Cy-Fair appears to have taken one of the state’s most aggressive approaches to enforcing the law, which does not address what is in textbooks but rather how educators approach teaching, said Paige Duggins-Clay, the chief legal analyst for the Intercultural Development Research Agency, a San Antonio-based nonprofit that advocates for equal educational opportunity.

    “It definitely feels like Cy-Fair is seeking to test the boundaries of the law,” Duggins-Clay said. “And I think in a district like Cy-Fair, because it is so diverse, that is actively hurting a lot of young people who are ultimately paying the cost and bearing the burden of these really bad policies.”

    The law’s vagueness has drawn criticism from conservative groups who say it allows school districts to skirt its prohibitions. Last month, Attorney General Ken Paxton filed a lawsuit against the Coppell school district in North Texas and accused administrators of illegally teaching “woke and hateful” CRT curriculum. The suit points to a secret recording of an administrator saying that the district will do what’s right for students “despite what our state standards say.” The lawsuit does not provide examples of curriculum that it alleges violates state law on how to teach race. In a letter to parents, Superintendent Brad Hunt said that the district was following state standards and would “continue to fully comply with applicable state and federal laws.”

    Teachers and progressive groups have also argued that the law leaves too much open to interpretation, which causes educators to self-censor and could be used to target anything that mentions race.

    Blasingame disputes the critique. A longtime administrator and teacher whose family emigrated from South Africa when she was 9 years old, she said she embraces diversity in schools.

    “Diversity is people and I love people,” she said. “That’s what I’m called to do, first as a Christian and then as an educator.”

    But she said she opposes teaching about systemic racism and state-sanctioned efforts to promote diversity, equity and inclusion, saying that they overemphasize the importance of skin color.

    “They seed hate and teach students that they are starting off behind and have unconquerable disadvantages that they will suffer all their lives,” Blasingame said. “Not only does this teach hate among people, but how could you love a country where this is true?”

    The assertion that teaching diversity turns students of color into victims is simply wrong, educators and students told the news organizations. Instead, they said, such discussions make them feel safe and accepted.

    One educator who uses the “Teaching” textbook said the board members’ decision to remove chapters related to diversity has been painful for students.

    “I don’t know what their true intentions are, but to my students, what they are seeing is that unless you fit into the mold and you are like them, you are not valued,” said the teacher, who did not want to be named because she feared losing her job. “There were several who said it made them not want to teach anymore because they felt so unsupported.”

    The board’s interpretation of the state’s law on the teaching of race has stifled important classroom discussions, said Sundrani, the student in the district. Her AP English class, a seminar about the novel “Huckleberry Finn,” steered clear of what she thinks are badly needed conversations about race, slavery and how that history impacts people today.

    “There were topics that we just couldn’t discuss.”


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by .

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/02/a-texas-school-board-cut-state-approved-textbook-chapters-about-diversity-a-board-member-says-material-violated-the-law/feed/ 0 523187
    A Blueprint for Resisting Trump Education Cuts? Chicago Teachers Reach "Powerful" Tentative Contract https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/01/a-blueprint-for-resisting-trump-education-cuts-chicago-teachers-reach-powerful-tentative-contract-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/01/a-blueprint-for-resisting-trump-education-cuts-chicago-teachers-reach-powerful-tentative-contract-2/#respond Tue, 01 Apr 2025 14:25:45 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=75c583d6393db71ebb706c604b098382
    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/01/a-blueprint-for-resisting-trump-education-cuts-chicago-teachers-reach-powerful-tentative-contract-2/feed/ 0 522966
    A Blueprint for Resisting Trump Education Cuts? Chicago Teachers Reach “Powerful” Tentative Contract https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/01/a-blueprint-for-resisting-trump-education-cuts-chicago-teachers-reach-powerful-tentative-contract/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/01/a-blueprint-for-resisting-trump-education-cuts-chicago-teachers-reach-powerful-tentative-contract/#respond Tue, 01 Apr 2025 12:25:55 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=6ee2a924910a3faf26cc851202011cf9 Seg2 stacy ctu

    In a major labor victory, the Chicago Teachers Union reached a tentative agreement with Chicago Public Schools Monday night that reaffirms sanctuary school protections, protects the ability to teach Black history, gives veteran teachers a raise, and more. The deal comes amid attacks on public education by the Trump administration. “The collective bargaining agreement is a very powerful tool to use, especially in this moment, to ensure that people are protected,” says Stacy Davis Gates, president of the Chicago Teachers Union. She also discusses the new posthumous memoir by former CTU President Karen Lewis, titled I Didn’t Come Here to Lie: My Life and Education, and lessons Lewis shared for the struggle ahead.


    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/01/a-blueprint-for-resisting-trump-education-cuts-chicago-teachers-reach-powerful-tentative-contract/feed/ 0 522952
    From Rongelap to Mejatto – how Rainbow Warrior helped move nuclear refugees https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/31/from-rongelap-to-mejatto-how-rainbow-warrior-helped-move-nuclear-refugees/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/31/from-rongelap-to-mejatto-how-rainbow-warrior-helped-move-nuclear-refugees/#respond Mon, 31 Mar 2025 01:49:23 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=112821 The second of a two-part series on the historic Rongelap evacuation of 300 Marshall islanders from their irradiated atoll with the help of the Greenpeace flagship Rainbow Warrior crew and the return of Rainbow Warrior III 40 years later on a nuclear justice research mission. Journalist and author David Robie, who was on board, recalls the 1985 voyage.

    SPECIAL REPORT: By David Robie

    Mejatto, previously uninhabited and handed over to the people of Rongelap by their close relatives on nearby Ebadon Island, was a lot different to their own island. It was beautiful, but it was only three kilometres long and a kilometre wide, with a dry side and a dense tropical side.

    A sandspit joined it to another small, uninhabited island. Although lush, Mejatto was uncultivated and already it was apparent there could be a food problem.Out on the shallow reef, fish were plentiful.

    Shortly after the Rainbow Warrior arrived on 21 May 1985, several of the men were out wading knee-deep on the coral spearing fish for lunch.

    Rongelap Islanders crowded into a small boat approach the Rainbow Warrior.
    Islanders with their belongings on a bum bum approach the Rainbow Warrior. © David Robie/Eyes of Fire

    But even the shallowness of the reef caused a problem. It made it dangerous to bring the Warrior any closer than about three kilometres offshore — as two shipwrecks on the reef reminded us.

    The cargo of building materials and belongings had to be laboriously unloaded onto a bum bum (small boat), which had also travelled overnight with no navigational aids apart from a Marshallese “wave map’, and the Zodiacs. It took two days to unload the ship with a swell making things difficult at times.

    An 18-year-old islander fell into the sea between the bum bum and the Warrior, almost being crushed but escaping with a jammed foot.

    Fishing success on the reef
    The delayed return to Rongelap for the next load didn’t trouble Davey Edward. In fact, he was celebrating his first fishing success on the reef after almost three months of catching nothing. He finally landed not only a red snapper, but a dozen fish, including a half-metre shark!

    Edward was also a good cook and he rustled up dinner — shark montfort, snapper fillets, tuna steaks and salmon pie (made from cans of dumped American aid food salmon the islanders didn’t want).

    Returning to Rongelap, the Rainbow Warrior was confronted with a load which seemed double that taken on the first trip. Altogether, about 100 tonnes of building materials and other supplies were shipped to Mejatto. The crew packed as much as they could on deck and left for Mejatto, this time with 114 people on board. It was a rough voyage with almost everybody being seasick.

    The journalists were roped in to clean up the ship before returning to Rongelap on the third journey.

    ‘Our people see no light, only darkness’
    Researcher Dr Glenn Alcalay (now an adjunct professor of anthropology at William Paterson University), who spoke Marshallese, was a great help to me interviewing some of the islanders.

    “It’s a hard time for us now because we don’t have a lot of food here on Mejatto — like breadfruit, taro and pandanus,” said Rose Keju, who wasn’t actually at Rongelap during the fallout.

    “Our people feel extremely depressed. They see no light, only darkness. They’ve been crying a lot.

    “We’ve moved because of the poison and the health problems we face. If we have honest scientists to check Rongelap we’ll know whether we can ever return, or we’ll have to stay on Mejatto.”

    Kiosang Kios, 46, was 15 years old at the time of Castle Bravo when she was evacuated to “Kwaj”.

    “My hair fell out — about half the people’s hair fell out,” she said. “My feet ached and burned. I lost my appetite, had diarrhoea and vomited.”

    In 1957, she had her first baby and it was born without bones – “Like this paper, it was flimsy.” A so-called ‘jellyfish baby’, it lived half a day. After that, Kios had several more miscarriages and stillbirths. In 1959, she had a daughter who had problems with her legs and feet and thyroid trouble.

    Out on the reef with the bum bums, the islanders had a welcome addition — an unusual hardwood dugout canoe being used for fishing and transport. It travelled 13,000 kilometres on board the Rainbow Warrior and bore the Sandinista legend FSLN on its black-and-red hull. A gift from Bunny McDiarmid and Henk Haazen, it had been bought for $30 from a Nicaraguan fisherman while they were crewing on the Fri. (Bunny and Henk are on board Rainbow Warrior III for the research mission).

    “It has come from a small people struggling for their sovereignty against the United States and it has gone to another small people doing the same,” said Haazen.

    Animals left behind
    Before the 10-day evacuation ended, Haazen was given an outrigger canoe by the islanders. Winched on to the deck of the Warrior, it didn’t quite make a sail-in protest at Moruroa, as Haazen planned, but it has since become a familiar sight on Auckland Harbour.

    With the third load of 87 people shipped to Mejatto and one more to go, another problem emerged. What should be done about the scores of pigs and chickens on Rongelap? Pens could be built on the main deck to transport them to Mejatto but was there any fodder left for them?

    The islanders decided they weren’t going to run a risk, no matter how slight, of having contaminated animals with them. They were abandoned on Rongelap — along with three of the five outriggers.

    Building materials from Rongelap Island dumped on the beach at Mejatto Island.
    Building materials from the demolished homes on Rongelap dumped on the beach at arrival on Mejatto. Image: © David Robie/Eyes of Fire

    “When you get to New Zealand you’ll be asked have you been on a farm,” warned French journalist Phillipe Chatenay, who had gone there a few weeks before to prepare a Le Point article about the “Land of the Long White Cloud and Nuclear-Free Nuts”.

    “Yes, and you’ll be asked to remove your shoes. And if you don’t have shoes, you’ll be asked to remove your feet,” added first mate Martini Gotjé, who was usually barefooted.

    The last voyage on May 28 was the most fun. A smaller group of about 40 islanders was transported and there was plenty of time to get to know each other.

    Four young men questioned cook Nathalie Mestre: where did she live? Where was Switzerland? Out came an atlas. Then Mestre produced a scrapbook of Fernando Pereira’s photographs of the voyage. The questions were endless.

    They asked for a scrap of paper and a pen and wrote in English:

    “We, the people of Rongelap, love our homeland. But how can our people live in a place which is dangerous and poisonous. I mean, why didn’t those American people test Bravo in a state capital? Why? Rainbow Warrior, thank you for being so nice to us. Keep up your good work.”

    Each one wrote down their name: Balleain Anjain, Ralet Anitak, Kiash Tima and Issac Edmond. They handed the paper to Mestre and she added her name. Anitak grabbed it and wrote as well: “Nathalie Anitak”. They laughed.

    Greenpeace photographer Fernando Pereira and Rongelap islander Bonemej Namwe on board a bum bum boat in May 1985
    Greenpeace photographer Fernando Pereira and Rongelap islander Bonemej Namwe on board a bum bum boat in May 1985. Fernando was killed by French secret agents in the Rainbow Warrior bombing on 10 July 1985. Image: © David Robie/Eyes of Fire

    Fernando Pereira’s birthday
    Thursday, May 30, was Fernando Pereira’s 35th birthday. The evacuation was over and a one-day holiday was declared as we lay anchored off Mejato.

    Pereira was on the Pacific voyage almost by chance. Project coordinator Steve Sawyer had been seeking a wire machine for transmitting pictures of the campaign. He phoned Fiona Davies, then heading the Greenpeace photo office in Paris. But he wanted a machine and photographer separately.

    “No, no … I’ll get you a wire machine,” replied Davies. ‘But you’ll have to take my photographer with it.” Agreed. The deal would make a saving for the campaign budget.

    Sawyer wondered who this guy was, although Gotjé and some of the others knew him. Pereira had fled Portugal about 15 years before while he was serving as a pilot in the armed forces at a time when the country was fighting to retain colonies in Angola and Mozambique. He settled in The Netherlands, the only country which would grant him citizenship.

    After first working as a photographer for Anefo press agency, he became concerned with environmental and social issues. Eventually he joined the Amsterdam communist daily De Waarheid and was assigned to cover the activities of Greenpeace. Later he joined Greenpeace.

    Although he adopted Dutch ways, his charming Latin temperament and looks betrayed his Portuguese origins. He liked tight Italian-style clothes and fast sports cars. Pereira was always wide-eyed, happy and smiling.

    In Hawai`i, he and Sawyer hiked up to the crater at the top of Diamond Head one day. Sawyer took a snapshot of Pereira laughing — a photo later used on the front page of the New Zealand Times after his death with the bombing of the Rainbow Warrior by French secret agents.

    While most of the crew were taking things quietly and the “press gang” caught up on stories, Sawyer led a mini-expedition in a Zodiac to one of the shipwrecks, the Palauan Trader. With him were Davey Edward, Henk Haazen, Paul Brown and Bunny McDiarmid.

    Clambering on board the hulk, Sawyer grabbed hold of a rust-caked railing which collapsed. He plunged 10 metres into a hold. While he lay in pain with a dislocated shoulder and severely lacerated abdomen, his crewmates smashed a hole through the side of the ship. They dragged him through pounding surf into the Zodiac and headed back to the Warrior, three kilometres away.

    “Doc” Andy Biedermann, assisted by “nurse” Chatenay, who had received basic medical training during national service in France, treated Sawyer. He took almost two weeks to recover.

    But the accident failed to completely dampen celebrations for Pereira, who was presented with a hand-painted t-shirt labelled “Rainbow Warrior Removals Inc”.

    Pereira’s birthday was the first of three which strangely coincided with events casting a tragic shadow over the Rainbow Warrior’s last voyage.

    Dr David Robie is an environmental and political journalist and author, and editor of Asia Pacific Report. He travelled on board the Rainbow Warrior for almost 11 weeks. This article is adapted from his 1986 book, Eyes of Fire: The Last Voyage of the Rainbow Warrior. A new edition is being published in July to mark the 40th anniversary of the bombing. 


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    ‘We’re not just welcoming you as allies, but as family’ – Rainbow Warrior in Marshall Islands 40 years on https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/30/were-not-just-welcoming-you-as-allies-but-as-family-rainbow-warrior-in-marshall-islands-40-years-on/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/30/were-not-just-welcoming-you-as-allies-but-as-family-rainbow-warrior-in-marshall-islands-40-years-on/#respond Sun, 30 Mar 2025 22:49:57 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=112805 The first of a two-part series on the historic Rongelap evacuation of 300 Marshall islanders from their irradiated atoll with the help of the Greenpeace flagship Rainbow Warrior crew and the return of Rainbow Warrior III 40 years later on a nuclear justice research mission.

    SPECIAL REPORT: By Shiva Gounden in Majuro

    Family isn’t just about blood—it’s about standing together through the toughest of times.

    This is the relationship between Greenpeace and the Marshall Islands — a vast ocean nation, stretching across nearly two million square kilometers of the Pacific. Beneath the waves, coral reefs are bustling with life, while coconut trees stand tall.

    For centuries, the Marshallese people have thrived here, mastering the waves, reading the winds, and navigating the open sea with their canoe-building knowledge passed down through generations. Life here is shaped by the rhythm of the tides, the taste of fresh coconut and roasted breadfruit, and an unbreakable bond between people and the sea.

    From the bustling heart of its capital, Majuro to the quiet, far-reaching atolls, their islands are not just land; they are home, history, and identity.

    Still, Marshallese communities were forced into one of the most devastating chapters of modern history — turned into a nuclear testing ground by the United States without consent, and their lives and lands poisoned by radiation.

    Operation Exodus: A legacy of solidarity
    Between 1946 and 1958, the US conducted 67 nuclear tests in the Marshall Islands — its total yield roughly equal to one Hiroshima-sized bomb every day for 12 years.

    During this Cold War period, the US government planned to conduct its largest nuclear test ever. On the island of Bikini, United States Commodore Ben H. Wyatt manipulated the 167 Marshallese people who called Bikini home asking them to leave so that the US could carry out atomic bomb testing, stating that it was for “the good of mankind and to end all world wars”.

    Exploiting their deep faith, he misled Bikinians into believing they were acting in God’s will, and trusting this, they agreed to move—never knowing the true cost of their decision

    Bikini Islanders board a landing craft vehicle personnel (LCVP) as they depart from Bikini Atoll in March 1946.
    Bikini Islanders board a landing craft vehicle personnel (LCVP) as they depart from Bikini Atoll in March 1946. Image: © United States Navy

    On March 1, 1954, the Castle Bravo test was launched — its yield 1000 times stronger than Hiroshima. Radioactive fallout spread across Rongelap Island about 150 kilometers away, due to what the US government claimed was a “shift in wind direction”.

    In reality, the US ignored weather reports that indicated the wind would carry the fallout eastward towards Rongelap and Utirik Atolls, exposing the islands to radioactive contamination. Children played in what they thought was snow, and almost immediately the impacts of radiation began — skin burning, hair fallout, vomiting.

    The Rongelap people were immediately relocated, and just three years later were told by the US government their island was deemed safe and asked to return.

    For the next 28 years, the Rongelap people lived through a period of intense “gaslighting” by the US government. *

    Image of the nuclear weapon test, Castle Bravo (yield 15 Mt) on Bikini Atoll, Marshall Islands, 1 March 1954.
    Nuclear weapon test Castle Bravo (yield 15 Mt) on Bikini Atoll, 1 March 1954. © United States Department of Energy

    Forced to live on contaminated land, with women enduring miscarriages and cancer rates increasing, in 1985, the people of Rongelap made the difficult decision to leave their homeland. Despite repeated requests to the US government to help evacuate, an SOS was sent, and Greenpeace responded: the Rainbow Warrior arrived in Rongelap, helping to move communities to Mejatto Island.

    This was the last journey of the first Rainbow Warrior. The powerful images of their evacuation were captured by photographer Fernando Pereira, who, just months later, was killed in the bombing of the Rainbow Warrior as it sailed to protest nuclear testing in the Pacific.

    Evacuation of Rongelap Islanders to Mejato
    Evacuation of Rongelap Islanders to Mejatto by the Rainbow Warrior crew in the Pacific 1985. Rongelap suffered nuclear fallout from US nuclear tests done from 1946-1958, making it a hazardous place to live. Image: © Greenpeace/Fernando Pereira

    From nuclear to climate: The injustice repeats
    The fight for justice did not end with the nuclear tests—the same forces that perpetuated nuclear colonialism continue to endanger the Marshall Islands today with new threats: climate change and deep-sea mining.

    The Marshall Islands, a nation of over 1,000 islands, is particularly vulnerable to climate impacts. Entire communities could disappear within a generation due to rising sea levels. Additionally, greedy international corporations are pushing to mine the deep sea of the Pacific Ocean for profit. Deep sea mining threatens fragile marine ecosystems and could destroy Pacific ways of life, livelihoods and fish populations. The ocean connects us all, and a threat anywhere in the Pacific is a threat to the world.

    Action ahead of the Climate Vulnerable Forum in the Marshall Islands.
    Marshallese activists with traditional outriggers on the coast of the nation’s capital Majuro to demand that leaders of developed nations dramatically upscale their plans to limit global warming during the online meeting of the Climate Vulnerable Forum in 2018. Image: © Martin Romain/Greenpeace

    But if there could be one symbol to encapsulate past nuclear injustices and current climate harms it would be the Runit Dome. This concrete structure was built by the US to contain radioactive waste from years of nuclear tests, but climate change now poses a direct threat.

    Rising sea levels and increasing storm surges are eroding the dome’s integrity, raising fears of radioactive material leaking into the ocean, potentially causing a nuclear disaster.

    Aerial view of Runit Dome, Runit Island, Enewetak Atoll, Marshall Islands
    Aerial view of Runit Dome, Runit Island, Enewetak Atoll, Marshall Islands . . . symbolic of past nuclear injustices and current climate harms in the Pacific. Image: © US Defense Special Weapons Agency

    Science, storytelling, and resistance: The Rainbow Warrior’s epic mission and 40 year celebration

    At the invitation of the Marshallese community and government, the Rainbow Warrior is in the Pacific nation to celebrate 40 years since 1985’s Operation Exodus, and stand in support of their ongoing fight for nuclear justice, climate action, and self-determination.

    This journey brings together science, storytelling, and activism to support the Marshallese movement for justice and recognition. Independent radiation experts and Greenpeace scientists will conduct crucial research across the atolls, providing much-needed data on remaining nuclear contamination.

    For decades, research on radiation levels has been controlled by the same government that conducted the nuclear tests, leaving many unanswered questions. This independent study will help support the Marshallese people in their ongoing legal battles for recognition, reparations, and justice.

    Ariana Tibon Kilma from the National Nuclear Commission, greets the Rainbow Warrior into the Marshall Islands. © Bianca Vitale / Greenpeace
    Marshallese women greet the Rainbow Warrior as it arrives in the capital Majuro earlier this month. Image: © Bianca Vitale/Greenpeace

    The path of the ship tour: A journey led by the Marshallese
    From March to April, the Rainbow Warrior is sailing across the Marshall Islands, stopping in Majuro, Mejatto, Enewetak, Bikini, Rongelap, and Wotje. Like visiting old family, each of these locations carries a story — of nuclear fallout, forced displacement, resistance, and hope for a just future.

    But just like old family, there’s something new to learn. At every stop, local leaders, activists, and a younger generation are shaping the narrative.

    Their testimonies are the foundation of this journey, ensuring the world cannot turn away. Their stories of displacement, resilience, and hope will be shared far beyond the Pacific, calling for justice on a global scale.

    Bunny McDiarmid and Henk Haazen reunited with the local Marshallese community at Majuro Welcome Ceremony. © Bianca Vitale / Greenpeace
    Bunny McDiarmid and Henk Haazen greet locals at the welcoming ceremony in Majuro, Marshall Islands, earlier this month. Bunny and Henk were part of the Greenpeace crew in 1985 to help evacuate the people of Rongelap. Image: © Bianca Vitale/Greenpeace

    A defining moment for climate justice
    The Marshallese are not just survivors of past injustices; they are champions of a just future. Their leadership reminds us that those most affected by climate change are not only calling for action — they are showing the way forward. They are leaders of finding solutions to avert these crises.

    Local Marshallese Women's group dance and perform cultural songs at the Rainbow Warrior welcome ceremony in Majuro. © Bianca Vitale / Greenpeace
    Local Marshallese women’s group dance and perform cultural songs at the Rainbow Warrior welcome ceremony in Majuro, Marshall islands, earlier this month. Image: © Bianca Vitale/Greenpeace

    Since they have joined the global fight for climate justice, their leadership in the climate battle has been evident.

    In 2011, they established a shark sanctuary to protect vital marine life.

    In 2024, they created their first ocean sanctuary, expanding efforts to conserve critical ecosystems. The Marshall Islands is also on the verge of signing the High Seas Treaty, showing their commitment to global marine conservation, and has taken a firm stance against deep-sea mining.

    They are not only protecting their lands but are also at the forefront of the global fight for climate justice, pushing for reparations, recognition, and climate action.

    This voyage is a message: the world must listen, and it must act. The Marshallese people are standing their ground, and we stand in solidarity with them — just like family.

    Learn their story. Support their call for justice. Amplify their voices. Because when those on the frontlines lead, justice is within reach.

    Shiva Gounden is the head of Pacific at Greenpeace Australia Pacific. This article series is republished with the permission of Greenpeace.

    * This refers to the period from 1957 — when the US Atomic Energy Commission declared Rongelap Atoll safe for habitation despite known contamination — to 1985, when Greenpeace assisted the Rongelap community in relocating due to ongoing radiation concerns. The Compact of Free Association, signed in 1986, finally started acknowledging damages caused by nuclear testing to the populations of Rongelap.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/30/were-not-just-welcoming-you-as-allies-but-as-family-rainbow-warrior-in-marshall-islands-40-years-on/feed/ 0 522813
    Oil and gas money shapes research, creates ‘echo chamber’ in higher education https://grist.org/energy/oil-and-gas-money-shapes-research-creates-echo-chamber-in-higher-education/ https://grist.org/energy/oil-and-gas-money-shapes-research-creates-echo-chamber-in-higher-education/#respond Sat, 29 Mar 2025 13:00:00 +0000 https://grist.org/?p=661916 Jackson Voss loves his alma mater, Louisiana State University. He appreciates that his undergraduate education was paid for by a program dreamed up by an oil magnate and that he received additional scholarships from ExxonMobil and Shell.

    But the socially conscious Louisiana native was also aware of what the support of those companies seemed to buy — silence.

    Voss, who graduated from LSU in Baton Rouge 11 years ago with a degree in political science, says when he attended school there, he didn’t hear discussions of how climate change made Hurricane Katrina worse; why petrochemical plants along the Mississippi River sickened residents of the mostly Black communities around those facilities; or about the devastating and permanent impact of the BP oil spill that happened during Voss’ time at LSU.

    Voss, now director of climate policy for the New Orleans-based consumer advocacy group, the Alliance for Affordable Energy, says he didn’t hear climate change or “Cancer Alley” openly discussed until he went to the University of Michigan, 1,100 miles away, for graduate school.

    “It was not a place that was really discussing these issues in the way that should have been discussed at the time,” he said of LSU, where oil wells dotted the campus at least into the 1970s. Any such discussions weren’t taken seriously, he said, and even fellow students were often defensive of the industry. 

    “The discussions that did happen had to focus on, kind of finding a way to talk about climate without talking about climate,” Voss said, “and it was especially important not to talk about the role that oil and gas played in worsening climate change.”

    Louisiana State University graduate Jackson Voss attended the Baton Rouge-based school as an undergraduate about a decade ago. Pam Radtke / Floodlight

    Whether through funding of research projects, the creation of new academic programs focused on energy or, more subtly, through support of everything from opera to football, the oil and gas industry has been shaping discourse at LSU — and universities around the world — for decades.

    LSU administrators insist they have safeguards against undue influence by fossil fuel companies, which have given tens of millions of dollars to the university in just the past three years. But a joint investigation by Floodlight, WWNO/WRKF and the Louisiana Illuminator found the funding allows the industry to place a thumb on the scale of what gets studied at the state’s flagship university — and what is left out.

    Research by Floodlight shows between 2010 and 2020, petrochemical companies gave LSU at least $44 million through their charitable foundations, making it one of the top recipients of fossil fuel funding among U.S. universities, based on research from the nonprofit Data for Progress.

    LSU received more from petrochemical companies than the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Harvard and Texas A&M — and 20 times more than Voss’s other alma mater, the University of Michigan. The Data for Progress research showed over that decade, the 27 schools they examined received almost $700 million total.

    Increasingly, researchers are questioning the longstanding ties between fossil fuels and universities at a time when scientists and governments across the globe overwhelmingly agree that sharply reducing the use of fossil fuels and increasing reliance on renewable energy are crucial to stalling or reversing climate change.

    Last year, a joint report from Congress found “the oil and gas industry cultivates partnerships with academic institutions as a way to influence climate research.” And a first-of-its-kind study released by researchers last year found the fossil fuel industry’s approach is similar to how the tobacco, pharmaceutical and other industries co-opted academics. 

    “It’s a situation exactly parallel to public health research being funded by the tobacco industry. It’s a conflict of interest — the size of an oil tanker,” said Geoffrey Supran, associate professor of environmental science and policy who studies fossil fuel disinformation at the University of Miami and is director of its Climate Accountability Lab. He says LSU and other schools like it have become “an echo chamber for pro-fossil-fuel narratives.”

    LSU and its president, William Tate IV, have doubled down on the university’s ties with the fossil fuel industry in recent years, despite its shrinking importance to the Louisiana economy. Since 2020, Tate has solicited and received more than $30 million from fossil fuel companies, including a record $27.5 million from Shell.

    During LSU’s Giving Day campaign on Wednesday, Shell plopped down another $1.5 million for LSU libraries and the College of Science.

    “It’s time for a partnership in significant fashion to link the work at LSU in our energy areas, including alternative energy, and creating ways to keep that industry vibrant here in this state and for our country,” Tate told reporters in 2022, about a year after he was named to head the school. 

    LSU insists there are firewalls in place to prevent oil and gas companies from unduly influencing research and study. But public records and interviews indicate that fossil fuel funding can have a subtle and even direct impact on research and critical discourse. 

    “Universities are at risk of being pawns in a climate propaganda scheme devised and implemented by fossil fuel interests for decades,” Supran said. 

    ‘Tip of the iceberg’

    It’s impossible to pin down how much money fossil fuel interests — or any industry — gives to universities such as LSU. Although it is a public institution, much of the money for scholarships, workforce development and buildings goes through LSU’s foundation — a nonprofit separate from the university. The foundation, in accordance with philanthropic standards, does not disclose its donors unless they agree to be identified.

    In its research, Data for Progress used public announcements from universities and companies, along with tax filings from fossil fuel companies’ foundations, to determine how much the universities received from those companies.

    “It’s most likely the tip of the iceberg,” said Jake Lowe, executive director of Campus Climate Network, which under its previous name, Fossil Free Research, worked with Data for Progress to create its 2023 report. 

    A bald man in sunglasses and a black jacket stands in an industrial facility outdoors talking to a man in a red jumpsuit
    Louisiana State University President William Tate IV visits Shell’s facility in Convent, La., in 2023 to talk about his plan to focus on five areas at the university, including energy. Louisiana State University

    For example, the report includes millions of dollars the ExxonMobil Foundation gives for scholarships — but not the money going directly from the company to a school or its foundation.

    “If the ExxonMobil corporation has a research contract with LSU, you’re not going to see that in the tax documents or annual reports,” Lowe said.

    Floodlight, with the help of a Data for Progress researcher, used the same method to look at how much petrochemical money went to LSU. The analysis included examining public announcements from the companies and tax filings, called 990s, of the foundations for Shell, ExxonMobil, Chevron, ConocoPhillips, Entergy, Koch Inc., Southwest Electric Power Corp., Schlumberger (now known as SLB), Dow and Taylor Oil.

    From 2010 to 2020, Taylor Oil’s foundation gave the most to LSU, almost $21 million.  

    The second highest amount was from ExxonMobil, which gave more than $10 million — the majority of which came from a matching gift program in which the company gave $3 for every dollar donated by an employee or retiree to a college or university.

    A plaque that reads Exxon Quadrangle
    Louisiana State University’s “Quad” is the heart of the campus and was named after ExxonMobil in 1999. Piper Hutchinson / Louisiana Illuminator

    But then, in 2022, Shell dwarfed the amount given over the previous decade with a single $27.5 million donation to LSU. The majority, $25 million, was for a new Institute for Energy Innovation to focus on “scholarship and solution delivery” on “hydrogen and carbon capture … the coast; and low-carbon fuels.”

    Donations buy influence 

    LSU doesn’t hide that the institute’s mission was shaped in partnership with the industry. In the early days, a former Shell executive, Rhoman Hardy, served as the research center’s interim director. The company also has three of the institute’s seven board seats; industry groups hold another two.

    Last year, the nonprofit New Orleans news outlet The Lens discovered LSU created a system: If a fossil fuel company gives $50,000 or more to the institute, it gets the right to participate in a specific research project, to use the intellectual property from that project and “robust review and discussion of the specific study and project output.”

    For a $1.25 million donation, a company also receives “voting rights for selected institute activities, including research.” A contribution of $5 million or more earns a donor a seat on the institute’s board.

    LSU president William Tate IV poses with LSU mascot Mike the Tiger. Louisiana State University

    When reached for comment about the institute, its donations and its potential influence, Shell responded, “We’re proud to partner with LSU to contribute to the growing compendium of peer-reviewed climate science and advance the effort to identify multiple pathways and build the ecosystems that can lead to more energy with fewer emissions.”

    In 2023, ExxonMobil gave $2 million to LSU and became a “strategic” partner. With the donation, ExxonMobil will work with the institute to study batteries, solar power, carbon capture and “advanced” plastics recycling. ExxonMobil did not respond to a request for comment about the donation or about the money it has previously given to LSU.

    At a Louisiana Board of Regents’ Energy Transition Research Symposium at LSU later that year, ExxonMobil gave a presentation on advanced plastics recycling, a controversial technology that opponents say amounts to greenwashing the problem of plastic waste by burning it rather than reusing it.

    “It is clear based on the board and research focus areas of the new Institute for Energy Innovation that it is focused squarely on innovations using fossil fuels,” said Logan Atkinson Burke, Voss’ boss at the Alliance for Affordable Energy, an energy consumer advocacy group.

    Environmentalists say technologies being studied by the institute, including carbon capture, hydrogen and low-carbon fuels, are “false solutions” that will do little to address the climate crisis.

    ‘Subconscious’ bias? 

    The institute’s current director, Brad Ives, and LSU’s vice president for research and economic development, Robert Twilley, say they have put safeguards in place to prevent industry influence.

    And Twilley says this type of research — working hand in hand with industries on the ground — is core to the mission of LSU as a land grant university, a program Abraham Lincoln established in 1862 that used federal land sales to fund universities focused on practical subjects including architecture, engineering and agriculture.

    “It’s how we as an institution manage it and the safeguards and being very conscious of our ethics, being very conscious of what projects we work on,” Twilley said.

    He points to federal guidelines, the scientific method and peer review as some of the safeguards that keep the university’s research independent from industry influence. The institute sends its research proposals to an anonymous third-party panel of scientists to be ranked, Twilley says. Those rankings help decide what research it funds.

    Louisiana State University’s Petroleum Engineering Research & Technology Transfer, or PERTT, Laboratory, is an industrial-scale facility for training and research on borehole technology. According to LSU, it is the only such facility in North America. Louisiana State University

    Ives says funders aren’t allowed contact with researchers either.

    “What we’re doing is making sure that the researchers have total academic freedom to let the research take them where it goes,” Ives said. “We know we can sleep at night because we are not doing anything that’s wrong.”

    But Supran, who once worked on projects funded by oil and gas, says it’s not always as simple as a researcher purposefully skewing results. Scientists are only human, making these relationships inherently fraught.

    “We’re all subject to biases,” he said. “Things like reciprocation. You know that if I give you a pen, you have some small subconscious desire to reciprocate it in some sense down the line.”

    For example, one study showed how reviews of the health effects of secondhand smoke funded by the tobacco industry were almost 90 times more likely to conclude that it was not harmful compared to reviews funded by other sources.

    There’s evidence that the lines between funding and academic independence are sometimes blurred at LSU. Several influential reports and studies from LSU’s Center for Energy Studies have drawn scrutiny over the years for being misleading. In one case, a utility-funded report led to the dismantling of Louisiana’s successful rooftop solar program. In another, a report helped curb efforts to sue oil and gas companies for decades of environmental damage, claiming the lawsuits cost the state more than it would gain.

    A more recent example was found in public records reviewed by WWNO, including a contract between the Center for Energy Studies and the Bracewell law firm, representing Gulf Coast Sequestration. That company wants to store millions of tons of carbon dioxide underground in southwest Louisiana. It asked the center to use the project as a case study for the economic impact of a carbon capture industry on the Gulf Coast.

    Climate advocates Corinne Salter and Jill Tupitza, who started a group and podcast called Climate Pelicans, and Cheyenne Autin discuss divestment in fossil fuels in November 2023 at Louisiana State University’s Baton Rouge campus. Tarun Kakarala / The Reveille

    The contract suggests that some of the report’s conclusions were reached even before the study began. The researchers said they planned to “underscore the transformative nature of CCS (carbon capture and sequestration) on the Louisiana economy.”

    LSU’s final report ultimately listed all of the financial reasons the Gulf Coast should welcome the projects like this one — while barely mentioning the economic risks, such as the cost and financial viability of  carbon capture facilities.

    WWNO showed the report to several researchers familiar with sponsored research. All of them shared concerns over the prescriptive nature of the research proposal or the terms of the contract itself.

    LSU allows research sponsors to give feedback on drafts before they’re published. Sponsors are also allowed to stay anonymous — meaning, the public doesn’t know who funds the research.

    “It gets a D grade and it’s not quite an F,” Supran said, noting that in this case, the funder was disclosed. “ The fact that this report just touts the economic benefits of this specific company funding the report — it kind of makes you wonder if it’s worth the paper it’s written on.”

    The report’s authors declined to comment. Twilley defended the contract, saying its terms are standard throughout the university and that researchers are allowed to propose hypotheses. 

    The contract is not illegal nor does it constitute research misconduct such as using fake data or plagiarizing. But according to one elected official, reports like these, which carry the credibility of a university without the scrutiny of peer review, could influence public policy.

    “The research plays a significant role in determining whether or not we’re on the right or wrong course,” said Davante Lewis, a public service commissioner in Louisiana. His commission regulates services in Louisiana including the electric utilities.

    Lewis said he counts on such academic reports to provide a fair and comprehensive picture of an issue. But, as more industry money enters research, he said he was concerned, noting, “Oftentimes we have seen where money drives facts, not facts drive money.”

    Burnishing their reputations

    Besides funding LSU’s energy institute, oil and gas interests also pays for things everyone likes, such as health programs, tutoring and even halftime kicking contests with football fans.

    Supran says he and other researchers have a working theory that while oil and gas companies pour big money into big research institutions such as MIT and Stanford to give them credibility, they spend money at regional universities in states including Louisiana and Texas to build a compliant population.

    “It doesn’t take a genius to imagine that that money may be used to burnish the reputation locally of those companies and foster a vibrant recruitment pool,” Supran said.

    A man in a suit and tie sits at a table
    Geoffrey Supran, an associate professor at the University of Miami, tells members of the U.S. Senate Budget Committee at a May 1, 2024 hearing that his research has found “widespread infiltration of fossil fuel interests into higher education.” U.S. Senate Budget Committee

    Voss says the oil and gas industry’s support of benefits for the state are “one of the few things that it actually has right.” On the flip side, he added, “I think it protects the industry from criticism, because it makes people feel like they’re a part of the community.”

    But the heavy presence of oil and gas on campus can have a chilling effect on people and groups who don’t support those industries.

    Jill Tupitza, now a marine scientist in California, was a graduate student at LSU when she and fellow graduate student Corinne Salter started Climate Pelicans, an advocacy organization that worked to get LSU to stop investing in fossil fuels.

    When they started questioning the ties between LSU and fossil fuels, they were met with resistance.

    “Immediately, doors were shut,” Tupitza said.

    One administrator told her, “‘I can’t tell you what to do, I can’t punish you for going further. But I would strongly recommend that you stop asking questions about this,’” she recalled. “So that, obviously, that made us double down.”

    The group led marches and a petition drive urging climate divestment. They started a podcast that explored topics including environmental justice and false climate solutions.

    Tupitza said the LSU Foundation stonewalled the group’s requests for information about how much money it had invested in fossil fuels and refused requests to attend meetings about the foundation’s $700 million endowment. Later, the foundation told Tupitza that less than 4% of its holdings were invested in fossil fuels

    And then, while Tupitza and fellow graduate students were writing “Divest from Fossil Fuels,” in pink chalk in front of the foundation building, they were arrested on graffiti charges. 

    Those charges were eventually dropped. School rules prohibit writing on the sidewalks with chalk, but it is not an arrestable offense. Tupitza described her arrest as “a huge scare tactic.”. 

    Supran says LSU isn’t unique in its hesitation to cut ties with the oil and gas industry. 

    “I think it’s fair to say that for the most part, there has not been careful deliberation about the costs and the benefits of these ties, but rather a head down, and aggressive, solicitation of as much funding as they can receive from anyone.”

    Voss predicts that if conditions worsen in an industry known for its booms and busts, its support for LSU will disappear. And as climate change worsens, it will make it harder for businesses and people to stay in Louisiana, which is already near the top of U.S. states when it comes to population loss. 

    “In many ways, higher education is sitting upon a house of cards, and relying upon oil and gas is incredibly risky — as it always has been.”

    Instead, he said, “I think that LSU could and should be a really critical voice in climate change and environmental justice in Louisiana. I do worry that in failing to do so and by being so heavily tied up in oil and gas interests, it actually puts the university in a worse position.”

    This is Part 2 of a two-part investigative series exploring the relationship between the fossil fuel industry and Louisiana State University. This story was reported by a partnership with WWNO/WRKF, the Louisiana Illuminator and Floodlight.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Oil and gas money shapes research, creates ‘echo chamber’ in higher education on Mar 29, 2025.


    This content originally appeared on Grist and was authored by Pam Radtke, Floodlight.

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    Education Matters https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/28/education-matters/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/28/education-matters/#respond Fri, 28 Mar 2025 05:50:50 +0000 https://www.counterpunch.org/?p=358708 As Horace Mann noted in 1837, the purpose of education is:  to inspire the love of truth as the supremist good, and to clarify the vision of the intellect to discern it.  We want a generation … above deciding great and eternal principles upon narrow and selfish grounds.  Our advanced state of civilization has evolved many More

    The post Education Matters appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

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    As Horace Mann noted in 1837, the purpose of education is: 

    to inspire the love of truth as the supremist good, and to clarify the vision of the intellect to discern it.  We want a generation … above deciding great and eternal principles upon narrow and selfish grounds.  Our advanced state of civilization has evolved many complicated questions respecting social duties.  We want a generation…capable taking up these complex questions, and of turning all sides of them towards the sun.

    But too often that is not what schools and universities in advanced countries are turning out today.  Instead, by guiding students into science, technology, engineering and math (STEM) classes they are too often turning out individuals José Ortega y Gasset in his book Revolt of the Masses characterized as learned ignoramuses whose “inner feeling of dominance and worth” induce them to wish to predominate outside their specialty.  In other words, they are turning out too many Elon Muss.  It is past time, therefore, for teachers of STEM classes to address human rights issues in their classrooms.

    The solution, in short, is consilience.  Consilience, as E. O. Wilson pointed out in his book by that name, refers to the “linkage of the sciences and humanities.” “But what,” you might ask, “does physics, or computer science or technology or engineering or mathematics and statistics have to do with human rights?”  And the answer, you may be surprised to learn, is: “quite a lot.”

    Start, for example, with physics, a science that has given us nuclear power plants and nuclear weapons.  Students in physics and the other hard sciences, in other words, can use the knowledge they acquire to help improve our lives or destroy them.  Hence in those classes, as well as in classes in the social sciences and humanities, they should learn that knowledge is power and comes with the responsibility to use it for the benefit of others.  Students in a physics class, for example, might be asked to think about the quandary many physicists faced when asked to join the Manhattan Project and help develop the first atom bomb.  Consequently, they might come away from their studies aware that upon witnessing the first test of the bomb, Robert Oppenheimer, the theoretical physicist who directed the project is said to have exclaimed “now I am become Death, the destroyer of worlds.”

    Now leave physics and move on to classes where students study computer programming.  Clearly students in those and other technology classes should be made aware, that, in the words of  former United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet’s “The digital revolution is a major global human rights issue. Its unquestionable benefits do not cancel out its unmistakable risks. Hence, we can’t afford to see cyberspace and artificial intelligence as an ungoverned or ungovernable space–a human rights black hole?”  And given that awareness they might then be asked to address the question the Kemper Human Rights Education Foundation posed last year regarding how they would deal with the problem of the spread of hate speech on the internet?

    Finally consider students studying mathematics and/or statistics.  Teachers of mathematics can help their students learn, among other things, how mathematics can be used to help conceptualize and measure social welfare.  And as Jessica Utts, the past president of the American Statistical Association pointed out, students studying statistics should be taught how to avoid violating human rights while measuring progress in realizing them.

    Unfortunately, however, in the increasingly technological environment in which young people are growing up today many of the brightest among them are tracked into STEM classes so challenging that they don’t have time to spend on classes in the humanities or social sciences.  Hence, it is increasingly important that human rights issues that should be and often are addressed in those classes are touched on as well in the classes in the hard sciences, engineering, statistics, and mathematics that they do end up taking.

    This year will be the 25th year KHREF has sponsored essay contests for high school students in the U.S. and other countries. 

    The post Education Matters appeared first on CounterPunch.org.


    This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Paul Cantor.

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    A University, a Rural Town and Their Fight to Survive Trump’s War on Higher Education https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/27/a-university-a-rural-town-and-their-fight-to-survive-trumps-war-on-higher-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/27/a-university-a-rural-town-and-their-fight-to-survive-trumps-war-on-higher-education/#respond Thu, 27 Mar 2025 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/regional-public-universities-trump-funding-dei by Molly Parker, Capitol News Illinois

    This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with Capitol News Illinois. Sign up for Dispatches to get stories like this one as soon as they are published.

    CARBONDALE, Ill. — I grew up off a gravel road near a town of 60 people, a place where cows outnumber people.

    Southern Illinois University, just 40 miles north, opened up my world. I saw my first concerts here, debated big ideas in giant lecture halls and shared dorms with people who looked like no one I’d ever met. Two of my most influential professors came from opposite ends of the political spectrum.

    SIU was the only four-year college within reach when I enrolled here in the fall of 2000 — both in miles and cost. And it set me on the path to who I would become. That’s why I accepted a job here teaching journalism two years ago. It is still a place of opportunity, but I was struck by how fragile it had become — a fraction of its former size, grappling with relentless enrollment and budget concerns.

    Now, it faces new threats. The Trump administration has proposed cuts to research and labs across the country; targeted certain schools with diversity, equity and inclusion programs; and signed an executive order to eliminate the U.S. Department of Education, which manages student loans. State officials estimate that proposed funding reductions from the National Institutes of Health alone would cost SIU about $4.5 million.

    In addition, conservative activists are on the lookout for what they deem “woke” depravity at universities. This is true at SIU as well, where students received emails from at least one conservative group offering to pay them to act as informants or write articles to help “expose the liberal bias that occurs on college campuses across the nation.”

    Schools like SIU, located in a region that overwhelmingly voted for President Donald Trump, may not be the primary targets of his threatened funding cuts, but they — along with the communities they serve — stand to lose the most.

    There are nearly 500 regional public universities across the U.S., serving around 5 million students — about half of all undergraduates enrolled in public universities, according to the Alliance for Research on Regional Colleges at Appalachian State University. These institutions of higher learning span nearly every state, with many rooted in rural areas and communities facing high unemployment, childhood poverty and limited access to medical care. They play a vital role in lifting up struggling individuals — and in some cases, entire communities that could very easily die out without them.

    While Trump’s actions have primarily targeted high-profile institutions like Columbia University and the University of Pennsylvania, some regional schools are also under investigation for alleged racial discrimination tied to DEI programs. (So far, SIU hasn’t been named in any federal probes.)

    “This is definitely one of those baby-in-the-bathwater moments,” said Cecilia Orphan, an associate professor of higher education at the University of Denver, who is a lead researcher with the regional colleges alliance. While the administration has “a bone to pick with a particular type of institution,” she said, “there are all these other institutions that serve your community, your constituents.”

    Students walk across the campus of SIU in Carbondale. Long challenged by declining enrollment and budget woes, SIU now faces the threat of deeper federal cuts. (Julia Rendleman for ProPublica)

    Regional schools like SIU tend to operate with fewer resources than their counterparts, relying on federal and state money to support both the students and the school. Greater shares of students rely on need-based federal financial aid like Pell Grants, low-cost student loans and subsidized student work programs.

    And in terms of research, while attention goes to large, elite schools, hundreds of the schools spending at least $2.5 million on scientific studies — the threshold for qualifying as a research school — are regional public universities. SIU pumps $60 million annually into research. About a quarter of that money comes from the federal government.

    At SIU, as at other regional universities, many research projects focus on overlooked issues in their own backyards. Here that means studying ways to help farmers yield stronger crops, to deal with invasive species in the waterways, and to deliver mental health care to remote schools.

    “We are at a crossroads and facing a national crisis. It is going to have far-reaching consequences for higher education,” said Mary Louise Cashel, a clinical psychology professor at SIU whose research, which focuses on youth violence prevention among diverse populations, relies on federal funding.

    Supporters of Trump’s proposed research funding cuts say schools should dip into their endowment funds to offset the recent cuts. But SIU’s $210 million endowment, almost all of it earmarked for specific purposes, is pocket change compared with Ivy League schools like Yale, which has a similar student population size but a roughly $41 billion endowment. At present, SIU faces a $9.4 million deficit, the result of declining enrollments and years of state budget cuts; there is no cushion for it to fall back on.

    A mix of empty businesses and city buildings seen in a window reflection in downtown Carbondale. The university is the largest employer in the region. (Julia Rendleman for ProPublica)

    Intertwined with SIU’s fate is that of Carbondale, a town of 21,500 about 50 miles from the borders of Kentucky and Missouri. Since its founding in 1869, the university has turned Carbondale into a tiny cultural mecca and a powerful economic engine in an otherwise vast, rural region that has been battered by the decline of manufacturing and coal mining. Three decades ago, SIU and Carbondale felt electric: Lecture halls overflowed; local businesses thrived on the fall surge of students; The Strip, a longstanding student hangout, spilled over every weekend, music rattling windows into the early morning hours.

    The “Dirty Dale,” as the town is affectionately known, still carries traces of its college-town energy, and SIU remains the largest employer in the region. But there’s an undeniable fade as the student population is now half the size it was in the 1990s. Some of the local anchor establishments along The Strip have vanished. Now, more cuts threaten to push the university, and the town that depends on it, to a breaking point.

    Jeff Vaughn, a retired police officer who has owned Tres Hombres restaurant and bar in the heart of town for the past 10 years, says the school, though smaller, still has a huge impact on businesses’ bottom lines.

    First image: Jeff Vaughn, center, has a drink with friends at Tres Hombres, his restaurant in Carbondale. Second image: Edwin Linson performs to a multigenerational crowd at Tres Hombres. (Julia Rendleman for ProPublica)

    “It’s dollar bills coming into the city” that wouldn’t be here otherwise, he said. “It’s the people who work there, the people going to school there — every part of it brings money into the city. A basketball game happens, people come into town and they usually go out to eat before the game.”

    Even before the Trump administration began its cuts in academia, it was clear to regional leaders that the school and the community needed to do more. A 2020 report by a regional economic development agency issued a warning: “The region can no longer sit idle and let SIU tackle these issues on their own.”

    DEI, a Survival Strategy?

    The Rev. Joseph A. Brown at his home in Carbondale (Julia Rendleman for ProPublica)

    The Rev. Joseph A. Brown, a professor of Africana studies at Southern Illinois University, calls federal orders on higher education “epistolary drones.”

    “Bomb, bomb, bomb, bomb,” Brown said, “and everybody’s running and ducking.”

    Brown spoke by phone in late February, his oxygen tank humming in the background after a bout of pneumonia. While he was in the hospital, his inbox and phone were blowing up with panicked messages about the federal directive that schools eliminate all diversity, equity and inclusion programs.

    That’s because diversity also means something more in regional public universities: Many students at SIU come from families that are poor, or barely middle class, and depend on scholarships and mentorship to succeed. Paul Frazier, SIU’s vice chancellor for anti-racism, diversity, equity and inclusion, said the way DEI has been politicized ignores what it actually does: “Poor doesn’t have a color.”

    But beyond helping students, DEI is also about the school’s survival.

    In 2021, SIU Chancellor Austin Lane rolled out Imagine 2030 — an ambitious blueprint for rebuilding SIU Carbondale. It called for doubling down on research, expanding student success programs and, at its core, embedding diversity into how the university operates, including in the recruitment of students, hiring and training of faculty and staff, and creation of programs that offer extra help to students struggling to keep up in their classes. It also called for growing SIU’s enrollment to 15,000.

    Paul Frazier, vice chancellor for anti-racism, diversity, equity and inclusion at SIU (Julia Rendleman for ProPublica)

    SIU won’t reach that goal without targeted recruitment. “You can’t do that without bringing more of the largest-growing population, which is Latinx and Hispanic students,” Frazier said. “It’ll be like an old Western,” Frazier said of the risks of further eroding SIU. “It’ll be a ghost town.

    SIU is offering marketing materials in Spanish for the first time in years. Similar efforts are going into reigniting passion for SIU throughout Cook County, home to Chicago; near St. Louis, and in high schools close by.

    While the plan was new, the desire to bring in students from a wide range of backgrounds was not. From the start, SIU grew against the grain by embracing diversity in a region that often didn’t.

    In 1874, two Black women enrolled in the school’s first class. A few years later, Alexander Lane became SIU’s first Black male student and then its first Black graduate, according to research by an SIU history professor. Born to an enslaved mother in Mississippi, Lane graduated and became a teacher, then a doctor, then a lawmaker in the state Capitol. Today, a scholarship in his name helps students gain internships in state government.

    Plywood covers a vacant business on The Strip in downtown Carbondale. Businesses have struggled as the student population declined. (Julia Rendleman for ProPublica)

    During World War II, SIU expanded to accommodate returning soldiers on the GI Bill. It designed parts of campus with accessibility in mind for wounded veterans in hopes of drawing students and boosting enrollment.

    By 1991, the student body peaked at nearly 25,000. And even amid significant changes that hurt enrollment, by 2010 it still had 20,000.

    Alexander Lane, born to an enslaved mother in Mississippi, graduated from SIU and went on to become a teacher, physician and lawmaker in the state Capitol. (The Broad Ax newspaper)

    In the decade that followed, SIU lost nearly 9,000 students—a nearly 45% drop. A lot happened, but one decision proved fateful: Concerns had surfaced that SIU was enrolling underprepared Black students from inner-city Chicago and failing to support them. At the same time, the university wanted to reshape its image, positioning itself as a world-class research institution. Officials targeted a different type of student and stopped recruiting as heavily in Cook County.

    This era also saw a state budget crisis, and high-level leadership churned amid constant drama. (The university had seven chancellors between 2010 and 2020.) Eventually, it wasn’t about pulling away from Cook County — it was about having no direction at all. And by the end of the decade, SIU had fewer than 12,000 students. By the time the chancellor unfurled Imagine 2030, it was clear that diversity — in all its forms — was the only path forward.

    Clawing Its Way Back

    It’s easy to destabilize a school. But restoring it? That’s a much harder challenge.

    Still, recently, it has felt like SIU has been clawing its way back. There have been two straight years of enrollment gains, driven in part by an influx of students coming from Southern Illinois and again from Cook County, as well as by growing online programs. And in late February, the Carnegie Classification of Institutions of Higher Education, which ranks universities by research spending, elevated SIU to its “very high” Research 1 status. In academic circles, it’s a big deal — putting SIU on the academic research map and bestowing it a status symbol that helps recruit top faculty and students.

    “It’s a great day to be a Saluki,” SIU President Dan Mahony said, referencing SIU’s canine mascot, at a February celebration of that promotion. Then there was a pop, and confetti rained down.

    But the federal financial directives and cultural wars roiling higher education are, once again, unsettling the campus and wider community. Things escalated earlier this month when SIU became a new target for the right: A social media account known for targeting LGBTQ+ people and DEI initiatives, Libs of TikTok, posted about an SIU professor who had uploaded explicit photos of himself online. The post, about an openly gay School of Medicine professor who has been publicly critical of Trump, took off, racking up more than 3 million views and hundreds of shares and comments.

    “LoTT INVESTIGATION: LGBTQ professor at a Public University posts extreme p*rnographic videos of himself m*sturbating ON CAMPUS,” it read.

    His employee profile quickly disappeared from the school’s website, and within days, SIU officials announced he was no longer employed by the university; he was subsequently charged with two misdemeanor counts of public indecency, and an arraignment hearing is scheduled for late April. But the controversy made SIU, not just the professor, a target. The post also took SIU to task for promoting itself on a hiring website as an “anti-racist” community. “SIU receives tens of millions of dollars from the federal government. SIU is violating Trump’s EO and should be stripped of their federal funding,” it read, tagging Elon Musk’s cost-cutting federal Department of Government Efficiency.

    The irony is high: While Carbondale, where the school is located, is a solidly blue island, it is surrounded by a conservative rural region hanging in the balance.

    Across the nation, universities are eliminating or rebranding DEI offices to avoid federal scrutiny. SIU isn’t backing down.

    “As a university, we need to stay the course,” Phil Gilbert, chair of SIU’s Board of Trustees and a longtime federal judge appointed by George H.W. Bush, said at a recent board meeting.“I can’t think of an institution more important to diversity, equity and inclusion than an educational institution, because education is the bridge to tomorrow for everyone.”


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Molly Parker, Capitol News Illinois.

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    Researcher warns over West Papuan deforestation impact on traditional noken weaving https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/27/researcher-warns-over-west-papuan-deforestation-impact-on-traditional-noken-weaving/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/27/researcher-warns-over-west-papuan-deforestation-impact-on-traditional-noken-weaving/#respond Thu, 27 Mar 2025 07:42:10 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=112708 Asia Pacific Report

    A West Papuan doctoral candidate has warned that indigenous noken-weaving practices back in her homeland are under threat with the world’s biggest deforestation project.

    About 60 people turned up for the opening of her “Noken/Men: String Bags of the Muyu Tribe of Southern West Papua” exhibition by Veronika T Kanem at Auckland University today and were treated to traditional songs and dances by a group of West Papuan students from Auckland and Hamilton.

    The three-month exhibition focuses on the noken — known as “men” — of the Muyu tribe from southern West Papua and their weaving cultural practices.

    It is based on Kanem’s research, which explores the socio-cultural significance of the noken/men among the Muyu people, her father’s tribe.

    “Indigenous communities in southern Papua are facing the world’s biggest deforestation project underway in West Papua as Indonesia looks to establish 2 million hectares  of sugarcane and palm oil plantations in the Papua region,” she said.

    West Papua has the third-largest intact rainforest on earth and indigenous communities are being forced off their land by this project and by military.

    The ancient traditions of noken-weaving are under threat.

    Natural fibres, tree bark
    Noken — called bilum in neighbouring Papua New Guinea — are finely woven or knotted string bags made from various natural fibres of plants and tree bark.

    “Noken contains social and cultural significance for West Papuans because this string bag is often used in cultural ceremonies, bride wealth payments, child initiation into adulthood, and gifts,” Kanem said.

    West Papua student dancers performed traditional songs and dances
    West Papua student dancers performed traditional songs and dances at the noken exhibition. Image: APR

    “This string bag has different names depending on the region, language and dialect of local tribes. For the Muyu — my father’s tribe — in Southern West Papua, they call it ‘men’.

    In West Papua, noken symbolises a woman’s womb or a source of life because this string bag is often used to load tubers, garden harvests, piglets, and babies.

    Noken string bag as a fashion item
    Noken string bag as a fashion item. Image: APR

    “My research examines the Muyu people’s connection to their land, forest, and noken weaving,” said Kanem.

    “Muyu women harvest the genemo (Gnetum gnemon) tree’s inner fibres to make noken, and gift-giving noken is a way to establish and maintain relationships from the Muyu to their family members, relatives and outsiders.

    “Drawing on the Melanesian and Indigenous research approaches, this research formed noken weaving as a methodology, a research method, and a metaphor based on the Muyu tribe’s knowledge and ways of doing things.”

    Hosting pride
    Welcoming the guests, Associate Professor Gordon Nanau, head of Pacific Studies, congratulated Kanem on the exhibition and said the university was proud to be hosting such excellent Melanesian research.

    Part of the scores of noken on display
    Part of the scores of noken on display at the exhibition. Image: APR

    Professor Yvonne Underhill-Sem, Kanem’s primary supervisor, was also among the many speakers, including Kolokesa Māhina-Tuai of Lagi Maama, and Daren Kamali of Creative New

    The exhibition provides insights into the refined artistry, craft and making of noken/men string bags, personal stories, and their functions.

    An 11 minute documentary on the weaving process and examples of noken from Waropko, Upkim, Merauke, Asmat, Wamena, Nabire and Paniai was also screened, and a booklet is expected to be launched soon.

    The crowd at the noken exhibition at Auckland University
    The crowd at the noken exhibition at Auckland University today. Image: APR


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    The Life and Education of Karen Lewis https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/25/the-life-and-education-of-karen-lewis/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/25/the-life-and-education-of-karen-lewis/#respond Tue, 25 Mar 2025 18:14:33 +0000 https://progressive.org/public-schools-advocate/the-life-and-education-of-karen-lewis-brant-20250325/
    This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Michaela Brant.

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    Trump’s Dismantling of the Education Department was Inspired by the Heritage Foundation’s Decades-long Disapproval of the Agency https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/25/trumps-dismantling-of-the-education-department-was-inspired-by-the-heritage-foundations-decades-long-disapproval-of-the-agency/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/25/trumps-dismantling-of-the-education-department-was-inspired-by-the-heritage-foundations-decades-long-disapproval-of-the-agency/#respond Tue, 25 Mar 2025 05:48:24 +0000 https://www.counterpunch.org/?p=358306 President Donald Trump issued an executive order on March 20, 2025, that calls for closing the U.S. Department of Education. The president needs congressional approval to shutter the department. The order, however, directs Education Secretary Linda McMahon to “take all necessary steps to facilitate the closure of the Department of Education and return authority over More

    The post Trump’s Dismantling of the Education Department was Inspired by the Heritage Foundation’s Decades-long Disapproval of the Agency appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

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    President Donald Trump issued an executive order on March 20, 2025, that calls for closing the U.S. Department of Education.

    The president needs congressional approval to shutter the department. The order, however, directs Education Secretary Linda McMahon to “take all necessary steps to facilitate the closure of the Department of Education and return authority over education to the States and local communities while ensuring the effective and uninterrupted delivery of services, programs, and benefits on which Americans rely.”

    The executive order reflects many recommendations from the Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025, a conservative political initiative to revamp the federal government. But it’s worth noting that the foundation’s attempt to abolish the Education Department goes back more than 40 years.

    The think tank first called for limiting the federal role in education in 1981. That’s when it issued its first Mandate for Leadership, a book offering conservative policy recommendations.

    As a sociology professor focused on diversity and social inequality, I’ve followed the Heritage Foundation’s efforts to eliminate the Department of Education since 1981. Although the idea didn’t garner enough support 44 years ago, the current political climate makes conditions more favorable.

    Mandate 1981

    In its 1981 mandate, the Heritage Foundation struck now-familiar themes.

    Its education policy recommendations included closing the Department of Education and “reducing its controls over American education.”

    Additionally, the think tank called on lawmakers to repeal the 1965 Elementary and Secondary Education Act, which provides federal funding for disadvantaged students in K-12, so that “the department’s influence on state and local education policy and practice through discretionary grant authority would disappear.”

    And the Heritage Foundation called for ending federal support for programs it claimed were designed to “turn elementary- and secondary-school classrooms into vehicles for liberal-left social and political change …”

    Education experts disputed these proposed reforms just a few years later.

    Four educational task forces, composed mainly of educators, corporate executives and politicians, published reports on education in 1983. All four reports were critical of the more liberal education policies of the 1960s and 1970s – such as an emphasis on student feelings about race, for example, rather than a focus on basic skills.

    But they all saw the need for a strong federal role in education.

    The four reports blamed the U.S. educational system for losing ground to Japan and Western Europe. And all called for more required courses rather than the “curriculum smorgasbord” that had become the norm in many public schools. They all wanted longer school days, longer school years and better-trained teachers.

    Nevertheless, President Ronald Reagan tried unsuccessfully to abolish the Department of Education in 1983.

    Project 2025

    Jumping ahead more than 40 years, Project 2025 reflects many of the main themes the Heritage Foundation addressed in the 1981 mandate. The first line of Project 2025’s chapter on education states: “Federal education policy should be limited and, ultimately, the federal Department of Education should be eliminated.”

    The charges of leftist indoctrination have expanded. Now, conservative advocates are calling to eliminate anything that has to do with diversity, equity and inclusion, or DEI.

    Other executive orders that Trump has signed reflect these attitudes.

    For example, they call for defending women from “gender ideology extremism” and eliminating “radical” DEI policies.

    According to Project 2025, school choice – which gives students the freedom to choose schools that best fit their needs – should be promoted through tuition tax credits and vouchers that provide students with public funds to attend private school. And federal education programs should either be dismantled or moved to other federal departments.

    Current political climate

    In the 1980s, the Heritage Foundation was seen as part of the New Right, a coalition that opposed issues such as abortion, homosexuality and affirmative action. The GOP’s alliance with conservative evangelical Christians, mobilized by advocacy groups such as Jerry Falwell’s Moral Majority, was picking up steam, but it was still seen as marginal.

    By 2025, things have moved significantly to the right.

    Conservative Republicans in Congress view the Heritage Foundation as an important voice in educational politics.

    The far right is emboldened by Trump after his Cabinet appointments and pardons of Jan. 6 rioters.

    And Christian Nationalism – the belief that the United States is defined by Christianity – has grown.

    Trump’s executive order does not abolish the Education Department. He needs congressional approval to do that.

    But he has already weakened it. His administration recently canceled nearly $900 million in contracts at the Institute of Education Sciences, the independent research arm of the Education Department.

    Despite public reluctance to eliminate the department – in February, 63% of U.S. residents said they opposed its elimination – it looks like Heritage Foundation influence could cause significant damage, with the additional firing of staff members and the reduced distribution of funds.

    McMahon sent a directive to department employees in early March calling the dismantling of their agency a “final mission.”The Conversation

    This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

    The post Trump’s Dismantling of the Education Department was Inspired by the Heritage Foundation’s Decades-long Disapproval of the Agency appeared first on CounterPunch.org.


    This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Fred L. Pincus.

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    Chris Hedges: The last chapter of the Gaza Strip genocide https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/24/chris-hedges-the-last-chapter-of-the-gaza-strip-genocide/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/24/chris-hedges-the-last-chapter-of-the-gaza-strip-genocide/#respond Mon, 24 Mar 2025 18:00:39 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=112632 Israel has begun the final stage of its genocide. The Palestinians will be forced to choose between death or deportation. There are no other options, writes Chris Hedges

    ANALYSIS: By Chris Hedges

    This is the last chapter of the genocide. It is the final, blood-soaked push to drive the Palestinians from Gaza. No food. No medicine. No shelter. No clean water. No electricity.

    Israel is swiftly turning Gaza into a Dantesque cauldron of human misery where Palestinians are being killed in their hundreds and soon, again, in their thousands and tens of thousands, or they will be forced out never to return.

    The final chapter marks the end of Israeli lies. The lie of the two-state solution. The lie that Israel respects the laws of war that protect civilians. The lie that Israel bombs hospitals and schools only because they are used as staging areas by Hamas.

    The lie that Hamas uses civilians as human shields, while Israel routinely forces captive Palestinians to enter potentially booby-trapped tunnels and buildings ahead of Israeli troops. The lie that Hamas or Palestine Islamic Jihad (PIJ) are responsible — the charge often being errant Palestinian rockets — for the destruction of hospitals, United Nations’ buildings or mass Palestinian casualties.

    The lie that humanitarian aid to Gaza is blocked because Hamas is hijacking the trucks or smuggling in weapons and war material. The lie that Israeli babies are beheaded or Palestinians carried out mass rape of Israeli women. The lie that 75 percent of the tens of thousands killed in Gaza were Hamas “terrorists.”

    The lie that Hamas, because it was allegedly rearming and recruiting new fighters, is responsible for the breakdown of the ceasefire agreement.

    Israel’s naked genocidal visage is exposed. It has ordered the evacuation of northern Gaza where desperate Palestinians are camped out amid the rubble of their homes. What comes now is mass starvation — the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) said on March 21 it has six days of flour supplies left — deaths from diseases caused by contaminated water and food, scores of killed and wounded each day under the relentless assault of bombs, missiles, shells and bullets.

    Nothing will function, bakeries, water treatment and sewage plants, hospitals — Israel blew up the damaged Turkish-Palestinian hospital on March 21 — schools, aid distribution centers or clinics. Less than half of the 53 emergency vehicles operated by the Palestine Red Crescent Society are functional due to fuel shortages. Soon there will be none.

    Israel’s message is unequivocal: Gaza will be uninhabitable. Leave or die.

    Since last Tuesday, when Israel broke the ceasefire with heavy bombing, over 700 Palestinians have been killed, including 200 children. In one 24 hour period 400 Palestinians were killed.

    This is only the start. No Western power, including the United States, which provides the weapons for the genocide, intends to stop it. The images from Gaza during the nearly 16 months of incessant attacks were awful.

    But what is coming now will be worse. It will rival the most atrocious war crimes of the 20th century, including the mass starvation, wholesale slaughter and leveling of the Warsaw Ghetto in 1943 by the Nazis.

    October 7 marked the dividing line between an Israeli policy that advocated the brutalisation and subjugation of the Palestinians and a policy that calls for their extermination and removal from historic Palestine. What we are witnessing is the historical equivalent of the moment triggered by the annihilation of some 200 soldiers led by George Armstrong Custer in June 1876 at the Battle of the Little Bighorn.

    After that humiliating defeat, Native Americans were slated to be killed with the remnants forced into prisoner of war camps, later named reservations, where thousands died of disease, lived under the merciless gaze of their armed occupiers and fell into a life of immiseration and despair.

    Expect the same for the Palestinians in Gaza, dumped, I suspect, in one of the world’s hellholes and forgotten.

    “Gaza residents, this is your final warning,” Israeli Minister of Defense Israel Katz threatened:

    “The first Sinwar destroyed Gaza and the second Sinwar will completely destroy it. The Air Force strikes against Hamas terrorists were just the first step. It will become much more difficult and you will pay the full price. The evacuation of the population from the combat zones will soon begin again…Return the hostages and remove Hamas and other options will open for you, including leaving for other places in the world for those who want to. The alternative is absolute destruction.”

    The ceasefire deal between Israel and Hamas was designed to be implemented in three phases. The first phase, lasting 42 days, would see an end to hostilities. Hamas would release 33 Israeli hostages who were captured on Oct. 7, 2023 — including women, those aged above 50, and those with illnesses — in exchange for upwards of 2,000 Palestinian men, women and children imprisoned by Israel (around 1,900 Palestinian captives have been released by Israel as of March 18).

    Hamas has released a total of 147 hostages, of whom eight were dead. Israel says there are 59 Israelis still being held by Hamas, 35 of whom Israel believes are deceased.

    The Israeli army would pull back from populated areas of Gaza on the first day of the ceasefire. On the seventh day, displaced Palestinians would be permitted to return to northern Gaza. Israel would allow 600 aid trucks with food and medical supplies to enter Gaza daily.

    The second phase, which was expected to be negotiated on the 16th day of the ceasefire, would see the release of the remaining Israeli hostages. Israel would complete its withdrawal from Gaza maintaining a presence in some parts of the Philadelphi corridor, which stretches along the 13 km border between Gaza and Egypt.

    It would surrender its control of the Rafah border crossing into Egypt.

    The third phase would see negotiations for a permanent end of the war and the reconstruction of Gaza.

    Israel habitually signs agreements, including the Camp David Accords and the Oslo Peace Agreement, with timetables and phases. It gets what it wants — in this case the release of the hostages — in the first phase and then violates subsequent phases. This pattern has never been broken.

    Israel refused to honour the second phase of the deal. It blocked humanitarian aid into Gaza two weeks ago, violating the agreement. It also killed at least 137 Palestinians during the first phase of the ceasefire, including nine people, — three of them journalists — when Israeli drones attacked a relief team on March 15 in Beit Lahiya in northern Gaza

    Israel’s heavy bombing and shelling of Gaza resumed March 18 while most Palestinians were asleep or preparing their suhoor, the meal eaten before dawn during the holy month of Ramadan. Israel will not stop its attacks now, even if the remaining hostages are freed — Israel’s supposed reason for the resumption of the bombing and siege of Gaza.

    The Trump White House is cheering on the slaughter. They attack critics of the genocide as “antisemites” who should be silenced, criminalised or deported while funneling billions of dollars in weapons to Israel.

    Israel’s genocidal assault on Gaza is the inevitable denouement of its settler colonial project and apartheid state. The seizure of all of historic Palestine — with the West Bank soon, I expect, to be annexed by Israel — and displacement of all Palestinians has always been the Zionist goal.

    Israel’s worst excesses occurred during the wars of 1948 and 1967 when huge parts of historic Palestine were seized, thousands of Palestinians killed and hundreds of thousands were ethnically cleansed. Between these wars, the slow-motion theft of land, murderous assaults and steady ethnic cleansing in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, continued.

    That calibrated dance is over. This is the end. What we are witnessing dwarfs all the historical assaults on Palestinians. Israel’s demented genocidal dream — a Palestinian nightmare — is about to be achieved.

    It will forever shatter the myth that we, or any Western nation, respect the rule of law or are the protectors of human rights, democracy and the so-called “virtues” of Western civilisation. Israel’s barbarity is our own. We may not understand this, but the rest of the globe does.

    Chris Hedges is a Pulitzer Prize–winning journalist who was a foreign correspondent for 15 years for The New York Times, where he served as the Middle East bureau chief and Balkan bureau chief for the paper. He is the host of show “The Chris Hedges Report”. This article is republished from his X account.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Elite Media Paved Way for Trump’s Targeting of Columbia  https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/21/elite-media-paved-way-for-trumps-targeting-of-columbia/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/21/elite-media-paved-way-for-trumps-targeting-of-columbia/#respond Fri, 21 Mar 2025 22:42:41 +0000 https://fair.org/?p=9044783  

    WSJ: Columbia Yields to Trump in Battle Over Federal Funding

    Explaining Columbia’s capitulation, the Wall Street Journal (3/21/25) reported that “the school believed there was considerable overlap between needed campus changes and Trump’s demands.”

    President Donald Trump’s campaign against higher education started with Columbia University, both with the withholding of $400 million in funding to force major management charges (Wall Street Journal, 3/21/25) and the arrest and threatened  deportation of grad student Mahmoud Khalil, one of the student leaders of Columbia’s  movement against the genocide in Gaza (Al Jazeera, 3/19/25). The Columbia administration is reportedly acquiescing to the Trump administration, which would result in a mask ban and oversight of an academic department, to keep the dollars flowing.

    Trump’s focus on Columbia is no accident. Despite the fact that its administration largely agrees with Trump on the need to suppress protest against Israel, the university is a symbol of New York City, a hometown that he hates for its liberalism (City and State NY, 11/16/20). And it was a starting point for the national campus movement that began last year against US support for Israel’s brutal war against Gaza (Columbia Spectator, 4/18/24; AP, 4/30/24).

    And for those crimes, the new administration had to punish it severely. The New York Times editorial board (3/15/25) rightly presented the attack on higher education as part of an attack on the American democratic project: “​​Mr. Trump’s multifaceted campaign against higher education is core to this effort to weaken institutions that do not parrot his version of reality.”

    But the response to Columbia’s protests from establishment media—including at the Times—laid the groundwork for this fascistic nightmare. Leading outlets went out of their way to say the protests were so extreme that they went beyond the bounds of free speech. They painted them as antisemitic, despite the many Jews who participated in them, following the long tradition of Jewish anti-Zionism (In These Times, 7/13/20; FAIR.org, 10/17/23, 11/6/23). Opinion shapers found these viewpoints too out of the mainstream for the public to hear, and wrung their hands over students’ attempts to reform US foreign policy in the Middle East.

    ‘Incessant valorization of victimhood’

    NYT: Should American Jews Abandon Elite Universities?

    The New York Times‘ Bret Stephens (6/25/24) included Columbia on his list of schools that “have descended to open bigotry, institutional paralysis and mayhem.”

    I previously noted (FAIR.org, 10/11/24) that New York Times columnist John McWhorter (4/23/24), a Columbia instructor, made a name for himself defending the notion of free speech rights for the political right (even the racist right), but now wanted to insulate his students from hearing speech that came from a different political direction.

    Trump’s rhetoric today largely echoes in cruder terms that of Times columnist Bret Stephens (6/25/24) last summer, who wrote of anti-genocide protesters:

    How did the protesters at elite universities get their ideas of what to think and how to behave?

    They got them, I suspect, from the incessant valorization of victimhood that has been a theme of their upbringing, and which many of the most privileged kids feel they lack—hence the zeal to prove themselves as allies of the perceived oppressed. They got them from the crude schematics of Diversity, Equity and Inclusion training seminars, which divide the world into “white” and “of color,” powerful and “marginalized,” with no regard for real-world complexities — including the complexity of Jewish identity.

    In fact, in the month before Khalil’s arrest, Stephens (2/27/25) called for swift and harsh punishments against anti-genocide protesters at Barnard College, which is part of Columbia:

    Enough. The students involved in this sit-in need to be identified and expelled, immediately and without exception. Any nonstudents at the sit-in should be charged with trespassing. Face-hiding masks that prevent the identification of the wearer need to be banned from campus. And incoming students need to be told, if they haven’t been told already, that an elite education is a privilege that comes with enforceable expectations, not an entitlement they can abuse at will.

    Stephens has been a big part of the movement against so-called cancel culture. That movement consists of journalists and professors who believe that criticism or rejection of bigoted points of views has a chilling effect on free speech. As various writers, including myself, have noted (Washington Post, 10/28/19; FAIR.org, 10/23/20, 5/20/21), this has often been a cover for simply wanting to censor speech to their left, and Stephens’ alignment with Trump here is evidence of that. The New York Times editorial board, not just Stephens, is part of that anti-progressive cohort (New York Times, 3/18/22; FAIR.org, 3/25/22).

    ‘Fervor that borders on the oppressive’

    Atlantic: What 'Intifada Revolution' Looks Like

    The Atlantic (5/5/24) identified Iddo Gefen as “a Ph.D. candidate in cognitive psychology at Columbia University and the author of Jerusalem Beach,” but not as an IDF veteran who spent three years in the Israeli military’s propaganda department.

    The Atlantic’s coverage of the protests was also troubling. The magazine’s Michael Powell, formerly of the New York Times, took issue with the protesters’ rhetoric (5/1/24), charging them with “a fervor that borders on the oppressive” (4/22/24).

    The magazine gave space to an Israeli graduate student, Iddo Gefen (5/5/24), who complained that some “Columbia students are embracing extreme rhetoric,” and said a sign with the words “by any means necessary” was “so painful and disturbing” that Gefen “left New York for a few days.” It’s hard to imagine the Atlantic giving such editorial space to a Palestinian student triggered by Zionist anti-Palestinian chants.

    The Atlantic was also unforgiving on the general topic of pro-Palestine campus protests. “Campus Protest Encampments are Unethical” (9/16/24) was the headline of an article by Conor Friedersdorf, while Judith Shulevitz (5/8/24) said that campus anti-genocide protest chants are “why some see the pro-Palestinian cause as so threatening.”

    ‘Belligerent elite college students’

    WaPo: At Columbia, Excuse the Students, but Not the Faculty

    Paul Berman (Washington Post, 4/26/24) writes that Columbia student protesters “horrify me” because they fail to understand that Israel “killing immense numbers of civilians” and “imposing famine-like conditions” is not as important as “Hamas and its goal,” which is “the eradication of the Israeli state.”

    The Washington Post likewise trashed the anti-genocide movement. Guest op-ed columnist Paul Berman (4/26/24) wrote that if he were in charge of Columbia, “I would turn in wrath on Columbia’s professors” who supported the students. He was particularly displeased with the phrase “from the river to the sea,” a chant demanding one democratic state in historic Palestine. Offering no evidence of ill will by the protesters who use the slogan, he said:

    I grant that, when students chant “from the river to the sea,” some people will claim to hear nothing more than a call for human rights for Palestinians. The students, some of them, might even half-deceive themselves on this matter. But it is insulting to have to debate these points, just as it is insulting to have to debate the meaning of the Confederate flag.

    The slogan promises eradication. It is an exciting slogan because it is transgressive, which is why the students love to chant it. And it is doubly shocking to see how many people rush to excuse the students without even pausing to remark on the horror embedded in the chants.

    Regular Post columnist Megan McArdle (4/25/24) said that Columbia protesters would be unlikely to change US support for Israel because “20-year-olds don’t necessarily make the best ambassadors for a cause.” She added:

    It’s difficult to imagine anything less likely to appeal to that voter than an unsanctioned tent city full of belligerent elite college students whose chants have at least once bordered on the antisemitic.

    ‘Death knell for a Jewish state’

    WaPo: I’ve read student protesters’ manifestos. This is ugly stuff. Clueless, too.

    While “defenders of the protesters dismiss manifestations of antisemitism…as unfortunate aberrations,” Max Boot (Washington Post, 5/6/24) writes. “But if you read what the protesters have written about their own movement, it’s clear that animus against Israel runs deep”—as though antisemitism and “animus against Israel” were the same thing.

    Fellow Post columnist Max Boot (5/6/24) dismissed the statement of anti-genocide Columbia protesters:

    The manifesto goes on to endorse “the Right of Return” for Palestinian refugees who have fled Israel since its creation in 1948. Allowing 7 million Palestinians—most of them the descendants of refugees—to move to Israel (with its 7 million Jewish and 2 million Arab residents) would be a death knell for Israel as a Jewish state. The protesters’ slogan “from the river to the sea, Palestine will be free” is a call not for a two-state solution but for a single Palestinian state—and a mass exodus of Jews.

    Boot here gives away the pretense that Israel is a democracy. The idea of “one Palestine” is a democratic ideal whereby all people in historic Palestine—Jew, Muslim, Christian etc.—live with equal rights like in any normal democracy. But the idea of losing an ethnostate to egalitarianism is tantamount to “a mass exodus of Jews.”

    Thirty years after the elimination of apartheid in South Africa, the white population is 87% as large as it was under white supremacy. Is there any reason to think that a smaller percentage of Jews would be willing to live in a post-apartheid Israel/Palestine without Jewish supremacy?

    The New York Times, Atlantic and Washington Post fanned the flames of the right-wing pearl-clutching at the anti-genocide protests. Their writers may genuinely be aghast at Trump’s aggression toward universities now (Atlantic, 3/19/25, 3/20/25; Washington Post, 3/19/25, 3/21/25), but they might want to reflect on what they did to bring us to this point.


    This content originally appeared on FAIR and was authored by Ari Paul.

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    ‘Anti-Disability Rhetoric and Policy Lies at the Heart of the Second Trump Administration’: CounterSpin interview with David Perry on MAGA and disability https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/21/anti-disability-rhetoric-and-policy-lies-at-the-heart-of-the-second-trump-administration-counterspin-interview-with-david-perry-on-maga-and-disability/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/21/anti-disability-rhetoric-and-policy-lies-at-the-heart-of-the-second-trump-administration-counterspin-interview-with-david-perry-on-maga-and-disability/#respond Fri, 21 Mar 2025 21:03:39 +0000 https://fair.org/?p=9044760  

    Janine Jackson interviewed historian David Perry about MAGA and disability for the March 14, 2025, episode of CounterSpin. This is a lightly edited transcript.

     

    MSNBC: The Trump administration is ready to abandon kids like my son

    MSNBC (3/3/25)

    Janine Jackson: A fair amount is being written about Linda McMahon’s lack of qualifications to be secretary of education, except the one that matters: an evident willingness to destroy the department she’s charged with leading. Our guest’s piece for MSNBC.com was one of few, so far, to address the impact of the Trump White House, including McMahon’s appointment, on the rights and lives of people with disabilities.

    David Perry is a journalist and a historian; he joins us now by phone from Minnesota. Welcome back to CounterSpin, David Perry.

    David Perry: It’s so nice to talk to you again.

    JJ: McMahon at the DoE is not the only piece of this story, of course, but we might start with that. There’s some confusion, I think, around what the Department of Education does. They don’t really write curricula, but they do have a role in the school experiences of students with disabilities, don’t they?

    DP: Yeah. It’s one of the places where the federal level really matters. It matters across the board. It matters that we have a functioning Department of Education that cares about education. But there are specific things it does, when it comes to students with disabilities—like, actually, both of my kids in different ways—particularly around something called a 504 plan. And we don’t need to get into the weeds there, but there’s two different kinds of ways that students with disabilities get services, and one are things we can call special ed, where kids are pulled out or get really modified curricula, but most people just get small accommodations; that really makes a difference.

    Conversation: 60 years of progress in expanding rights is being rolled back by Trump − a pattern that’s all too familiar in US history

    Conversation (2/13/25)

    If there’s a problem, it is the Office of Civil Rights of the Department of Education, that you appeal to. If there are materials that aren’t accessible—say, for example, you’re blind, and you can’t get materials over audio—you can file an OCR complaint to the Office of Civil Rights and expect to get some kind of response. And certainly under the Obama administration, and even under the first Trump administration, under Betsy DeVos—I’m not a fan of Betsy DeVos, but that office remained functional—and then more recently, all of that was happening. These civil rights offices are not surviving what Trump is doing these first six weeks, and I don’t expect the Ed Department’s to either.

    JJ: In your piece for MSNBC, you situate McMahon’s appointment among a number of top-down threats to people with disabilities, and some of it’s old, things people have been pushing for for a while, off and on, but some of it feels kind of new, and some of it is policy, and some of it is, I guess, cultural. What are you seeing?

    DP: Yeah, I wrote this piece in MSNBC, and I’ve been thinking about it in some ways since last summer, when I saw this coming. But here’s the version that came out.

    AP: A list of the Social Security offices across the US expected to close this year

    AP (3/19/25)

    There has been, with incredible amounts of work since the ’50s and ’60s and all the way through to today, the creation of a bipartisan, basic consensus that people with disabilities deserve to be able to work, deserve education, deserve housing that is accessible, deserve healthcare through things like Medicaid.

    It has never been a great consensus. It has never been sufficient. The divisions between Democrats and Republicans, or even among Democrats and among Republicans, are vast and important and worth fighting for.

    But I do think we achieved that kind of basic consensus, and I do not believe that the current Trump administration supports that consensus, and I have a lot of evidence to talk about it. And we’re going to see more, with the shuttering of Social Security offices, and the things that are coming from Medicaid. And, again, these basic issues around education.

    And I think it’s really important for liberals, people like me, to not just say, “Oh, Republicans were always bad on this.” Again, we really disagreed on things, but the example I used is when Fred Trump Jr.—or the third, I can’t always remember their name—the president’s nephew, he has a son who has cerebral palsy and significant needs, went to the first Trump administration for help. He found a lot of people who were ready to help him, who were ready to do important work around access and around medical support.

    Guardian: Trump told nephew to let his disabled son die, then move to Florida, book says

    Guardian (7/24/24)

    None of those people are working in the second Trump White House except for Trump, whose famous or infamous response to his nephew is, “Well, wouldn’t it be better if your kid was just dead? It’s too much work. It’s too expensive.” And that’s the attitude we’re seeing now.

    And that’s not even getting into what Elon Musk says about disabled people, or RFK, what he’s doing. I mean, we could talk for an hour just about the ways in which anti-disability rhetoric and policy lies at the heart of the second Trump administration.

    JJ: It’s so appalling, and so many different appalling things are happening, and yet one can still be surprised to hear people, including Elon Musk, throwing around the r-word. Again, I don’t quite get what is so enjoyable about punching down, but people with disabilities, it seems, are always going to be at the sharp end of that.

    DP: It is amazing to me. I’m a historian; I’m pretty cynical about things like progress. I know that things can be cyclical, that things we expect we achieve, we discover that ten, 20 years later, we did not achieve them. We’re seeing that right now with issues of integration, with the attempt to resegregate America racially.

    HuffPost: Elon Musk Has Brought 'The R-Word' Back — And It's Part Of A Disturbing New Trend

    HuffPost (3/14/25)

    But I really felt we had gotten somewhere on the r-word, and really basic issues of respect. And all it takes is one billionaire constantly using that as his favorite insult, and now it’s back. It’s back everywhere. I see it all the time on social media. I’m sure it’s being said by kids at school to other kids. That’s something that never happened to my elder son—he’s 18, he’s about to graduate high school—that I’m aware of. I never heard that, but I bet kids following his footsteps are going to be called by the r-word. And I just thought we had beaten that one, and we clearly didn’t.

    And I shouldn’t be surprised, as you say, right? I mean, that these things happen. We lose progress. But I’ll tell you that, in my heart, I thought we had beaten at least that slur, and we clearly haven’t.

    JJ: I am surprised at my continued capacity to be surprised.

    DP: Yeah.

    JJ: When we spoke with you some years back, you had just co-written a white paper on extreme use of force by police, and the particular connection to people with disabilities. And part of what we were lamenting then was news media’s tendency to artificially compartmentalize disability issues.

    So there were stories that focus on disabled people or on disability, and they can be good or bad or indifferent. They often have a “very special episode” feeling to them. But then, the point was, when the story is wildfires, there’s no thought about what might be the particular impact on people with disabilities. So it’s like spotlight or absence, but not ongoing, integrated consideration.

    David Perry

    David Perry: “When you start to dig into the most harmful things the Trump administration is doing, I find disability there, again and again and again.”

    DP: The thing about disability, as opposed to other categories of difference—by which I mean race, gender, sexuality—is the ways in which people can move in and out of disability, the ways in which disability, while it is associated with issues like poverty, it does transcend it. It’s everywhere. Every family, everyone who lives long enough, if we’re lucky to live long enough, we will experience disability in our own bodies and minds. It is a different kind of difference, is one of the things that I like to say, lots of people like to say.

    And so there is no issue in which disability is not part of it, including, as you say, the weather. And one of the things that was cut from my MSNBC story was when the wildfires were raging through California, conservative influencers—and these are not just people who tweet, but people who get to talk to Trump, right? People who get to talk to Musk, like Chris Rufo—started making fun of ASL, American Sign Language interpretation, when it came to wildfire announcements. Like, who are these people gesticulating? Well, there are deaf people who need to know how to evacuate, right? This is not a joke. This is not wokeness, right? This is trying to save lives, and I really do see it all of a piece that when the planes crashed, that first plane crashed right after Trump took office, the first thing Trump did was blame hiring people with disabilities for the FAA.

    I think at the heart of their failures around Covid response is a real fear and dislike for disability and disease, and kind of a eugenic mentality. Just again and again, when you start to look—and I never want to say that disability is the only issue, or the most important issue; one of my kids is disabled, but also trans, right? I’m very aware of other ways in which other people are being attacked for different kinds of identities. But when you start to dig into the most harmful things the Trump administration is doing, I find disability there, again and again and again.

    JJ: You’re speaking also to this absence of intersectionality in media, and we talked about this last time, too, because, “Oh, police brutality is a Black problem. It’s not a disabled problem.” People can’t be Black and have a disability, right? Media just can’t grok that, because those are two different sections in the paper, so it’s like they can’t combine them.

    Indy Star: 'Utterly Terrifying': Disability Activists Fear Rollback of DEI Under Trump, Braun

    Indianapolis Star (3/6/25)

    And I want to say, I have seen some coverage, not a tremendous amount, but some coverage, of likely and already occurring impacts of things like budget cuts and agency dysfunction on people with disabilities. A lot of that coverage was local: Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, the Garden City Telegram in Kansas, the Indianapolis Star: local folks, local reporters—who are, I guess, just listening to folks saying, “This is going to close this program. This is going to impact us in this way”—seem to be doing the story as kind of a local government function story.

    DP: Nine years has been a long time, and I would say that the disability community has organized around both media outreach, around getting disabled reporters into the media. There are things I just don’t write anymore, because there are too many better people working on them, who are—I mean, I’m also disabled. I’m dyslexic and have mental illness. But my primary relationship to writing about disability hasn’t always come from that.

    Things have gotten better in the media about talking about disability. It’s still something that gets missed. It still gets compartmentalized and sidelined. There’s a number of national outlets, like Mother Jones or the Indypendent or 19th News, that have people who’ve come out of the disability community and are full-time journalists. But also I think local organizations have gotten very good at working with local media to tell better stories. And there’s social media organization, starting really with Crip the Vote, was the phrase on Twitter a long time ago, with Alice Wong out of the Bay Area….

    JJ: And Andrew Pulrang.

    DP: Yeah, that’s right. I just want to say, things have gotten better, and they’ve gotten better, in part, because the disability community and these wonderful leaders have pushed very hard. And it is particularly trying to show these connections across areas, so that when we talk about Medicaid, we also talk about Social Security, and we also talk about the Department of Education, and we see—that’s what I’m trying to do in this piece, is I’m trying to say, “Look, there’s a consistent problem here that manifests with these different policies.”

    Man of Steele: The Jerry Springer Effect & Chris Rufo

    Man of Steele (1/15/25)

    JJ: There is a line in your MSNBC piece, and maybe it was cut back from more, because you do say in response to Trump’s wild, weird claims after the plane crash, that “with mental illness, their lives are shortened because of the stress they have.” And you say, “Well, no, their lives are shortened when they don’t have healthcare, when they can’t get jobs, when they can’t get housing.”

    And it does have the line, “because when a wildfire rages, no one communicates the threat in a way they can understand.” But that sentence alone does not convey the energy with which right wingers attacked the very idea of communicating to, in this case, deaf people or hard-of-hearing people in a wildfire. So just to say those things don’t exist, I see why that one sentence doesn’t convey quite the pushback on that.

    DP: I mean, I could have written an entire essay, and I think other people did when it happened, on Chris Rufo’s specific attack on ASL, and the way they got picked up by Ben Shapiro and Charlie Kirk and these other really influential people online, attacking ASL, right, ASL! It should be the least controversial kind of adaptation, right? We’ve had it for a long time. Everyone understands what ASL is, and yet, here we go.

    JJ: It’s like pushing the limits to see what we will tolerate.

    CBS Mornings: Federal agencies face pressure to cut jobs as employees weigh buyout offers

    CBS Mornings (3/3/25)

    Finally, I will have a positive note, which was just a little snippet on CBS Mornings on March 3, where they were talking about cuts to DoE, and they had just a fraction of a moment with a woman whose kid has autism, and she was asked what a downsized DoE could mean if federal oversight, as we’re talking about, goes to another agency, which is of course what they’re saying. They’re not just going to shutter DoE, they’re going to shuffle these things off somewhere else. And she said, “My fear is that other schools, instead of helping a child with a disability get the services that they need in the school, they’re going to fix their football field, and it’s going to be OK, because nobody is regulating special education.”

    DP: That’s really, really good. Yeah.

    JJ: That’s a real good nugget that pulls together the fact of something that might be portrayed as abstract—budget-cutting, efficiency—the way that that actually falls down and affects people’s lives.

    DP: We didn’t talk about it, but my framing for this piece was my son, who was 18, saying my name for the first time, which was an amazing moment, and we’ve had lots of these moments, but what I want to say is, they don’t just happen. They’re not just things that magically happen. It takes work and it takes funding and it takes policy and it takes good government and it takes schools, it takes all these different things, and I just don’t see that work being done. And I see where it is being done, the support being stripped away, and it’s terrible to watch.

    JJ: We’ve been speaking with David Perry. His piece, “The Trump Administration Is Ready to Abandon Kids Like My Son,” is up at MSNBC.com. Thank you so much, David Perry, for joining us this week on CounterSpin.

    DP: It’s always a pleasure to talk to you.


    This content originally appeared on FAIR and was authored by Janine Jackson.

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    What’s behind Trump’s move to dismantle the Education Department? https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/21/whats-behind-trumps-move-to-dismantle-the-education-department/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/21/whats-behind-trumps-move-to-dismantle-the-education-department/#respond Fri, 21 Mar 2025 16:11:42 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=287ecdfaf08b669e5d40b9fbe73f363b
    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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    Students launch “Study-in” at Dept of Education, protesting Trump’s plan to abolish the Department https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/21/students-launch-study-in-at-dept-of-education-protesting-trumps-plan-to-abolish-the-department/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/21/students-launch-study-in-at-dept-of-education-protesting-trumps-plan-to-abolish-the-department/#respond Fri, 21 Mar 2025 16:06:38 +0000 https://www.commondreams.org/newswire/students-launch-study-in-at-dept-of-education-protesting-trumps-plan-to-abolish-the-department At 10am, Students and allies kicked off a “study-in” at the Department of Education to protest Trump and order yesterday calling for the abolition of the Department. Students sat at desks with homework and books to draw attention to how ending the Department of Education will hurt students. They urged Members of Congress in both parties to block Trump’s attempts to cut the Department.

    “Trump and Musk want to defund public schools so they can give their fellow billionaires a bigger tax break. We won’t let them rob us of a good education,” said 19 year old Adah Crandall of DC. “I’ll be at my desk all day. If Musk and his goons want to destroy the futures of millions of students across the country, they’ll have to come through us.”

    Abolishing the Department of Education would have severe impacts on students, teachers, and parents. Schools will face larger class sizes, fewer teachers, and severe underfunding, making it even harder for students to get the education they deserve. Pell Grants would be eliminated, putting higher education out of reach for millions. Programs that support students with disabilities, English learners, and low-income families—as well as funding for school safety, mental health services, and building repairs —will be slashed.

    “The department of education is a human right. We are responsible as the youth to take the torch from our ancestors to continue the fight.” said Wanya Allen, a college student from Philadelphia.The Pell Grant that allowed me to attend college is only made possible by the Department of Education. Trump and his billionaire cabinet are stealing from everyday people like me and our opportunities to access education.”


    This content originally appeared on Common Dreams and was authored by Newswire Editor.

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    Trump vs. Public Schools: Executive Order Aims to Dismantle Department of Education https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/21/trump-vs-public-schools-executive-order-aims-to-dismantle-department-of-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/21/trump-vs-public-schools-executive-order-aims-to-dismantle-department-of-education/#respond Fri, 21 Mar 2025 14:46:29 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=b33ea5e9e54e586c647ae8ad0a606a21
    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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    Trump vs. Public Schools: Executive Order Aims to Dismantle Department of Education https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/21/trump-vs-public-schools-executive-order-aims-to-dismantle-department-of-education-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/21/trump-vs-public-schools-executive-order-aims-to-dismantle-department-of-education-2/#respond Fri, 21 Mar 2025 12:14:52 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=26e4801ec2295dceb5f6cd78cf4e8198 Seg1 jenniferberkshirebox

    President Donald Trump signed an executive order Thursday instructing Secretary of Education Linda McMahon to start dismantling her agency, although it cannot be formally shut down without congressional approval. Since returning to office in January, Trump has already slashed the Education Department’s workforce in half and cut $600 million in grants. Education journalist Jennifer Berkshire says despite Trump’s claims that he is merely returning power and resources to the states, his moves were previewed in Project 2025. “The goal is not to continue to spend the same amount of money but just in a different way; it’s ultimately to phase out spending … and make it more difficult and more expensive for kids to go to college,” Berkshire says. She is co-author of the book The Education Wars: A Citizen’s Guide and Defense Manual and host of the education podcast Have You Heard.


    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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    Teachers say ‘see you in court’ as Trump tries to abolish Department of Education https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/20/teachers-say-see-you-in-court-as-trump-tries-to-abolish-department-of-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/20/teachers-say-see-you-in-court-as-trump-tries-to-abolish-department-of-education/#respond Thu, 20 Mar 2025 20:24:08 +0000 https://therealnews.com/?p=332534 Demonstrators gather outside of the offices of the U.S. Department of Education in Washington, D.C. on March 13, 2025 to protest against mass layoffs and budget cuts at the agency, initiated by the Trump administration and DOGE. Photo by BRYAN DOZIER/Middle East Images/AFP via Getty Images"We won't be silent as anti-public education politicians try to steal opportunities from our students, our families, and our communities to pay for tax cuts for billionaires," said the head of the nation's largest labor union.]]> Demonstrators gather outside of the offices of the U.S. Department of Education in Washington, D.C. on March 13, 2025 to protest against mass layoffs and budget cuts at the agency, initiated by the Trump administration and DOGE. Photo by BRYAN DOZIER/Middle East Images/AFP via Getty Images
    Common Dreams Logo

    This story originally appeared in Common Dreams on Mar. 20, 2025. It is shared here with permission under a Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0) license.

    As U.S. President Donald Trump prepares to sign an executive order Thursday directing officials to shut down the Department of Education, Democratic politicians, teachers and communities across the nation are vowing legal and other challenges to the move.

    Trump is set to check off a longtime Republican wish list item by signing a directive ordering Education Secretary Linda McMahon to “take all necessary steps to facilitate the closure of the Department of Education and return education authority to the states.”

    Shutting down the department—which was created in 1979 to ensure equitable access to public education and employs more than 4,000 people—will require an act of Congress, both houses of which are controlled by Republicans.

    “Trump and his Cabinet of billionaires are trying to destroy the Department of Education so they can privatize more schools.”

    Thursday’s expected order follows the department’s announcement earlier this month that it would fire half of its workforce. U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) and more than three dozen Democratic senators condemned the move and Trump’s impending Department of Education shutdown as “a national disgrace.”

    Abolishing the Department of Education is one of the top goals of Project 2025, the Heritage Foundation-led roadmap for a far-right takeover and gutting of the federal government closely linked to Trump, despite his unconvincing efforts to distance himself from the highly controversial plan.

    U.S. Sen. Tina Smith (D-Minn.) called Trump’s bid to abolish the Department of Education “more bullshit” and vowed to fight the president’s “illegal behavior until the cows come home.”

    Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.) said on social media: “Trump and his Cabinet of billionaires are trying to destroy the Department of Education so they can privatize more schools. The result: making it even harder to ensure that ALL students have access to a quality education. Another outrageous, illegal scam. We will fight this.”

    New Jersey Attorney General Matt Platkin, a Democrat, warned that “ending the U.S. Department of Education will decimate our education system and devastate families across the country.”

    “Support for students with special needs and those in rural and urban schools will be gone,” he added. “We will stop at nothing to protect N.J. and fight this reckless action.”

    Becky Pringle, president of the National Education Association (NEA)—the nation’s largest labor union—said in a statement Thursday that “Donald Trump and Elon Musk have aimed their wrecking ball at public schools and the futures of the 50 million students in rural, suburban, and urban communities across America, by dismantling public education to pay for tax handouts for billionaires.”

    Musk—the de facto head of the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE)—is the world’s richest person. Trump and McMahon are also billionaires.

    “If successful, Trump’s continued actions will hurt all students by sending class sizes soaring, cutting job training programs, making higher education more expensive and out of reach for middle-class families, taking away special education services for students with disabilities, and gutting student civil rights protections,” Pringle warned.

    “This morning, in hundreds of communities across the nation, thousands of families, educators, students, and community leaders joined together outside of neighborhood public schools to rally against taking away resources and support for our students,” she continued. “And, we are just getting started. Every day we are growing our movement to protect our students and public schools.”

    “We won’t be silent as anti-public education politicians try to steal opportunities from our students, our families, and our communities to pay for tax cuts for billionaires,” Pringle added. “Together with parents and allies, we will continue to organize, advocate, and mobilize so that all students have well-resourced schools that allow every student to grow into their full brilliance.”

    National Parents Union president Keri Rodrigues said that closing the Department of Education would disproportionately affect the most vulnerable students and communities.

    “Let’s be clear: Before federal oversight, millions of children—particularly those with disabilities and those from our most vulnerable communities—were denied the opportunities they deserved,” Rodrigues said in a statement. “The Department of Education was created to ensure that every child, regardless of background or ZIP code, has access to a public education that prepares them for their future. Eliminating it would roll back decades of progress, leaving countless children behind in an education system that has historically failed the most marginalized.”

    President Trump is trying to bypass Congress by dismantling established programs they already approved to protect students' education and civil liberties.Take action now to save the Department of Education.

    ACLU (@aclu.org) 2025-03-19T17:33:39.821Z

    The ACLU is circulating a petition calling on Congress to “save the Department of Education.”

    “The Department of Education has an enormous effect on the day-to-day lives of students across the country,” the petition states. “They are tasked with protecting civil rights on campus and ensuring that every student—regardless of where they live; their family’s income; or their race, sex, gender identity, or disability—has equal access to education.”

    Randi Weingarten, president of the American Federation of Teachers, responded to Trump’s looming order in four words: “See you in court.”


    This content originally appeared on The Real News Network and was authored by Brett Wilkins.

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    Trump signs Exec Order calling for closing Dept of Education; Trump cuts to school lunch programs and farmers blasted as “buzz-saw approach” – March 20, 2025 https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/20/trump-signs-exec-order-calling-for-closing-dept-of-education-trump-cuts-to-school-lunch-programs-and-farmers-blasted-as-buzz-saw-approach-march-20-2025/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/20/trump-signs-exec-order-calling-for-closing-dept-of-education-trump-cuts-to-school-lunch-programs-and-farmers-blasted-as-buzz-saw-approach-march-20-2025/#respond Thu, 20 Mar 2025 18:00:00 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=c70c3075248e4e6fef18c8271126cb2c Comprehensive coverage of the day’s news with a focus on war and peace; social, environmental and economic justice.

    The post Trump signs Exec Order calling for closing Dept of Education; Trump cuts to school lunch programs and farmers blasted as “buzz-saw approach” – March 20, 2025 appeared first on KPFA.


    This content originally appeared on KPFA - The Pacifica Evening News, Weekdays and was authored by KPFA.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/20/trump-signs-exec-order-calling-for-closing-dept-of-education-trump-cuts-to-school-lunch-programs-and-farmers-blasted-as-buzz-saw-approach-march-20-2025/feed/ 0 520476
    Big Cuts at the Education Department’s Civil Rights Office Will Affect Vulnerable Students for Years to Come https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/20/big-cuts-at-the-education-departments-civil-rights-office-will-affect-vulnerable-students-for-years-to-come/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/20/big-cuts-at-the-education-departments-civil-rights-office-will-affect-vulnerable-students-for-years-to-come/#respond Thu, 20 Mar 2025 05:48:21 +0000 https://www.counterpunch.org/?p=357752 The U.S. Department of Education cut its workforce by nearly 50% on March 11, 2025, when it laid off about 1,315 employees. The move follows several recent directives targeting the Cabinet-level agency. Within the department, the Office for Civil Rights – which already experienced layoffs in February – was especially hard hit by cuts. The More

    The post Big Cuts at the Education Department’s Civil Rights Office Will Affect Vulnerable Students for Years to Come appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    ]]>
    The U.S. Department of Education cut its workforce by nearly 50% on March 11, 2025, when it laid off about 1,315 employees. The move follows several recent directives targeting the Cabinet-level agency.

    Within the department, the Office for Civil Rights – which already experienced layoffs in February – was especially hard hit by cuts.

    The details remain unclear, but reports suggest that staffs at six of the 12 regional OCR offices were laid off. Because of the office’s role in enforcing civil rights laws in schools and universities, the cuts will affect students across the country.

    As education policy scholars who study how laws and policies shape educational inequities, we believe the Office for Civil Rights has played an important role in facilitating equitable education for all students.

    The latest cuts further compound funding and staffing shortages that have plagued the office. The full effects of these changes on the most vulnerable public school students will likely be felt for many years.

    Few staff members

    The Education Department, already the smallest Cabinet-level agency before the recent layoffs, distributed roughly US$242 billion to students, K-12 schools and universities in the 2024 fiscal year.

    About $160 billion of that money went to student aid for higher education. The department’s discretionary budget was just under $80 billion, a sliver compared with other agencies.

    By comparison, the Department of Health and Human Services received nearly $2.9 trillion in fiscal year 2024.

    Within the Education Department, the Office for Civil Rights had a $140 million budget for fiscal year 2024, less than 0.2% of discretionary funding, which requires annual congressional approval.

    It has lacked financial support to effectively carry out its duties. For example, amid complaints filed by students and their families, the OCR has not had an increase in staff. That leaves thousands of complaints unresolved.

    The office’s appropriated budget in fiscal year 2017 was one-third of the budget of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission – a federal agency responsible for civil rights protection in the workplace – despite the high number of discrimination complaints that OCR handles.

    Support for OCR

    Despite this underfunding, the office has traditionally received bipartisan support.

    Former Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos, for example, requested a funding decrease for the office during the first Trump administration. Congress, however, overrode her budget request and increased appropriations.

    Likewise, regardless of changing administrations, the office’s budget has remained fairly unchanged since 2001.

    It garners attention for investigating and resolving discrimination-related complaints in K-12 and higher education. And while administrations have different priorities in how to investigate these complaints, they have remained an important resource for students for decades.

    But a key function that often goes unnoticed is its collection and release of data through the Civil Rights Data Collection.

    The CRDC is a national database that collects information on various indicators of student access and barriers to educational opportunity. Historically, only 5% of the OCR’s budget appropriations has been allocated for the CRDC.

    Yet, there are concerns among academic scholars that the continued collection and dissemination of the CRDC might be affected by staff cuts and contract cancellations worth $900 million at the Department of Education’s research arm, the Institute of Education Science.

    That’s because the CRDC often relies on data infrastructure that is shared with the institute.

    The history of the CRDC

    The CRDC originated in the late 1960s as required by the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The data questionnaire, which poses questions about civil rights concerns, is usually administered to U.S. public school districts every two years.

    It provides indicators on student experiences in public preschools and K-12 schools. That includes participation rates in curricular opportunities like Advanced Placement courses and extracurricular activities. It also provides data on 504 plans for students with disabilities and English-learner instruction.

    Although there have been some changes to questions over the years, others have been consistent for 50 years to allow for examining changes over time. Some examples are counts of students disciplined by schools’ use of corporal punishment or out-of-school suspension.

    During the Obama administration, the Office for Civil Rights prioritized making the CRDC more accessible to the public. The administration created a website that allows the public to view information for particular schools or districts, or to download data to analyze.

    Why the CRDC matters

    Our research focuses on how the CRDC has been used and how it could be improved. In an ongoing research project, we identified 221 peer-reviewed publications that have analyzed the CRDC.

    Articles focusing on school discipline – out-of-school suspensions, for example – are the most common. But there are many other topics that would be difficult to study without the CRDC.

    That’s especially true when making comparisons between districts and states, such as whether students have access to advanced coursework or participation in gifted and talented programs.

    The data has also inspired policy changes.

    The Obama administration, informed by the data on the use of seclusion and restraint to discipline students, issued a policy guidance document in 2016 regarding its overuse for students with disabilities.

    Additionally, the data helps examine the effects of judicial decisions and laws – desegregation laws in the South, for example – that have improved educational opportunities for many vulnerable students.

    Amid the Education Department’s continued cancellation of contracts of federally funded equity assistance centers, we believe research partnerships with policymakers and practitioners drawing on CRDC data will be more important than ever.The Conversation

    This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

    The post Big Cuts at the Education Department’s Civil Rights Office Will Affect Vulnerable Students for Years to Come appeared first on CounterPunch.org.


    This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Erica Frankenberg – Maithreyi Gopalan.

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    AFT Sues U.S. Department of Education, Demands Justice for Student Loan Borrowers Blocked from Affordable Loan Payments https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/19/aft-sues-u-s-department-of-education-demands-justice-for-student-loan-borrowers-blocked-from-affordable-loan-payments/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/19/aft-sues-u-s-department-of-education-demands-justice-for-student-loan-borrowers-blocked-from-affordable-loan-payments/#respond Wed, 19 Mar 2025 15:23:19 +0000 https://www.commondreams.org/newswire/aft-sues-u-s-department-of-education-demands-justice-for-student-loan-borrowers-blocked-from-affordable-loan-payments Last night, the 1.8 million-member AFT sued the United States Department of Education (ED) for effectively breaking the student loan system, denying borrowers’ access to affordable loan payments and blocking progress towards Public Service Loan Forgiveness (PSLF), in violation of federal law.

    Three weeks ago, federal education officials eliminated access to income-driven repayment (IDR) plans—student loan repayment options that give millions of people the right to make loan payments they can afford—by removing the application form from ED’s website and secretly ordering student loan servicers to halt all processing. In addition to providing millions of borrowers with the ability to tie their monthly payment to their income and family size, IDR plans are the only way for public service workers to benefit from PSLF—a critical lifeline for teachers, nurses, first responders, and millions of other public service workers across the country.

    “By effectively freezing the nation’s student loan system, the new administration seems intent on making life harder for working people, including for millions of borrowers who have taken on student debt so they can go to college,” said AFT President Randi Weingarten. “The former president tried to fix the system for 45 million Americans, but the new president is breaking it again.

    “The AFT has fought tirelessly to make college more affordable by limiting student debt for public service workers and countless others—progress that’s now in jeopardy because of this illegal and immoral decision to deny borrowers their rights under the law,” continued Weingarten. “Today, we’re suing to restore access to the statutory programs that are an anchor for so many, and that cannot be simply stripped away by executive fiat.”

    The new lawsuit, AFT v. U.S. Department of Education, was filed in federal court in Washington, D.C. and seeks a court order to restore borrowers’ access to IDR and PSLF. The AFT is represented by the Student Borrower Protection Center (SBPC) and Berger Montague PC.

    A copy of AFT’s complaint in AFT v. U.S. Department of Education is available here:

    https://protectborrowers.org/aft-v-u-s-department-of-education-lawsuit-complaint/

    A fact sheet outlining AFT’s case against the U.S. Department of Education is available here:

    https://protectborrowers.org/aft-v-u-s-department-of-education-lawsuit-fact-sheet/

    “Student loan borrowers are desperate for help, struggling to keep up with spiking monthly payments in a sinking economy, all while President Trump plays politics with the student loan system,” said Mike Pierce, SBPC Executive Director. “Borrowers have a legal right to payments they can afford and today we are demanding that these rights are enforced by a federal judge.”

    “Congress required that the Department of Education offer IDR plans and provide borrowers access to these plans,” said E. Michelle Drake, Executive Shareholder at Berger Montague PC. “We look forward to restoring borrowers’ access to these vital, necessary, and required programs.”

    Background

    The Trump Administration’s decision to block access to affordable student loan payments diverges from the longtime bipartisan consensus around the importance of IDR. In 1992, 1993, and again in 2007, Congress passed bipartisan higher education legislation creating and then expanding access to IDR plans. The 2007 College Cost Reduction and Access Act, signed into law by President George W. Bush, created an IDR option that has never been challenged in court and is not affected by any of the right-wing lawfare that has jeopardized other aspects of the student loan safety net. This option, known as Income-Based Repayment, was nonetheless halted by the Trump Administration when it decided to remove all IDR applications from ED’s website and issue the illegal February 2025 stop-work order.

    ED claims the decision to remove all IDR applications is responsive to the 8th Circuit’s February 18th decision in the appeal of the preliminary injunction in the case challenging the Saving on a Valuable Education repayment plan (the SAVE plan), one of the IDR plans. The order—which was issued in an appeal of the lower court’s preliminary injunction of the SAVE plan and which expanded that earlier injunction—blocks millions of student loan borrowers from accessing lower monthly payments and cancellation under only the SAVE plan. However, ED’s choice to interpret the 8th Circuit’s decision in such a maximalist way has wreaked havoc on millions of borrowers and their families who are in desperate need of affordable monthly payments.

    Prior to the Trump Administration’s decision to remove IDR applications and halt application processing, more than 1 million borrowers remained in a backlog waiting for their application to be processed. The Department has not provided any guidance to borrowers as to when applications will be restored and when borrowers can expect to see their payments lowered.


    This content originally appeared on Common Dreams and was authored by Newswire Editor.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/19/aft-sues-u-s-department-of-education-demands-justice-for-student-loan-borrowers-blocked-from-affordable-loan-payments/feed/ 0 520136
    The Way Texans Elect School Board Members Plays a Key Role in What Students in Diverse Districts Learn https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/19/the-way-texans-elect-school-board-members-plays-a-key-role-in-what-students-in-diverse-districts-learn/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/19/the-way-texans-elect-school-board-members-plays-a-key-role-in-what-students-in-diverse-districts-learn/#respond Wed, 19 Mar 2025 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/texas-school-boards-richardson-keller-at-large-voting by Jeremy Schwartz, ProPublica and The Texas Tribune, and Dan Keemahill, The Texas Tribune, photography by Shelby Tauber for ProPublica and The Texas Tribune

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    This article is co-published with The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan local newsroom that informs and engages with Texans. Sign up for The Brief Weekly to get up to speed on their essential coverage of Texas issues.

    In 2019, the Keller Independent School District in North Texas looked a lot like its counterpart just 30 miles to the east in the Dallas suburb of Richardson. Each served about 35,000 children and had experienced sharp increases in the racial diversity of students in recent decades. Each was run by a school board that was almost entirely white.

    In the five years since, the districts have followed strikingly divergent paths as culture war battles over how to teach race and gender exploded across the state.

    In Keller, candidates backed by groups seeking to limit the teaching of race and gender took control of the school board and immediately passed sweeping policies that gave outsized power to any individual who wanted to prevent the purchase of books they believed to be unsuitable for children.

    Though more than half of Keller’s students are from racially diverse backgrounds, the district in 2023 nixed a plan to buy copies of a biography of Black poet Amanda Gorman after a teacher at a religious private school who had no children in the district complained about this passage: “Amanda realized that all the books she had read before were written by white men. Discovering a book written by people who look like her helped Amanda find her own voice.” The passage, the woman wrote, “makes it sound like it’s okay to judge a book by the authors skin color rather than the content of the book.”

    Board members at the Richardson school district went in the opposite direction, even as they contended with similar pressure from groups aiming to rid the district of any materials that they claimed pushed critical race theory, an advanced academic concept that discusses systemic racism. The school board did not ban library books but instead allowed parents to limit their own children’s access to them, keeping them available for other students.

    One major difference contributed to the districts’ divergence: the makeup of their school boards.

    The way communities elect school board members plays a key, if often overlooked, role in whether racially diverse districts like Keller and Richardson experience takeovers by ideologically driven conservatives seeking to exert greater influence over what children learn in public schools, ProPublica and The Texas Tribune found. Since the pandemic, such groups have successfully leveraged the state’s long-standing and predominantly at-large method of electing candidates to flip school boards in their direction.

    Most of Texas’ 1,000 school districts use an at-large method, where voters can cast ballots for all candidates. Supporters say that allows for broader representation for students, but voting rights advocates argue that such systems dilute the power of voters of color. If board members are elected districtwide, there tends to be less diversity, according to research, which also shows that if they are elected by smaller geographic zones, candidates of color often have more success.

    Tabitha Branum, the Richardson superintendent, at a meeting on Jan. 16. After a lawsuit in 2019, the district converted primarily to a system in which candidates needed to live within specific boundaries and receive a majority of votes from residents who also lived within those boundaries to be elected.

    “What you’re seeing happening in Texas is how at-large districts make it easy for somebody to come in, usually from the outside, and hijack the process and essentially buy a board,” said Michael Li, senior counsel for the Democracy Program at the Brennan Center for Justice, a nonprofit public policy institute that champions small-donor campaign financing. “Because of this conflux of factors — at-large elections and large amounts of outside money — it just sort of defeats the idea of representative democracy.”

    ProPublica and the Tribune examined 14 rapidly diversifying suburban school districts where children from diverse backgrounds now make up more than half of the student population. In the six districts that used at-large voting systems, well-funded and culture-war-driven movements successfully helped elect school board members who have moved aggressively to ban or remove educational materials that teach children about diversity, even in districts where a majority of children are not white. Nearly 70% of board members in such districts live in areas that are whiter than their district’s population.

    Eight nearby school systems with similar demographics employ single-member voting systems to elect school board candidates. Under the single-member system, voters within certain boundaries elect a board member who specifically represents their area. Candidates in those districts received less campaign support from ideologically driven political action committees, and none of the districts experienced school board takeovers fueled by culture war issues.

    About 150 Texas school districts have transitioned to a single-member system since the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which is intended to prevent voter discrimination and has brought greater racial representation to local governments. Richardson joined that list in 2019 after a former Black board member sued the district.

    Such legal challenges, however, could soon become more difficult. In one of his first acts in office, President Donald Trump froze civil rights litigation against school districts accused of discriminating against minority groups, and many legal experts believe that under his administration, federal prosecutors will refuse to bring challenges against at-large systems. DOJ officials did not respond to questions from the news organizations.

    Trump, a staunch critic of diversity and inclusion programs, has threatened to cut federal funding to schools that he says are pushing “inappropriate racial, sexual or political content onto the shoulders of our children.”

    Districts whose boards oppose sweeping efforts to restrict curriculum and books related to race and racism face even more headwinds in Texas. In January, Gov. Greg Abbott vowed to ban diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives in public schools, a move that would expand the state’s existing ban on college campuses. And Texas lawmakers continue to target the books students can access. One bill, authored by North Texas state Sen. Angela Paxton, the wife of Attorney General Ken Paxton, would require every district in the state to follow a version of Keller’s library book purchase policy.

    The president of the Keller board, Charles Randklev, did not respond to multiple requests for comment, and the district did not answer written questions. District officials have previously said that the board represents all students, not just those in a specific neighborhood or area.

    But Laney Hawes, the parent of four students in the district and an outspoken critic of the school board, said the policy on library purchases spawned a backdoor channel to banning materials about race. That, she said, has deprived her children of reading books about Americans like Gorman that provide points of view they might not find otherwise.

    “They have created a system that allows anyone in the community to complain about any book for any reason, and now that book is not on library shelves,” said Hawes, who is white. She added that the book does not contain any sexually explicit material and was strictly targeted because it dealt with race.

    “They just hate the racial undertones.”

    Laney Hawes, a parent of four children in the Keller district, feels the school board’s actions have limited her children’s ability to access learning materials. “Up Against a Machine”

    School districts across Texas have drawn considerable attention for removing books from their shelves, but board members in Keller went further when they passed a policy in August 2022 that, in practice, allowed community members to block proposed purchases.

    Students spoke out against the district’s removal policies during a board meeting months later, pleading for access to books about race. One biracial student, who has since graduated, told the board that books about characters from different racial backgrounds helped her feel more accepted.

    “All kids deserve to see themselves in literature,” the student said. “Racial minorities being written into a story does not instantly equate the book to being propaganda. Having books that mirror the experience of race is not pushing an agenda. It's simply documenting the hardships that consistently happen to most students of color that they’re able to relate to. Concealing ideas just because they tell an uncomfortable truth is not protecting your children.”

    The students’ pleas didn’t sway the board, and by July 2023, challenges to such books began pouring in.

    One person opposed the purchase of “Jim Crow: Segregation and the Legacy of Slavery.” The person, who did not provide their name, pointed to a photo of a young girl participating in a Black Lives Matter protest with the caption: “Just as in the past, people continue fighting for change.” They also took issue with this quote: “You can’t ‘get over’ something that is still happening. Which is why black Americans can’t ‘get over’ slavery or Jim Crow.”

    The photo and the quotes, the book challenger said, were “potentially CRT,” showed the Black Lives Matter Movement in “a positive light” and claimed “oppression is still happening.”

    A complaint that kept the Keller district from purchasing the book “Our Skin” said: “This book starts out beautifully, but unfortunately tenets of CRT, social justice, and anti-white activism are portrayed. Texas passed a law banning critical race theory in schools. Please remove this book for consideration.” (Obtained by ProPublica and The Texas Tribune)

    Another person challenged the planned purchase of “Our Skin: A First Conversation About Race,” saying that the book started “beautifully,” but that “unfortunately tenets of CRT, social justice, and anti-white activism are portrayed.” The person, who used a pseudonym, did not offer specifics.

    Administrators removed those books, the Gorman biography and 26 others from the purchase list after receiving the complaints, according to district officials. Librarians can reinstate books on future lists, but 75% of those flagged for further review never made it to the shelves, an online search of district libraries shows. That includes the three books about race.

    Hawes, who heads two PTA groups at her children’s schools, said book challenges and complaints have come from allies of school board members. In 2022, Patriot Mobile Action, a North Texas Christian nationalist PAC funded by a cellphone company, spent more than $115,000 supporting three ideologically driven conservatives running for control of the school board.

    Leigh Wambsganss, Patriot Mobile’s spokesperson and executive director of the PAC, declined to comment but said in a 2022 podcast that the PAC chose candidates based on their Christian conservative views and sought out those who “absolutely would stand against critical race theory.” Patriot Mobile supported eight candidates in three other North Texas districts that used at-large voting during the same election cycle. All of them won their races.

    “We weren’t prepared for what was coming,” Hawes said. “We were literally up against a machine.”

    Another PAC, KISD Family Alliance, spent $50,000 to help elect the same Keller school board candidates. Its donors included conservative activist Monty Bennett, who previously told the Tribune that he believes schools have been taken over by ideologues “pushing their outlandish agendas.” Neither Bennett nor the PAC’s treasurer responded to requests for comment.

    The slate of Keller candidates, whose combined campaign war chests dwarfed that of their opponents’ by a more than 4 to 1 margin, focused their agendas squarely on culture war issues related to library books and curriculum.

    “While I have many priorities I want to focus on, if concerns over child safety, and sexualization and politicization of children make me a one-issue candidate, so be it. I will be a one-issue candidate all day long,” Joni Shaw Smith wrote on her campaign website. Smith, who is now a board member, declined to comment.

    Her election contributed to what would become a sweep of the seven seats on the board. Five of those seats are held by board members who live in the city of Keller, where three-quarters of residents are white and the median household income of more than $160,000 is among the highest in the state.

    Most of the Keller district’s 42 schools, however, are located in the more diverse neighborhoods of Fort Worth.

    David Tyson Jr. was the first Black school board member in Richardson. He would later settle a lawsuit against the district over its at-large voting system. A Different Approach

    Thirty miles away, the makeup of Richardson’s school board changed dramatically after the district settled a lawsuit filed in 2018 by David Tyson Jr. He argued that the continued use of at-large voting to select candidates was a “relic of the district’s segregated past.”

    Tyson became the district’s first Black board member when he was elected in 2004. After he retired in 2010, he watched with growing consternation as no candidates from diverse backgrounds followed in his footsteps, even though students of color accounted for nearly 70% of the district’s population.

    Frustrated, Tyson sued Richardson, challenging its system for electing candidates under the Voting Rights Act of 1965. He and Richardson officials settled the lawsuit in 2019, and the district converted primarily to a system in which candidates needed to live within specific boundaries and receive a majority of votes from residents who also lived within those boundaries to be elected.

    Richardson Board Members Now Represent More Parts of the District

    In 2019, the district switched from at-large voting to a single-member system that required board members to live in the areas they represent. Now, board members come from more diverse backgrounds and are spread across the district.

    Note: Boundaries shown are single-member districts, which were adopted following the 2019 settlement of a Voting Rights Act lawsuit. Demographics are based on the 2020 census, which was used by the district to draw the boundaries. (Source: Richardson ISD. Credit: Dan Keemahill/ProPublica and The Texas Tribune.)

    Watch video ➜

    As ideologically driven candidates swept Keller school board elections, similar efforts played out differently in Richardson. In 2022, two candidates supported by groups seeking to limit instruction and library books that deal with race and gender ran against two candidates of color with differing views. A local PAC that accused the district of teaching “CRT nonsense” in a mailer hired the same Republican campaign consulting firm that was working in support of the Keller candidates.

    Despite being outspent 2-to-1, the candidates of color won their elections. Their wins gave Richardson four board members of diverse backgrounds, a remarkable evolution from an all-white board just three years earlier. And, as nearby districts began mass removals of library books dealing with race and gender, the Richardson school board embraced an “opt-out” process to give concerned parents control over their children’s reading “without impacting the choices of other families who may have different values, wishes or expectations.” Opponents say opt-out systems do not go far enough in protecting students from materials they deem objectionable.

    “Single-member districts benefited us in making sure our school board maintains the diversity, and diversity of thought, we have, and not just fall into those culture wars,” said Vanessa Pacheco, one of the board members who won.

    Pacheco said not being consumed by such fights allowed the board to focus on “real stuff” like dual-language classes for elementary students, expanding pre-K opportunities and scheduling school events for parents in the evenings and on weekends to account for working families.

    So striking was the district’s atmosphere following the 2022 election that a Dallas Morning News commentary dubbed Richardson a “no-drama district” in a sea of school boards consumed by fights over race and gender.

    Tyson, whose lawsuit set the stage for the Richardson school board’s dramatic transformation, said that the shift in voting methods has accomplished what he had hoped for.

    “The goal was to get representation,” he said. “We’re a majority-minority school district, and so we need to have a majority-minority representation on the school board.”

    “Single-member districts benefited us in making sure our school board maintains the diversity, and diversity of thought, we have, and not just fall into those culture wars,” Richardson school board member Vanessa Pacheco said. “Now or Never”

    Hawes watched as voters down the road in Richardson rejected candidates seeking to limit what the district’s diverse student body could read and learn. She watched as the board itself grew increasingly diverse. And she watched with a touch of envy as the district embraced the idea that parents and community members who opposed certain books should not make decisions for every child in the district.

    With Richardson as their north star, Hawes and a growing number of concerned parents began discussing ways to force the Keller school district to adopt what they believed was a more representative voting system. It wasn’t just a question of race for Hawes. It was also about geographic diversity. Board members who live in the city of Keller hold a majority, even though less than a third of students in the district attend schools there.

    Most Keller Board Members Live in the District’s Least Diverse Area

    Meanwhile, no board member lives in the area with the largest share of students of color.

    Note: Demographic numbers were calculated by aggregating students from all schools in each high school’s attendance zone for the 2023-24 school year. (Source: Texas Education Agency. Credit: Dan Keemahill/ProPublica and The Texas Tribune.)

    So last year, Hawes and other concerned parents met with law firms and the NAACP and began planning a petition drive that would require the board to hold an election to do away with at-large voting. Members planned to meet in January to finalize a strategy.

    Then, in mid-January, the Keller school board shocked many in the community by proposing to split the district in two, separating the whiter, more affluent city of Keller to the east from the neighborhoods of northern Fort Worth, which are home to the majority of the district’s students, including many who are low income. Like many districts in the state, Keller faces a massive budget shortfall.

    Randklev, the board president, defended the split as financially beneficial for both districts in a Facebook post last month. He also wrote that “neighboring school districts have been forced into single-member districts, and that’s a no-win situation regardless of where you live.” He did not explain his position but said the proposed split “could provide programming opportunities that best reflect local community goals and values and foster greater parent and community involvement.”

    Dixie Davis, a Keller district parent who lost her race for a school board seat, believes that the proposed district split would disenfranchise students of color.

    But many parents, including Dixie Davis, who previously ran unsuccessfully for the board, said the proposed change would leave the vast majority of the district’s low-income student population, and most of its students of color, with uncertain access to facilities like an advanced learning center and the district’s swimming complex.

    On Friday, board members abandoned plans to divide the school district in two, citing the cost of restructuring the district’s debt. But their push to split the district has further energized efforts by some parents to do away with at-large voting. Brewer Storefront, the same law firm that fought to change the voting system in Richardson, has filed a similar legal challenge in federal court against Keller and concerned parents have launched a petition drive to force the district to vote on its at-large system. The district has not yet filed a response to the lawsuit and did not respond to multiple requests for comment.

    “With the momentum and uproar around this proposed district split, it's now or never to get this done,” Davis said. “It'll be a huge uphill battle, but this is our best shot.”

    Lexi Churchill, ProPublica and The Texas Tribune, and Jessica Priest, The Texas Tribune, contributed research.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by .

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    A Time to ‘Be Vocal’ About the Education Rights of Students with Disabilities https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/18/a-time-to-be-vocal-about-the-education-rights-of-students-with-disabilities/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/18/a-time-to-be-vocal-about-the-education-rights-of-students-with-disabilities/#respond Tue, 18 Mar 2025 17:10:12 +0000 https://progressive.org/public-schools-advocate/a-time-to-be-vocal-about-the-education-rights-of-students-with-disabilities-bader-20250318/
    This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Eleanor J. Bader.

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    Ahh, that Julius Caesar, That Ides of March https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/18/ahh-that-julius-caesar-that-ides-of-march/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/18/ahh-that-julius-caesar-that-ides-of-march/#respond Tue, 18 Mar 2025 14:36:24 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=156687 [photo: The billionaire and now Trump adviser grew up amid the collapse of white rule, attending an all-white school and then a more liberal one] The good news is that young people are resisting the giant knives of 10 million cuts deployed by a South African seemingly pro-apartheid fellow with his dodgy DOGE. We have […]

    The post Ahh, that Julius Caesar, That Ides of March first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>

    [photo: The billionaire and now Trump adviser grew up amid the collapse of white rule, attending an all-white school and then a more liberal one]

    The good news is that young people are resisting the giant knives of 10 million cuts deployed by a South African seemingly pro-apartheid fellow with his dodgy DOGE.

    We have multiple prong crises in the United States, and that unelected “death by 10 million cuts” Musk is just the tip of the spear in this next iteration of a dying Empire.

    Yes, think Empire for the USA, and forget about Hollywood versions of what “empire” might mean.

    The case can be made in many ways, first with the dispossession of Native Americans and relegation of many to reservations and theft of millions of acres is pretty imperialist. The US fought a war with Mexico in the 1840s and stole a third of it. Fifty years later, it fought a war with Spain and claimed the majority of Spain’s overseas territories.

    But this idea of empire isn’t just about stolen land. Many see the enslavement and then economic chains put upon Africans and African Americans as empire on steroids. That amazing US intellectual WEB Du Bois  argued that black people in the US looked more like colonized subjects than like citizens. Malcolm X and the leaders of the Black Panthers agreed.

    Oh, empire is also about sanctions – economic warfare to many in the global south. Currently, the European Union is splintering because of the drawdown of support by Trump and Company. Europe (I lived and worked there, including UK) was swamped by US commerce/advertising/junk.

    Soft power of the Empire.

    Joseph Nye popularized the term in his 1990 book The Fate of Leadership: The Changing Nature of American Power, defining it as:

    “When a state persuades other nations to do what it wants, it can be called ‘soft power’: it does not need to use attacks or threats to subjugate others.”

    Nye developed the concept further in his 2004 book, Soft Power: The Tools of Success in World Politics. It contains the following lines:

    “Seduction is always more effective than coercion: many values, such as democracy, human rights and personal empowerment, take on a very attractive appearance.”

    In his article ‘The Benefits of Soft Power,’ Nye defines “power” as follows:

    “The ability to influence others to achieve desired results: ‘soft power’ – persuading others to behave as desired depends on the ability to influence people. ‘Soft powe'” is based on the ability to demonstrate certain advantages. Its resources are tools based on attraction, which will make others willingly follow your path. Conventional power politics usually means that one country’s military or economy surrenders to another. And in the information age, success depends on someone’s story winning over everyone else’s.”

    There are ironically many other March celebrated dates to consider in regard to the eviscerating of safety nets undertaken by the billionaire class working with and for Trump.

    Take Women’s History Month. It’s celebrated throughout the month to recognize the role of women in American history, but the Trump Administration is largely soldiered by white men.

    Then, this National Reading Month is supposed to celebrate reading throughout the month. Trump is not a reader of books, for sure, as many biographers and close people to him have said. The recent state of the union address was replete with lies and complete upside down false information from this Trump.

    So, National Read Across America Day (March 2) and International Women’s Day (March 8) has taken up no space on Trump’s sixth grade reading level social media posts.

    Finally, think hard about another March recognition — National Employee Appreciation Day.

    The death by thousands of cuts come close to my home, to this county, and to many of the professions I have worked under with various levels of intensity. My current work with adults with developmental disabilities is now fraught with clients fearful of Medicaid and housing assistance cuts. And support staff cuts.

    This is the chaos Musk (some biographers say, 110 IQ there) and his henchmen are unfolding. Many in the DD Community are going to Salem to lobby for holding the line on the measly amounts of public (safety nets) assistance they receive.

    This is what five-time presidential candidate Ralph Nader recently said on a radio program (Democracy Now) after Trump’s address to congress:

    “Trump’s administration is going to move to slash Medicaid, which serves over 71 million people, including millions of Trump voters, who should be reconsidering their vote as the days pass, because they’re being exploited in red states, blue states, everywhere, as well. Yeah, they have to cut tens of billions of dollars a year from Medicaid to pay for the tax cut. That’s number one. Now they’re going after Social Security. Who knows what the next step will be on Medicare? They’re leaving Americans totally defenseless by slashing meat and poultry and food inspection laws, auto safety. They’re exposing people to climate violence by cutting FEMA, the rescue agency. They’re cutting forest rangers that deal with wildfires. They’re leaving the American people defenseless.”

    A war on American workers, for sure, and I doubt anyone in the Trump Coterie could stand two minutes in a real debate with 91-year-old Nader without screaming, lying and stomping off. Nader’s history has been to protect the American citizen against ruthless corporations.

    He’s a fighter for workers’ rights and protections. He wants protections for the American family and those less fortunate.

    Trump favors the super-rich and giant corporations. As Nader stated,

    “What Trump did last night was set a record for lies, delusionary fantasies, predictions of future broken promises — a rerun of his first term — boasts about progress that don’t exist.”

    One favorable bit of news is that I will be hosting my radio show on Lincoln County’s KYAQ-FM, 91.7. It’s on at 6 pm, Wednesdays, and I’ll be getting into many topics not typically covered on local shows. I’ll talk to the dispossessed and laid off National Parks workers. I’ll talk to our coastal people, too, and for one of my shows in April I will talk up National Poetry Month with our state’s literary jewel, Kim Stafford.

    Finding Fringe: Voices from the Edge will celebrate our activists and social and economic justice warriors. Expect science and sociology, as well as politics and arts and letters on my show. Now that’s how we celebrate reading and workers – highlighting authors and our local workforce. Deaths by a million cuts we all must fight here and now, and forever.

    And this is not an essay vaunting the Democrats.

    “The Democratic leadership don’t know how to deal with a criminal recidivist, a person who has hired workers without documents and exploited them, a person who’s a bigot against immigrants, including legal immigrants who are performing totally critical tasks in home healthcare, processing poultry, meat, and half of the construction workers in Texas are undocumented workers. So, as a bully, he doesn’t go after the construction industry in Texas; he picks out individuals.” (Ralph Nader, 2025)

    You can get the radio shows after the fact, but for now, you get to hear some that have not yet aired on the community radio station, but which are on my Podcast channel

    A slave abolitionist, Frederick Douglass said, “Once you learn how to read, you will be forever free.”

    The post Ahh, that Julius Caesar, That Ides of March first appeared on Dissident Voice.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Paul Haeder.

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    Don’t Cut Funds for Prison Education https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/17/dont-cut-funds-for-prison-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/17/dont-cut-funds-for-prison-education/#respond Mon, 17 Mar 2025 21:30:01 +0000 https://progressive.org/op-eds/dont-cut-funds-for-prison-education-venable-20250317/
    This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Rashon Venable.

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    “Segregation Academies” Leave Lasting Impact on Deep South Long After Brown v. Board of Education https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/17/segregation-academies-leave-lasting-impact-on-deep-south-long-after-brown-v-board-of-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/17/segregation-academies-leave-lasting-impact-on-deep-south-long-after-brown-v-board-of-education/#respond Mon, 17 Mar 2025 20:24:48 +0000 https://www.projectcensored.org/?p=45999 “Segregation academies,” private schools founded by white parents in opposition to desegregation, have left a lasting impact in the Deep South decades after Brown v. Board of Education, according to a recent ProPublica report. Jennifer Berry Hawes investigated two schools in Alabama, including Wilcox Academy, a predominantly white private school,…

    The post “Segregation Academies” Leave Lasting Impact on Deep South Long After Brown v. Board of Education appeared first on Project Censored.


    This content originally appeared on Project Censored and was authored by Kate Horgan.

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    Insatiable Greed Gutting Public Education https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/17/insatiable-greed-gutting-public-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/17/insatiable-greed-gutting-public-education/#respond Mon, 17 Mar 2025 05:45:38 +0000 https://www.counterpunch.org/?p=357439 In my 30’s I decided to leave the private sector and become a teacher, and I enrolled in grad school to earn education credits enough for certification. One of my most pragmatic professors shared a fact that seemed doubtful at the time but soon proved to be all too true: most school board directors, he More

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    Source: National Priorities Project crunching 2024 data from USASpending.gov, OMB [emphasis mine]

    In my 30’s I decided to leave the private sector and become a teacher, and I enrolled in grad school to earn education credits enough for certification. One of my most pragmatic professors shared a fact that seemed doubtful at the time but soon proved to be all too true: most school board directors, he said, are involved because they want to make decisions about school sports.

    I think of this when I hear the rationale for 47 and the elongated muskrat firing 50% of the staff at the federal Department of Education: students will benefit from local funding and local control. No, they won’t.

    In fact, nearly every time I attended a school board meeting in districts where I was employed for 25 years, the insane amount of time spent discussing topics like whether or not the boys basketball team should get new jerseys a year ahead of schedule filled me with dismay. The board would vote to cut a social worker position with NO discussion after spending an hour on sports uniforms, or scoreboards, or coaching positions. And I would drive home thinking, I can’t work for these people — we don’t share the same values. I did keep working, though, and mostly I just avoided going to school board meetings.

    Here’s what I have to say to those who argue that cutting the DOE won’t affect teaching positions: you don’t know what you’re talking about. Yes, Maine pays for about 50% of public school costs via federal/state funds and about 50% locally. This makes the school systems in wealthy areas outperform those in areas with high poverty and unemployment. It’s partly about local property values, partly about local poverty levels, and partly about whether or not parents in the community have college degrees. (Standardized testing mostly measures the latter i.e. whether or not your parents are doctors vs. work for minimum wage will largely determine your score.)

    Federal funding for education also plays a huge role in equitably educating special needs students. That is a benefit to those students, their peers, and society as a whole. Research suggests the regular ed peers are less likely to turn out like the elongated muskrat, throwing around the slur “r***rd” and citing empathy as a fundamental weakness of Western society.

    Federal funding also contributes to improvement plans to shore up schools lagging in reading or math scores. I’ve helped write and administer three such grants and can attest that some were a boondoggle that wasted taxpayer money e.g. sending a team several thousand miles to study a program they would never faithfully implement, while others funded an entire reading specialist/instructional coach position for several years to support learners in a high poverty area who were struggling with literacy skills.

    U.S. federal budget expenditures in 2023 (Koshgarian, Lusuegro, Siddique, 2023)

    For context, let’s look at the overall federal budget — as it has been, and as it will be. The temporary funding bill passed by the House this week would cut $13 billion in non-military spending from the levels in the 2024 budget while increasing military spending by $6 billion. To see where we are now, the bar graph at the top of this post shows the first two categories — contractors who build weapons systems, and Pentagon staff like troops — dwarfing other categories. According to the National Priorities Project federal budget analysis, “In 2023, the average U.S. taxpayer paid $11 for Musk’s SpaceX.”

    The question of whether a billionaire with extensive federal contracts should be empowered to cut competing federal expenditures is a conflict of interest issue, not an educational issue, so I’ll leave that for now.

    FY2023 military spending of $921 billion (easily $1 trillion with hidden budget items like nuclear weapons and CIA black sites) could instead have funded 9.5 million elementary school teachers, or 23.65 million scholarships for university students. Students who might become doctors or teachers themselves. But who needs an educated populace? Not billionaires who will pay to educate their own children privately with other elites while believing that robotics and AI will replace most workers.

    According to NBC News:

    Around 3,000 people work in the [DOE]’s Washington headquarters, and roughly 1,000 are in 10 regional offices — making Education one of the smallest Cabinet-level federal departments. Its $268 billion appropriations last year represented 4% of the federal budget.

    [Incoming DOE Secretary Linda] McMahon said in an interview Tuesday night that the layoffs were the first step on the road toward shutting down the department.

    Back in Maine, school budgets are being formulated locally to put before voters in late spring. A relatively large, diverse district in South Portland heard from their superintendent this week about how shortfalls in federal funding are likely to affect their school system. Per reporting in the Portland Press Herald:

    Matheney unveiled his proposed $73 million budget.., a 5.98% increase over last year. It includes reductions that will impact all seven schools and dozens of other programs and departments. The layoffs include 11 teachers, seven educational technicians and several administrative staff or districtwide employees (including the director of curriculum)..

    In recent years, Matheney said, the district has declined in enrollment but increased in special education students, multilingual learners,.. and homeless students. At the same time, staffing has continued to rise. The district will need to fund more than 10 positions in special education and teaching that were previously supported by outside funding sources.

    Guess which countries fund schools entirely at the local rather than national level? Not France, not Australia, not China, not Japan, not Russia.. I could go on but you get the picture.

    I believe the current administration in the U.S. especially wants to defund schools because teachers unions are powerful. And if there’s something that billionaires really hate, it’s workers who have organized to bargain collectively for salary, benefits, and working conditions. They are also historically the strongest advocates for student needs. Because nobody goes into teaching as a career to make a bunch of money. Most do it because they care about kids.

    Finally, just because I believe in robustly funded schools for everyone doesn’t mean that I think all meaningful education takes place in a school setting. When faced with the either-or attitude toward homeschooling often expressed by parents, my question is: Weren’t you planning to do both?

    The post Insatiable Greed Gutting Public Education appeared first on CounterPunch.org.


    This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Lisa Savage.

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    Parents Sue Trump Administration for Allegedly Sabotaging Education Department’s Civil Rights Division https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/14/parents-sue-trump-administration-for-allegedly-sabotaging-education-departments-civil-rights-division/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/14/parents-sue-trump-administration-for-allegedly-sabotaging-education-departments-civil-rights-division/#respond Fri, 14 Mar 2025 13:40:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/department-of-education-civil-rights-lawsuit-trump-parents by Jennifer Smith Richards and Jodi S. Cohen

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    Saying the Trump administration is sabotaging civil rights enforcement by the Department of Education, a federal lawsuit filed Friday morning seeks to stop the president and Secretary Linda McMahon from carrying out the mass firing of civil rights investigators and lawyers.

    Two parents and the Council of Parent Attorneys and Advocates, a national disability rights group, jointly filed the class-action lawsuit. It alleges that decimating the department’s Office for Civil Rights will leave the agency unable to handle the public’s complaints of discrimination at school. That, they said, would violate the equal protection clause of the Fifth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.

    The complaint comes three days after the Education Department notified about 1,300 employees — including the entire staff in seven of the 12 regional civil rights offices — that they are being fired, and the day after a group of 21 Democratic attorneys general sued McMahon and the president. That lawsuit alleges the Trump administration does not have the authority to circumvent Congress to effectively shutter the department.

    The complaint filed on Friday argues that the “OCR has abdicated its responsibility to enforce civil rights protections” and that the administration has made a “decision to sabotage” the Education Department’s civil rights functions. That, the lawsuit alleges, overrides Congress’ authority. It names the Education Department, McMahon and the acting head of OCR, Craig Trainor.

    “Through a series of press releases, policy statements, and executive orders, the administration has made clear its contempt for the civil rights of marginalized students,” the lawsuit says.

    The parents’ lawsuit was filed in U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia. It asks the court to declare the “decimation” of the OCR unlawful and seeks an injunction to compel the office to “process OCR complaints promptly and equitably.”

    A Department of Education spokesperson did not immediately respond to a request for comment. But the department has said it would still meet its legal obligations.

    The lawsuit brought by the attorneys general was filed in federal court in Massachusetts. It alleges the firings are “so severe and extreme that it incapacitates components of the Department responsible for performing functions mandated by statute.” It cites the closing of the seven regional OCR outposts as an example.

    Each year, the OCR investigates thousands of allegations of discrimination in schools based on disability, race and gender and is one of the federal government’s largest civil rights units. At last count there were about 550 OCR employees; at least 243 union-represented employees were laid off Tuesday.

    The administration plans to close OCR locations in Boston, Chicago, Cleveland, Dallas, New York, Philadelphia and San Francisco. Offices will remain in Atlanta, Denver, Kansas City, Seattle and Washington, D.C.

    The lawsuit brought by the parents and advocacy group reveals concerns by students and families who have pending complaints that, under President Donald Trump, are not being investigated. There also are concerns that new complaints won’t get investigated if they don’t fall under one of the president’s priorities: curbing antisemitism, ending participation of transgender athletes in women’s sports and combating alleged discrimination against white students.

    After Trump was inaugurated on Jan. 20, the administration implemented a monthlong freeze on the agency’s civil rights work. Although OCR investigators were prohibited from working on their assigned discrimination cases, the Trump administration launched a new “End DEI Portal” meant only to collect complaints about diversity, equity and inclusion in schools. It has said it is trying to shrink the size of government, including the Education Department, which Trump has called a “big con job.”

    Trump’s actions so far have led many to wonder “if there is a real and meaningful complaint investigation process existing at the moment,” said Johnathan Smith, an attorney at the National Center for Youth Law, which represents the plaintiffs. Smith is a former deputy assistant attorney general in the U.S. Department of Justice’s Civil Rights Division.

    “They are putting the thumb on the scale of who the winners and losers are before they do the investigation, and that is deeply problematic from a law enforcement perspective,” Smith said.

    The lawsuit is perhaps the most substantive legal effort to require the Education Department to enforce civil rights since 1970, when the NAACP sued the agency for allowing segregation to continue. That lawsuit resulted in repeated overhauling of the OCR and 20 years of judicial oversight, with the goal of ensuring that the division fairly investigated and enforced discrimination claims.

    Students and families turn to the OCR after they feel their concerns have not been addressed by their schools or colleges. Both individuals named as plaintiffs in the lawsuit are parents of students whose civil rights complaints were being investigated — until Trump took office.

    One of the plaintiffs, Alabama parent Nikki S. Carter, has three students and is an advocate for students with disabilities in her community. Carter is Black. According to the lawsuit, Carter filed a complaint with OCR in 2022 alleging discrimination on the basis of race after her children’s school district, the Demopolis City Schools, twice banned Carter from school district property.

    When reached by ProPublica, the district superintendent said he’s not aware of the lawsuit or the civil rights complaint and could not comment; he is new to the district.

    The district has said it barred Carter after a confrontation with a white staff member. But Carter has said that a white parent who had a similar confrontation wasn’t banned, leading her to believe that the district punished her because of her advocacy. She said it prevented her from attending parent-teacher conferences and other school events.

    The other parent, identified by the initials A.W., filed a complaint with OCR alleging their child’s school failed to respond properly to sexual assault and harassment by a classmate.

    Investigations of both families’ discrimination complaints have stopped under the new OCR leadership, according to the lawsuit.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jennifer Smith Richards and Jodi S. Cohen.

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    Texas Lawmakers Want a Charter School Network to Stop Paying Its Superintendent Nearly $900K. The School Board Says No. https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/14/texas-lawmakers-want-a-charter-school-network-to-stop-paying-its-superintendent-nearly-900k-the-school-board-says-no/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/14/texas-lawmakers-want-a-charter-school-network-to-stop-paying-its-superintendent-nearly-900k-the-school-board-says-no/#respond Fri, 14 Mar 2025 11:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/salvador-cavazos-valere-pay-pushback by Lexi Churchill, ProPublica and The Texas Tribune, and Ellis Simani, ProPublica

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    This article is co-published with The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan local newsroom that informs and engages with Texans. Sign up for The Brief Weekly to get up to speed on their essential coverage of Texas issues.

    Texas lawmakers and an advocacy group representing charter schools harshly criticized a tiny charter school network that has paid its superintendent up to $870,000 annually, making him one of the highest-paid public school leaders in the country.

    The criticism came after ProPublica and the Texas Tribune published a story last week about Valere Public Schools, revealing that the district had only reported paying its superintendent, Salvador Cavazos, less than $300,000 per year. In fact, bonuses and one-time payments roughly tripled his income for running a district that has fewer than 1,000 students across three campuses.

    Lawmakers brought up the story during a critical Texas House of Representatives committee hearing on March 6 to discuss how much funding the state should provide traditional public and charter schools in the coming years. Legislators repeatedly pressed Bryce Adams, the vice president of government affairs for the Texas Public Charter Schools Association, about Cavazos’ compensation and asked why charter schools need additional state funding if they use it for high administrator pay.

    “You got a report in The Texas Tribune today about one of your guys making $800,000 a year,” said State Rep. John Bryant, a Democrat from Dallas. “None of our superintendents at the public level who have 100,000, 150,000 kids make anything close to that.”

    State Rep. Terri Leo Wilson, a Republican from outside Houston who previously served on the Texas State Board of Education, called Cavazos’ bonuses “ridiculous, unheard-of, outrageous.”

    In response, Adams said his organization is also opposed to the superintendent’s high compensation. He handed out copies of a letter the charter association had sent to the three members of the Valere Public Schools board stating they should pay Cavazos less. The association said it rarely questions a district’s actions but described the additional $500,000 to $600,000 the board awards Cavazos on top of his annual salary as “completely out of alignment” with the market. The letter urged the school board to tie Cavazos’ bonuses to specific metrics.

    “This behavior will cast a shadow over the public charter school system in Texas and could be detrimental to TPCSA’s ability to advocate on behalf of its members and the students they serve,” the association’s board members wrote in the Jan. 22 letter.

    The association sent the letter to Valere after learning about the newsrooms’ findings but before the article was published. ProPublica and the Tribune also shared that two other charter school systems pay their superintendents hundreds of thousands of dollars on top of their base salaries. The association did not answer questions about whether it also reached out to those schools.

    The Texas Public Charter Schools Association sent a letter to Valere Public Schools stating that Superintendent Salvador Cavazos’ compensation is above market value and should be reduced. (Obtained and cropped by ProPublica and The Texas Tribune)

    The strong public rebuke of Cavazos’ compensation comes as leaders from traditional public and charter schools are lobbying legislators for more money after going years without increases to their base funding. That push has intensified given lawmakers’ ongoing efforts to implement a voucher-like program this legislative session, which would allow parents to use taxpayer dollars to send their kids to private schools. Legislative budget experts found that doing so could take money away from public schools. Texas Gov. Greg Abbott has championed the voucher program.

    Since charter schools are considered public, not private, lawmakers questioned whether taxpayers could be confident that additional spending on public education would go to students’ needs rather than into the pockets of administrators like Cavazos.

    Valere Public Schools’ board members provided no direct response to legislators’ concerns about Cavazos’ pay in an emailed reply to the news organizations’ questions this week. They also wrote they had not answered the letter from the charter association and said the association has “no regulatory or other authority over Valere.”

    Cavazos has declined multiple interview requests. Board members have defended his compensation, explaining that he is also the charter network’s CEO and his contributions justify his pay. The members also said that a “significant” part of Cavazos’ compensation comes from private donations, but they would not provide evidence to support their claim.

    Bryant, the Dallas representative, told the newsrooms in an interview that Valere Public Schools’ actions show why the state needs stronger oversight of its charter schools.

    He said legislators must tighten the Texas Education Agency’s current reporting requirements. The agency mandates districts post all superintendent compensation and benefits on their website or in an annual report. Districts must also send information about the superintendent’s annual salary and any supplemental payments for extra duties to the state directly, but the state education agency did not clarify if that includes bonuses. It told the newsrooms it does not check whether districts follow the first requirement unless a potential violation is flagged.

    “We need to put it in the law that they have to report it and that there’s a penalty for failing to do so,” said Bryant. “Otherwise, it’ll continue to be obscured.”

    The Texas Education Agency did not respond to questions the newsrooms sent after the legislative hearing about the state’s current oversight of charter schools and superintendent compensation. Nor did Texas House Speaker Dustin Burrows or Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick, who set the legislative priorities for state lawmakers.

    Andrew Mahaleris, press secretary for Abbott, sent a written statement to the news organizations scolding school districts that spend the state’s funding on “administrative bloat instead of the teachers they employ and the students they serve.” Abbott will work with lawmakers to ensure public dollars go to “students and teachers, not systems and overpaid administrators,” Mahaleris wrote. He did not mention specific bills or solutions.

    Lawmakers have submitted at least five bills during this legislative session that would restrict superintendents’ salaries, but most would not have applied to the vast majority of Cavazos’ compensation because the proposals don’t limit bonuses.

    State Rep. Carrie Isaac, a Republican representing counties between Austin and San Antonio, filed a proposal that would restrict superintendents’ pay to no more than twice that of the highest-earning teacher in the school district. Isaac’s current proposal does not account for superintendents’ bonuses. After learning about the Valere School Board’s method of awarding Cavazos hefty payments on top of his base salary, she said she was “absolutely” open to revising her bill to include bonuses.

    “I don’t see any justification for that,” Isaac said in an interview. “I would like to see superintendents that pursue their role out of a dedication for student success, not a means to secure these excessive salaries.”

    Despite the outcry from lawmakers and experts inside and outside the charter school sector, the Valere board has so far stood behind its decisions. Asked by the newsrooms whether it had any current plans to make changes to the pay that Cavazos receives on top of his base salary, the board sent a one-word response:

    “No.”


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Lexi Churchill, ProPublica and The Texas Tribune, and Ellis Simani, ProPublica.

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    Inside the Schools Alaska Ignored https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/14/inside-the-schools-alaska-ignored/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/14/inside-the-schools-alaska-ignored/#respond Fri, 14 Mar 2025 09:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/alaska-deterioriating-public-schools-reporting by Taylor Kate Brown

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. This story was originally published in our Dispatches newsletter; sign up to receive notes from our journalists.

    Two inches of raw sewage. Persistent chemical leaks. Pipes insulated with asbestos. A bat infestation. Black mold. “It kind of blows my mind some of the things I found in public schools,” says Emily Schwing, a KYUK reporter and ProPublica Local Reporting Network partner. Recently, we published her investigation of dangerous conditions in deteriorating public schools in Alaska’s rural villages. Schwing, who reported this story while also participating in the University of Southern California, Annenberg Center for Health Journalism’s National Fellowship, spoke to dozens of sources, including local resident Taylor Hayden, who showed her concrete footings that had been reduced to rubble in one village school.

    ProPublica has previously reported on how restrictive funding policies in Idaho have contributed to similarly dangerous school conditions.

    In Alaska, a unique set of circumstances means the responsibility for school repairs in many rural villages rests exclusively on the state Legislature. Yet over the past 25 years, state officials have largely ignored hundreds of requests by rural school districts to fix the problems that have left public schools across Alaska crumbling, even though the state owns these buildings. As rural school districts wait for funding, the buildings continue to deteriorate, posing public health and safety risks to students, teachers and staff. The impact is felt most by Alaska Natives.

    For Schwing, the “record scratch” moment came when she realized some school districts were spending their own money, in one case $200,000, in a desperate effort to rank higher up the funding priority list, even going as far as hiring a lobbyist. Other districts told her they couldn’t do so without cutting teaching positions.

    “Why are public school districts paying a lobbyist to convince lawmakers to invest in public schools, and even more so, to invest in infrastructure that the state owns?” she thought.

    I called up Schwing to talk about the process of reporting this investigation and how different going to school can be for students across Alaska. Our conversation has been condensed and edited.

    What got you interested in this story?

    I travel a lot to rural communities in Alaska, just by virtue of the things that I cover. And usually when you are traveling to villages, you stay in the school. I have always been surprised by the things that I’ve experienced there. On the Chukchi coast, there’s a school where you can’t see out the windows anymore because they’re so pitted from the wind. There was a school that I was in last year during a sled dog race that I was covering where I could smell the bathrooms from down the hall. That’s not normal. So I was keeping a list of things that were strange for public schools.

    Then Taylor Hayden called me and told me what’s going on at the Sleetmute school. So I went out there. He showed me [the conditions] in the wood shop. And then we went under the building and I thought: “Oh my God. This is crazy.” It took off from there.

    How does seeing that black mold and guano in person change the story for you?

    I want to tell you about these two little kids I met, Edward and Loretta [in Sleetmute]. They’re in fourth grade. I’m in their school, and they’re giving me a tour: “This is our library, and this is our piano in the kindergarten room, and this is my favorite book.” They’re showing me their artwork. Never once did these kids say, “This is where the moldy part of our school is.” It made me sad to think that they think that this is normal for their school, but it also made me so proud of them for just being fourth-grade kids.

    You can throw out numbers and statistics and do an investigation into these state records, but until you’re in the building, I don’t think the reality of how awful things are hits you. The kids are doing their homework at the lunch tables, or the high school kids are doing some really cool science projects, but they’re sitting in a school where if the wood shop collapses, it also takes the water system, the heat system, the HVAC, like all of the critical infrastructure, the electricity that keeps that school usable.

    Watch “Alaska Has Ignored Hundreds of Requests to Fix Its Crumbling Public Schools“ What does a school mean to a place like Sleetmute?

    I have visited over 45 villages off the road system in Alaska at this point in my career, and the school is the center of these communities. It’s the largest building. They’re one of two buildings with a guarantee that there will be running water. They’re places where people get together, where people socialize. They have pickup basketball nights and fundraisers.

    Public schools in rural Alaska also serve an emergency management function that is often overlooked. If there is some sort of natural disaster — a flood, a giant storm, a severe drop in temperature — or if there’s some sort of other piece of critical infrastructure that’s having problems — the water plant burns down or the electricity goes out or the heating fuel doesn’t get delivered — people will go seek shelter in the school. Wildland firefighters and the National Guard will be based out of these buildings if they’re responding to a disaster.

    But in order for it to be an effective emergency management tool, you have to have it safe and operational. There are so many more functions that the public school serves than just school.

    Why do you think there’s such little urgency around these repairs?

    There’s so much conversation around operational funding, to pay for textbooks and teacher salaries. Currently in our Legislature, it’s all the lawmakers can talk about.

    The people who are offering testimony to lawmakers from urban areas are all about funding curriculum and keeping teachers. Then you hear public testimony from people in rural communities who can’t even get that far, because there are pots and pans on the floor to catch the leaks from the roof, or there’s a bucket of oil next to them in their classroom and there’s one in the hall. There’s a very clear boundary between what rural constituents are experiencing and what urban constituents are experiencing with respect to education.

    It’s very easy to forget the hundreds of villages that exist in Alaska off the road system, because they are so small. That’s where the real problem lies — when you don’t notice, then you have a roof that leaks for 20 years, and then it turns into a real public health and safety crisis.

    This story was translated to the Central Yup’ik dialect of Yugtun. Why was that important?

    There are over 50 villages on the Yukon-Kuskokwim Delta that KYUK serves. It’s the predominant dialect spoken on the delta, and there are a lot of elders who speak Yup’ik as their first language. The vast majority of KYUK’s audience is Yup’ik.

    The other thing that you’ll notice in this story is the vast majority of the population that is served by rural public schools are Indigenous. So the largest impact from a lack of investment in school infrastructure is on Alaska Natives. So I think it’s really important to the most affected people that we would deliver a story like this in their Indigenous and often first language.

    This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with KYUK and NPR’s Station Investigations Team, which supports local investigative journalism.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Taylor Kate Brown.

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    Do You Have a Department of Education Tip? ProPublica Wants to Hear From You. #federalworkers #doge https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/13/do-you-have-a-department-of-education-tip-propublica-wants-to-hear-from-you-federalworkers-doge/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/13/do-you-have-a-department-of-education-tip-propublica-wants-to-hear-from-you-federalworkers-doge/#respond Thu, 13 Mar 2025 20:01:41 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=7d782486e2280ad8a06b8357c6de8e76
    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by ProPublica.

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    China pushes patriotic education in Tibet with propaganda movies and storytelling https://rfa.org/english/tibet/2025/03/13/tibet-patriotic-education-school-children/ https://rfa.org/english/tibet/2025/03/13/tibet-patriotic-education-school-children/#respond Thu, 13 Mar 2025 18:31:12 +0000 https://rfa.org/english/tibet/2025/03/13/tibet-patriotic-education-school-children/ Read original story in Tibetan

    As Tibetan students return to school for the spring term, they are being subjected to propaganda movies about heroic Chinese soldiers and storytelling contests extolling the greatness of the Communist Party, according to sources inside Tibet and state media reports.

    Students and teachers across Tibet are also being told to abandon “superstitious” thinking in a bid to eliminate Tibetan Buddhism, two sources from the region said.

    The renewed push for patriotic education is the latest example of Beijing seeking to eradicate Tibetan culture and assimilate all ethnic groups into the majority Han Chinese culture.

    State-run media reports say the campaign is aimed at promoting “ethnic unity” and cultivating the “red gene” in Tibetan children -- a term that refers to the Communist Party’s revolutionary spirit and history. They include images of teachers showing propaganda movies to children.

    According to the two sources, teachers must provide in-depth explanations on “Chinese national spirit and warmth” and guide students about China’s socialist system under something called the “First Lesson of the Year.”

    Teachers must also boost students’ understanding of the “four consciousnesses” and achieve the “two safeguards” –- both of which refer to efforts to modernize Chinese society and upholding party rule with Chinese President Xi Jinping at the core, the two sources said on the condition of anonymity for fear of reprisals.

    Students are shown videos of the Dingri earthquake relief work, to combine ideological and political education using examples of quake aid, at a school in Nyingtri county, Tibet, March 8, 2025.
    Students are shown videos of the Dingri earthquake relief work, to combine ideological and political education using examples of quake aid, at a school in Nyingtri county, Tibet, March 8, 2025.
    (Citizen Photo)

    “We will certainly see more and more of education being used for propaganda purposes,” said Harsh V. Pant, vice president of studies and foreign policy at New Delhi-based Observer Research Foundation and a professor of international relations at King’s College London.

    “This will manifest both in terms of official government policy, as well as in terms of how gradually the younger generation will be indoctrinated with certain ideas about China and its role in Tibet,” he told Radio Free Asia.

    ‘Red stories’

    Last month, the County Education Bureau of Pelbar (or Banbar in Chinese) County at Chamdo in the Tibet Autonomous Region launched an online storytelling competition for primary and secondary school children to narrate “red stories” about the greatness of the party.

    The competition resulted in 44 video submissions, with more than 100 students and parents taking part in the activity, county level announcements said.

    Students across the region have also been shown videos about the recent relief work conducted in Dingri County, where an earthquake struck in January, killing at least 126 people.

    Officials in the video said the work has “closely combined ideological and political education with vivid examples” from earthquake relief.

    The Public Security Bureau of Suo County carries out publicity activity at the county's middle school in Nyingtri county, Tibet,on March 8, 2025.
    The Public Security Bureau of Suo County carries out publicity activity at the county's middle school in Nyingtri county, Tibet,on March 8, 2025.
    (Citizen Photo)

    The recent push in Tibetan schools stems from the October 2023 Patriotic Education Law, which put central and regional departments in charge of patriotic education efforts.

    “The government’s work report specifically highlighted political and ideological education as a priority alongside skills training, so the emphasis on the spread of propaganda in schools is likely to be higher,” said Anushka Saxena, a research analyst at Bengaluru, India-based Takshashila Institution.

    Abandon ‘superstitious’ thinking

    Authorities are also telling teachers and students to abandon religious and “superstitious” thinking in schools in a bid to eliminate Tibetan Buddhism and language study, the two sources said.

    The Chinese government issued directives on Feb. 25 entitled “Two Absolute Prohibitions” and “Five Absolute Restrictions” which includes strict bans on religious propagation in schools, the use of religious elements in the education system and the participation of teachers and students in religious activities.

    The directives also prohibit the wearing or carrying of religious symbols or clothing in schools.

    “Teachers are instructed to report to authorities every month, confirming that they are not teaching any religious course to their students while many Tibetan teachers are being dismissed citing lack of proficiency in Chinese as the reason,” the second source said.

    These policies are designed to strip children of their Tibetan identity and nature, said Tsewang Dorji, a research fellow at the Dharamsala, North India-based Tibet Policy Institute.

    “Xi Jinping’s emphasis on making education a priority will intensify these efforts,” he said. “And if such policies about political and ideological education continue to persist in the next 10 to 20 years, Tibetan language, culture, identity and Buddhism is under huge threat.”

    Translated by Tenzin Palmo. Edited by Tenzin Pema, Matt Reed and Malcolm Foster.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Tenzin Norzom and Tenzin Tenkyong for RFA Tibetan.

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    Massive Layoffs at the Department of Education Erode Its Civil Rights Division https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/12/massive-layoffs-at-the-department-of-education-erode-its-civil-rights-division/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/12/massive-layoffs-at-the-department-of-education-erode-its-civil-rights-division/#respond Wed, 12 Mar 2025 14:30:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/education-department-civil-rights-division-eroded-by-massive-layoffs by Jodi S. Cohen and Jennifer Smith Richards

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    With a mass email sharing what it called “difficult news,” the U.S. Department of Education has eroded one of its own key duties, abolishing more than half of the offices that investigate civil rights complaints from students and their families.

    Civil rights complaints in schools and colleges largely have been investigated through a dozen regional outposts across the country. Now there will be five.

    The Office for Civil Rights’ locations in Boston, Chicago, Cleveland, Dallas, New York, Philadelphia and San Francisco are being shuttered, ProPublica has learned. Offices will remain in Atlanta, Denver, Kansas City, Seattle and Washington, D.C.

    The OCR is one of the federal government’s largest enforcers of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, investigating thousands of allegations of discrimination each year. That includes discrimination based on disability, race and gender.

    “This is devastating for American education and our students. This will strip students of equitable education, place our most vulnerable at great risk and set back educational success that for many will last their lifetimes,” said Katie Dullum, an OCR deputy director who resigned last Friday. “The impact will be felt well beyond this transitional period.”

    The Education Department has not responded to ProPublica’s requests for comment.

    In all, about 1,300 of the Education Department’s approximately 4,000 employees were told Tuesday through the mass emails that they would be laid off and placed on administrative leave starting March 21, with their final day of employment on June 9.

    The civil rights division had about 550 employees and was among the most heavily affected by Tuesday’s layoffs, which with other departures will leave the Education Department at roughly half its size.

    At least 243 union-represented employees of the OCR were laid off. The Federal Student Aid division, which administers grants and loans to college students, had 326 union-represented employees laid off, the most of any division.

    On average, each OCR attorney who investigates complaints is assigned about 60 cases at a time. Complaints, which have been backlogged for years, piled up even more after President Donald Trump took office in January and implemented a monthlong freeze on the agency’s civil rights work.

    Catherine Lhamon, who oversaw the OCR under former Presidents Barack Obama and Joe Biden said: “What you’ve got left is a shell that can’t function.”

    Civil rights investigators who remain said it now will be “virtually impossible” to resolve discrimination complaints.

    “Part of OCR’s work is to physically go to places. As part of the investigation, we go to schools, we look at the playground, we see if it’s accessible,” said a senior attorney for OCR, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because he was not laid off and fears retaliation. “We show up and look at softball and baseball fields. We measure the bathroom to make sure it’s accessible. We interview student groups. It requires in-person work. That is part of the basis of having regional offices. Now, California has no regional office.”

    The OCR was investigating about 12,000 complaints when Trump took office. The largest share of pending complaints — about 6,000 — were related to students with disabilities who feel they’ve been mistreated or unfairly denied help at school, according to a ProPublica analysis of department data.

    Since Trump took office, the focus has shifted. The office has opened an unusually high number of “directed investigations,” based on Trump’s priorities, that it began without receiving complaints. These relate to curbing antisemitism, ending participation of transgender athletes in women’s sports and combating alleged discrimination against white students.

    Traditionally, students and families turn to the OCR after they feel their concerns have not been addressed by their school districts. The process is free, which means families that can’t afford a lawyer to pursue a lawsuit may still be able to seek help.

    When the OCR finds evidence of discrimination, it can force a school district or college to change its policies or require that they provide services to a student, such as access to disabilities services or increased safety at school. Sometimes, the office monitors institutions to make sure they comply.

    “OCR simply will not be investigating violations any more. It is not going to happen. They will not have the staff for it,” said another attorney for the Department of Education, who also asked not to be named because he is still working there. “It was extremely time and labor intensive.”

    The department said in a press release that all divisions at the department were affected. The National Center for Education Statistics, which collects data about the health of the nation’s schools, was all but wiped away.

    Education Secretary Linda McMahon called the layoffs “a significant step toward restoring the greatness of the United States education system.” In addition to the 1,300 let go on Tuesday, 600 employees already had accepted voluntary resignations or had retired in the past seven weeks, according to the department.

    Trump and his conservative allies have long wanted to shut the department, with Trump calling it a “big con job.” But the president hasn’t previously tried to do so, and officially closing the department would require congressional approval.

    Instead, Trump is significantly weakening the agency. The same day Congress confirmed McMahon as education secretary, she sent department staff an email describing a “final mission” — to participate in “our opportunity to perform one final, unforgettable public service” by eliminating what she called “bloat” at the department “quickly and responsibly.”

    Education Department employees received an email on Tuesday afternoon saying all agency offices across the country would close at 6 p.m. for “security reasons” and would remain closed Wednesday. That led many workers to speculate that layoffs were coming.

    Then, after the workday had ended, employees who were being laid off began receiving emails that acknowledged “the difficult workforce restructuring.”

    Emails also went to entire divisions: “This email serves as notice that your organizational unit is being abolished along with all positions within the unit — including yours.”


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jodi S. Cohen and Jennifer Smith Richards.

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    Columbia University’s Nazi Tradition https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/10/columbia-universitys-nazi-tradition/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/10/columbia-universitys-nazi-tradition/#respond Mon, 10 Mar 2025 14:10:55 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=156483 According to Columbia Magazine, published by Columbia University’s Office of Alumni and Development, but ultimately named for a brutal imperialist mercenary, in 1933 while Nazis in Germany were burning books by Jews, Columbia’s president — and future Nobel Peace Prize recipient — Nicholas Murray Butler “welcomed Hans Luther, the German ambassador to the United States, […]

    The post Columbia University’s Nazi Tradition first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>

    According to Columbia Magazine, published by Columbia University’s Office of Alumni and Development, but ultimately named for a brutal imperialist mercenary, in 1933 while Nazis in Germany were burning books by Jews, Columbia’s president — and future Nobel Peace Prize recipient — Nicholas Murray Butler “welcomed Hans Luther, the German ambassador to the United States, to Morningside Heights, insisting that he be accorded ‘the greatest courtesy and respect.’” Columbia’s Daily Spectator newspaper “denounced what it saw as Butler’s courtship of the German government and its universities.”

    Butler — “a longtime admirer of Benito Mussolini” — mocked protests of his relations with Nazi Germany. In 1934, Butler “fired Jerome Klein … a promising young member of the fine arts faculty, for signing an appeal against the Luther invitation; and he expelled Robert Burke, a Columbia College student, for participating in a 1936 mock book burning and anti-Nazi picket on campus.”

    Or, as a 2006 column by Stephen H. Norwood in the Columbia Spectator tells it, “Butler had Burke expelled for leading pickets protesting the Columbia administration’s insistence on sending a delegate and friendly greetings to a major propaganda festival the Nazi leadership orchestrated in 1936 in Germany, the 550th anniversary celebration of Heidelberg University. Although he was a fine student and had been elected president of his class, Burke was never readmitted. [Columbia provost Alan] Brinkley and former associate dean Michael Rosenthal … show little sympathy for Burke and trivialize Columbia administration actions that helped Nazi Germany enhance its standing in the West. Although the Nazis had expelled Jews from university faculties and the professions, and savagely beat Jews in the streets, Butler joined with the presidents of Harvard and Yale to plan how to deflect criticism of their decisions to send university representatives to Heidelberg. No British university would send delegates. Butler selected professor Arthur Remy as Columbia’s representative, who pronounced the reception at which Josef Goebbels presided ‘very enjoyable.’ … Butler’s insensitivity to Nazi outrages against Jews was influenced by his own anti-Semitism. Columbia spearheaded universities’ efforts to sharply restrict Jewish admissions. Butler strongly supported Harvard president James Conant, an early supporter of anti-Jewish quotas, when he invited Nazi academics to Harvard’s tercentenary celebration later in 1936.”

    Now, in 2025, Columbia is back, for the first time since 1936, to expelling students for nonviolently protesting Columbian support for genocide — and this time not just threatened genocide but a genocide actively happening and available in reports, photographs, and videos in real time, already identified and condemned by the International Court of Justice, the International Criminal Court, and numerous human rights groups and governments.

    Is Columbia bowing to U.S. fascist demands to ban speech and assembly against the genocide in Palestine because a small fraction of its funding comes (or came) from the U.S. government?

    Or does Columbia have a strong loyalty to whoever is engaged in mass murder?

    Or — and this seems the most likely — is Columbia fiercely committed to whatever powerful people deem proper at the moment, even if at one time it’s anti-Semitism and at another time it is a Palestinian genocide with advocacy of peace denounced as “anti-Semitism”?

    It’s rather a shame to have institutions of so-called higher learning be run by people so dedicated to avoiding thought, no matter the cost to humanity.

  • First published at World BEYOND War.
  • The post Columbia University’s Nazi Tradition first appeared on Dissident Voice.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by David Swanson.

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    She’s on a Scholarship at a Tribal College in Wisconsin. The Trump Administration Suspended the USDA Grant That Funded It. https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/10/shes-on-a-scholarship-at-a-tribal-college-in-wisconsin-the-trump-administration-suspended-the-usda-grant-that-funded-it/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/10/shes-on-a-scholarship-at-a-tribal-college-in-wisconsin-the-trump-administration-suspended-the-usda-grant-that-funded-it/#respond Mon, 10 Mar 2025 09:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/tribal-colleges-usda-scholarships-suspended by Matt Krupnick for ProPublica

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    Alexandria Ehlert has pursued a college education hoping to become a park ranger or climate scientist. Now she’s wondering whether she’ll ever finish her studies at College of Menominee Nation.

    The scholarship that kept her afloat at the tribal college in Wisconsin vanished in recent weeks, and with it her optimism about completing her degrees there and continuing her studies at a four-year institution.

    Ehlert is one of about 20 College of Menominee Nation students who rely on scholarships funded through a U.S. Department of Agriculture grant. The Trump administration suspended the grant amid widespread cost-cutting efforts. Unless other money can be found, Ehlert and the other scholarship students are in their final weeks on campus.

    “It’s leaving me without a lot of hope,” said Ehlert, a member of the Oneida nation. “Maybe I should just get a warehouse job and drop school entirely.”

    Many staff and students at the country’s 37 tribal colleges and universities, which rely heavily on federal dollars, have been alarmed by the suspension of crucial grants early in Donald Trump’s second presidency.

    Even before he retook office, the schools essentially lived paycheck to paycheck. A 1978 law promised them a basic funding level, but Congress hasn’t come close to fulfilling that obligation in decades. Today, the colleges get a quarter-billion dollars less per year than they should, when accounting for inflation, and receive almost nothing to build and maintain their campuses. Water pipes break frequently, roofs leak, ventilation systems fail and buildings crumble. Other than minuscule amounts of state funding in some cases and a smattering of private donations, tribal colleges that lose any federal funding have few other sources of income.

    “You freeze our funding and ask us to wait six months to see how it shakes out, and we close,” said Ahniwake Rose, president of the American Indian Higher Education Consortium, which lobbies for tribal colleges in Washington, D.C. “That’s incredibly concerning.”

    At least $7 million in USDA grants to tribal colleges and universities have been suspended, Rose said. The schools’ concerns have been magnified by a lack of communication from federal agencies, which she attributed partly to many federal workers being laid off as the Trump administration has made across-the-board cuts to the federal bureaucracy.

    Staff at the College of Menominee Nation were seeking reimbursement for $50,000 spent on research and other work conducted in January, when a federal website indicated a grant from the USDA had been suspended. It was a technical issue, they were told when they first reached someone at the agency, and they needed to contact technical support. But that didn’t solve the problem. Then a few days later the department told the college to halt all grant activity, including Ehlert’s scholarship, without explaining why or for how long.

    The frozen grants are administered by the USDA’s National Institute of Food and Agriculture, or NIFA. They stem from a 1994 law, the Equity in Educational Land-Grant Status Act, which designated the tribal colleges as land-grant institutions. Congress created the land-grant system in the 19th century to provide more funding for agricultural and vocational degrees.

    The 1994 addition of tribal colleges to the list of land-grant institutions gave the schools access to more funding for specific projects, mostly focused on food and agriculture. Many grants funded food research and projects to increase the availability of food, which is particularly important in rural areas with fewer grocery stores and restaurants.

    “It’s really precarious for tribal colleges,” said Twyla Baker, president of Nueta Hidatsa Sahnish College in North Dakota. Her college also lost access to NIFA funds that were paying for food research and a program that connects Indigenous farmers, ranchers and gardeners to each other. “We don’t have large endowments to fall back on.”

    Several other college presidents said they were preparing for the worst. Red Lake Nation College in Minnesota was freezing salaries, travel and hiring, said President Dan King. So was United Tribes Technical College in North Dakota, which paused renovation of a dormitory originally built as military barracks in 1900. ProPublica reported in October that tribal colleges need more than half a billion dollars to catch up on campus maintenance.

    “We’re hoping to get started soon, because we have a short construction season here,” said Leander McDonald, president of the United Tribes college.

    At Blackfeet Community College in northern Montana, a NIFA grant is helping to create a program to train workers for the Blackfeet tribe’s new slaughterhouse. The college has started construction on a new building, but President Brad Hall worries that without access to promised federal funds, he might have to pause the project.

    Hall, the school’s president, on the campus of Blackfeet Community College in Browning, Montana (Rebecca Stumpf for ProPublica)

    Like other tribal college leaders, Hall hasn’t been able to get clear answers from the USDA. Unlike some other schools, his college has been able to access federal funds, but he wonders for how long.

    “Without the clarity and without the communication, it’s very hard to make decisions right now,” he said. “We’re in a holding pattern, combined with a situation where the questions aren’t being answered to our satisfaction.”

    USDA spokespeople declined to answer questions. The agency emailed a written statement noting that “NIFA programs are currently under review,” but did not provide details on which grants have been suspended or for how long. The agency did not respond to requests for clarification.

    Some tribal college leaders theorized they were targeted partly because of the formal name of the 1994 land-grant law: the Equity in Educational Land-Grant Status Act. The Trump administration has laid waste to federal spending on programs with “diversity,” “equity” or “inclusion” in the names.

    While “equity” often refers to fairness in relation to race or sex, in the 1994 bill, Congress used the word to highlight that tribal colleges would finally have access to the same funds that 19th-century laws had made available to other land-grant colleges and universities. A spokesperson for the organization that represents nontribal land-grant institutions, the Association of Public and Land-grant Universities, said he was not aware of any USDA funds to nontribal colleges being suspended.

    Tribal colleges argue their funding is protected by treaties and the federal trust responsibility, a legal obligation requiring the United States to protect Indigenous resources, rights and assets. Cutting off funding to the tribal colleges is illegal, several university presidents said.

    “We were promised education and health care and basic needs,” said King at Red Lake Nation College. “The fact that we’re being lumped in with these other programs — well, we’re not like them.”

    The College of Menominee Nation was only a year into its game-changing $9 million USDA grant, which was funding workforce development, training students in local trades such as forestry, and improving food access for Indigenous people. The five-year grant was a “once-in-a-lifetime award,” said college President Christopher Caldwell.

    “We want our students to graduate and have healthy job opportunities,” Caldwell said. “Now it just kind of got cut off at the knees.”


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Matt Krupnick for ProPublica.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/10/shes-on-a-scholarship-at-a-tribal-college-in-wisconsin-the-trump-administration-suspended-the-usda-grant-that-funded-it/feed/ 0 517746
    Luamanuvao reflects on International Women’s Day and ‘Pacific dreams’ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/09/luamanuvao-reflects-on-international-womens-day-and-pacific-dreams/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/09/luamanuvao-reflects-on-international-womens-day-and-pacific-dreams/#respond Sun, 09 Mar 2025 23:05:41 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=111871 By Moera Tuilaepa-Taylor, RNZ Pacific manager

    International Women’s Day, March 8, is an opportunity to celebrate the achievements of women around the world.

    Closer to home, here in Aotearoa New Zealand, we can take a moment to acknowledge Pasifika women, and in particular the contributions of Luamanuvao Dame Winnie Laban.

    For her, “International Women’s day is an opportunity to acknowledge Pasifika women’s contribution to economic, social, and cultural development in New Zealand and our Pacific region.”

    Luamanuvao has a significant string of “firsts” in her resume, including becoming the first Pasifika woman to be elected to Parliament in 1999.

    Growing up, she drew great motivation from her parents’ immigrant story.

    She told RNZ Pacific that she often contemplated their journey to New Zealand from Samoa on a boat. Sailing with them were their dreams for a better life.

    When she became the first Samoan woman to be made a dame in 2018, she spoke about how her success was a manifestation of those dreams.

    ‘Hard work and sacrifice’
    “And it is that hard work and sacrifice that for me makes me reflect on why this award is so important.

    “Because it acknowledges the Pacific journey of sacrifice and dreams. But more importantly, bringing up a generation who must make the best use of their opportunities.”

    Luamanuvao Dame Winnie Laban and supporters during an International Women's day event in Wellington
    Luamanuvao Dame Winnie Laban and supporters during an International Women’s day event in Wellington. Image: RNZ Pacific

    After serving as assistant Vice-Chancellor (Pasifika) at Te Herenga Waka/Victoria University since 2010, Dame Winnie is stepping down. As she prepares to move on from that role, she spoke to RNZ Pacific about the importance of Pasifika women in society.

    “Our women teach us that our strength and resilience is in our relationship, courage to do what is right, respect and ability to work together, stay together and look after and support each other,” she said.

    “We are also reminded of the powerful women from our communities who are strong leaders and contributors to the welfare and wellbeing of our families and communities.

    “They are the sacred weavers of our ie toga, tivaevae, latu, bilum and masi that connect our genealogy and our connection to each other.

    “Our Pacific Ocean is our mother and she binds us together. This is our enduring legacy.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/09/luamanuvao-reflects-on-international-womens-day-and-pacific-dreams/feed/ 0 517637
    Luamanuvao reflects on International Women’s Day and ‘Pacific dreams’ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/09/luamanuvao-reflects-on-international-womens-day-and-pacific-dreams-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/09/luamanuvao-reflects-on-international-womens-day-and-pacific-dreams-2/#respond Sun, 09 Mar 2025 23:05:41 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=111871 By Moera Tuilaepa-Taylor, RNZ Pacific manager

    International Women’s Day, March 8, is an opportunity to celebrate the achievements of women around the world.

    Closer to home, here in Aotearoa New Zealand, we can take a moment to acknowledge Pasifika women, and in particular the contributions of Luamanuvao Dame Winnie Laban.

    For her, “International Women’s day is an opportunity to acknowledge Pasifika women’s contribution to economic, social, and cultural development in New Zealand and our Pacific region.”

    Luamanuvao has a significant string of “firsts” in her resume, including becoming the first Pasifika woman to be elected to Parliament in 1999.

    Growing up, she drew great motivation from her parents’ immigrant story.

    She told RNZ Pacific that she often contemplated their journey to New Zealand from Samoa on a boat. Sailing with them were their dreams for a better life.

    When she became the first Samoan woman to be made a dame in 2018, she spoke about how her success was a manifestation of those dreams.

    ‘Hard work and sacrifice’
    “And it is that hard work and sacrifice that for me makes me reflect on why this award is so important.

    “Because it acknowledges the Pacific journey of sacrifice and dreams. But more importantly, bringing up a generation who must make the best use of their opportunities.”

    Luamanuvao Dame Winnie Laban and supporters during an International Women's day event in Wellington
    Luamanuvao Dame Winnie Laban and supporters during an International Women’s day event in Wellington. Image: RNZ Pacific

    After serving as assistant Vice-Chancellor (Pasifika) at Te Herenga Waka/Victoria University since 2010, Dame Winnie is stepping down. As she prepares to move on from that role, she spoke to RNZ Pacific about the importance of Pasifika women in society.

    “Our women teach us that our strength and resilience is in our relationship, courage to do what is right, respect and ability to work together, stay together and look after and support each other,” she said.

    “We are also reminded of the powerful women from our communities who are strong leaders and contributors to the welfare and wellbeing of our families and communities.

    “They are the sacred weavers of our ie toga, tivaevae, latu, bilum and masi that connect our genealogy and our connection to each other.

    “Our Pacific Ocean is our mother and she binds us together. This is our enduring legacy.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/09/luamanuvao-reflects-on-international-womens-day-and-pacific-dreams-2/feed/ 0 517638
    ‘Free education’ in Southeast Asia often isn’t free https://rfa.org/english/asia/2025/03/09/southeast-asia-free-education/ https://rfa.org/english/asia/2025/03/09/southeast-asia-free-education/#respond Sun, 09 Mar 2025 15:58:09 +0000 https://rfa.org/english/asia/2025/03/09/southeast-asia-free-education/ Many Southeast Asian countries have adopted a policy of “free education” for students through middle school and, in some cases, through high school.

    But in Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia and Myanmar, it isn’t really free.

    Many additional or hidden costs — for uniforms, textbooks, supplies, transportation, extracurricular activities and sometimes even teachers’ salaries or school maintenance or improvements — make education too expensive for some families to afford.

    In Vietnam, the Communist Party Politburo recently eliminated tuition fees for public school students from preschool to grade 12, a move parents initially welcomed — before learning about the high costs of other monthly educational expenses.

    According to a Feb. 28 report by state media, the Politburo decided to waive the tuition fees beginning in the 2025-26 school year, following a recommendation from the Ministry of Education and Training.

    The move marks the first time Vietnam has ordered an end to the fees, which applied to some 23 million students, on a national scale, said the report. Around 30 trillion Vietnamese dong (US$1.17 billion) will be applied from the country’s budget to make up for the shortfall, it said.

    The government will provide students at private schools with subsidies equivalent to the public school tuition rate, but private school families will be required to cover the remaining difference of their child’s yearly tuition, the report said.

    The state media report cited the Department of Education for Ho Chi Minh City as saying that monthly tuition for public high school students ranges from 100,000-200,000 Vietnamese dong (US$4-8), while tuition for preschool students is around 300,000 Vietnamese dong (US$12).

    A mother of two children in middle and high school in Hanoi applauded the end to tuition fees, but said other costs were higher than tuition.

    “While this may be a significant cost for the government, a tuition exemption of 200,000–300,000 dong is quite small compared to the other expenses parents have to cover for their children’s education in the city,” the mother told RFA Vietnamese, who like others in this report spoke on condition of anonymity due to fear of reprisal.

    The mother said she spends between 1 million and 2 million dong (US$39-78) per month on tuition fees, meals and drinking water. Additionally, families are expected to contribute to a yearly “parents' fund,” which schools use for events like Teachers' Day, Vietnam Women’s Day and other extracurricular activities.

    Another parent, whose child is in high school in Hanoi, told RFA that she remains concerned about monthly education expenses — particularly a 325,000 dong (US$13) fee for the student’s' afterschool classes.

    Concerns over high and opaque fees at public schools in Vietnam — which are seen as a burden for low-income families — have been widely reported in both state and social media for years.

    In 2024, the average monthly income of workers in Vietnam was approximately 7.7 million dong (US$300), according to the country’s General Statistics Office.

    Schools ‘don’t have enough money'

    In Laos, public schooling is free but students are required to pay several other unofficial fees for their education, according to parents. This includes tutoring fees and the cost of textbooks, as well as contributions towards maintenance fees and utility bills.

    A parent who previously lived in the capital Vientiane told RFA Lao he had to pay up to 650,000 Lao kip (US$30) for “learning and teaching activities” each year his child was in first through fifth grade.

    “On top of that I had to pay 150,000 kip (US$7) per month for a ‘special tuition fee’ for a subject my child wasn’t good at,” said the parent, who also declined to be named.

    The same parent recently relocated his family to Khammouane province and noted that schools in the countryside collect less than those in the cities.

    “They collect money to pay for textbooks for school and everyone has to pay 60,000 kip (US$3) per year for school maintenance,” he said. “But poorer families may not be able to afford it, preventing their kids from getting into schools.”

    In Bokeo province, on Laos' northern border with Thailand, another parent told RFA that he had to pay 300-400 Thai baht (US$9-12) for electricity each year since his child first began attending middle school.

    “When I first learned from the government that school is free, I felt so happy,” he said. “However, the school claims that they don’t have enough money, so they have to collect it from parents.”

    Speaking to RFA, an educator said that his and other schools have to spend money on things such as “repairing restrooms, painting, fixing sports facilities, building fences and buying materials” each year, requiring them to ask parents to contribute.

    ‘I am stressed out and exhausted’

    Cambodian parents told RFA that while tuition is free, they also find fees at primary and secondary school to be exorbitant and complain that they take up a large part of their daily income.

    Those who live in extreme poverty often stop their children’s education altogether by 6th grade because of the cost, they said.

    Some have likened the teaching profession to a “business,” despite free tuition, citing the payments they must regularly make to their children’s schools.

    A student reads at Banlech Prasat Primary School, Prey Veng province, Cambodia, in an undated photo.
    A student reads at Banlech Prasat Primary School, Prey Veng province, Cambodia, in an undated photo.
    (Business Wire/AP)

    Soeung Sakona, a tailor based in Siem Reap province’s Sala Kamreuk Sangkat, has two daughters studying at a high school in Siem Reap city and said she must spend at least 10,000 riel (US$2.50) in fees on each of them daily.

    Tutoring — often from the same people who teach at public school by day — textbooks, transportation and other school supplies are among the fees she said she must account for each day, leaving her with little wiggle room for her remaining income.

    “Every day is very tense for me because I cannot save anything ... I spend a lot on them for their daily education to cover gas as well as their private courses,” she said. “I have to work hard to save and I can’t afford to eat nutritious food, so I am stressed out and exhausted.”

    Soeung Sakona said, on average, she spends about US$1,000 per year on her children’s education, and that once they started secondary school she had to sell some of her land to raise money, as she was unable to earn enough through work to cover the cost.

    Other parents complained that while Cambodia’s Constitution guarantees primary and secondary schooling for all, free of charge, children whose families who cannot afford a tutor are often at a disadvantage in terms of the quality of their overall education.

    But parents with even more precarious incomes told RFA that they plan to take their children out of school entirely at some point because they can’t afford the extra fees.

    Attempts by RFA to reach Cambodia’s Minister of Education, Youth and Sports spokesperson Khuon Vicheka for comment went unanswered by the time of publishing.

    Lack of high schools in countryside

    Parents in Myanmar are also expected to cover extracurricular fees at most public schools in urban and suburban areas for their child’s otherwise “free” education up to high school, paying around 100,000 kyats (US$23) annually.

    The fees are typically solicited through fundraising for school-initiated and government policy-related activities, and can include contributions for holiday celebrations, farewell parties for staff, and similar occasions. In some cases, parents are asked to help cover a teacher’s pay or improvements to the school.

    Additionally, students can expect to pay around 250,000 kyats (US$57) annually for school supplies such as textbooks, notebooks, pencils, pens and uniforms.

    In some rural areas, parents are not expected to pay school fees. Their children share supplies during the academic year and are not required to wear uniforms.

    In other parts of the countryside, students only have access to elementary and middle schooling, and are required to attend a urban boarding school if they intend to pursue a high school education. The cost of boarding school varies by grade level, ranging from 2.5 million to 4 million kyats (US$570 to 910) annually for accommodation, food and tuition.

    Additionally, some rural schools lack teachers — particularly at the middle school level. In such cases, parents must hire teachers from the city, contributing individually to their salaries. The annual cost for hiring a teacher ranges from 50,000 to 100,000 kyats (US$11 to 23) per family.

    For those who are lucky enough to be able to afford it, private schools typically charge from 100,000 to 250,000 kyats (US$23 to 57) for monthly tuition. Additional expenses — including transportation, uniforms and other school-related costs — often exceed 3 million kyats (US$690) per year.

    Translated by Anna Vu, Max Avary, Sum Sokry, and Kyaw Min Htun. Edited by Joshua Lipes and Malcolm Foster.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Staffers.

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    https://rfa.org/english/asia/2025/03/09/southeast-asia-free-education/feed/ 0 517615
    This Charter School Superintendent Makes $870,000. He Leads a District With 1,000 Students. https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/06/this-charter-school-superintendent-makes-870000-he-leads-a-district-with-1000-students/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/06/this-charter-school-superintendent-makes-870000-he-leads-a-district-with-1000-students/#respond Thu, 06 Mar 2025 11:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/valere-public-schools-superintendent-salary-texas by Ellis Simani, ProPublica, and Lexi Churchill, ProPublica and The Texas Tribune

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    This article is co-published with The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan local newsroom that informs and engages with Texans. Sign up for The Brief Weekly to get up to speed on their essential coverage of Texas issues.

    Over the last three years, the head of a small charter school network that serves fewer than 1,000 students has taken home up to $870,000 annually, a startling amount that appears to be the highest for any public school superintendent in the state and among the top in the nation.

    Valere Public Schools Superintendent Salvador Cavazos’ compensation to run three campuses in Austin, Corpus Christi and Brownsville exceeds the less than $450,000 that New York City’s chancellor makes to run the largest school system in the country.

    But Cavazos’ salary looks far more modest in publicly posted records that are supposed to provide transparency to taxpayers. That’s because Valere excludes most of his bonuses from its reports to the state and on its own website, instead only sharing his base pay of about $300,000.

    The fact that the superintendent of a small district could pull in a big-time salary shocked experts and previewed larger transparency and accountability challenges that could follow as Texas moves to approve a voucher-like program that would allow the use of public funds for private schools.

    Cavazos’ total pay is alarming, said Duncan Klussmann, an associate professor at the University of Houston Department of Educational Leadership & Policy Studies.

    “I just can’t imagine that there’d be any citizen in the state of Texas that would feel like that’s OK,” Klussmann said.

    Details concerning Cavazos’ compensation, and that of two other superintendents identified by ProPublica and The Texas Tribune, drew a sharp rebuke from the association that advocates for charter schools across the state.

    “It’s not acceptable for any public school to prioritize someone’s personal enrichment ahead of students’ best interests,” Brian Whitley, a spokesperson for the Texas Public Charter Schools Association, said in a statement. He added that any payment decisions made at the expense of students should be reversed immediately.

    “The public charter school community has long embraced strong accountability and transparency. That’s what Texans deserve, both for academic outcomes and taxpayer dollars,” he said. “To that end, the full picture of superintendent compensation at all public schools should be made clearer.”

    Texas lawmakers have filed legislation that would cap public school superintendents’ annual salaries, but most bills would not restrict bonuses. Those bills also don’t apply to private schools that stand to receive an influx of taxpayer dollars if lawmakers pass legislation this session approving education savings accounts, a type of voucher program. Private schools wouldn’t be subject to the same level of state oversight as public schools.

    Lawmakers who advocate for vouchers won’t be able to gauge whether the investments were worthwhile if they don’t mandate that private schools follow the same financial and academic reporting requirements as public schools, said Bruce Baker, a professor at the University of Miami Department of Teaching and Learning.

    Cavazos’ compensation proves that even those reporting standards are “woefully inadequate,” Baker said.

    Texas school districts must post all compensation and benefits provided to their superintendent online or in public annual reports, according to rules set by the Texas Education Agency. They must also report superintendents’ salaries and any supplemental pay for extra duties to the state. But Valere excluded more than a dozen bonuses and additional payments it awarded Cavazos, some of which its board granted to him in perpetuity.

    ProPublica and The Texas Tribune uncovered the total amount the district paid Cavazos by combing through federal tax records that the charter network must file annually with the Internal Revenue Service to maintain its nonprofit status. The news organizations then gathered additional details through public records requests to the district and the state.

    Cavazos’ July 2022 employment letter states that his base annual pay would be $285,887, but Valere Public Schools reported in its tax filings that he was paid $870,714 that year. (Obtained by ProPublica. Highlighted by ProPublica.)

    Cavazos, who has overseen the charter district since 2014 and previously served as superintendent in two other public school systems, declined an interview and did not answer written questions for this story.

    Board members provided written responses to questions through attorney Ryan Lione, who serves as outside counsel for the district. In defending Cavazos’ compensation, they likened his role to that of a corporate CEO, which they said comes with “many more day-to-day duties,” including fundraising, overseeing expansion and guiding the charter through a 2020 split from its parent organization.

    “We believe that the benefits that Dr. Cavazos brings to Valere through his vast experience and knowledge justify the compensation that the Board has and continues to award him,” the Valere board’s statement read.

    Board members said that they did not believe the district had run afoul of any state reporting requirements because no one from the state had told them that they had.

    But Jake Kobersky, a spokesperson for the state’s education agency, said it does not monitor whether districts post their compensation information online and that it only follows up if it receives tips about violations. He declined to comment on whether the district’s omission of bonuses paid to Cavazos in its reporting to the state or on the district’s website was a violation, but after questions from the news organizations, Kobersky said the agency is now reviewing the district’s reporting to “determine what next steps, if any, are necessary.”

    Bonus After Bonus

    At least two other Texas charter school districts have also paid their superintendents hundreds of thousands of dollars on top of what they publicly reported in recent years, our analysis found.

    Dallas-based Gateway Charter Academy, which serves about 600 students, paid its superintendent Robbie Moore $426,620 in 2023, nearly double his base salary of $215,100, the latest available federal tax filings show. Pay for Mollie Purcell Mozley of Faith Family Academy, another Dallas-area charter school superintendent, hit a high of $560,000 in 2021, despite a contracted salary of $306,000. She continued to receive more than $400,000 during each of the two subsequent years, according to tax filings.

    The districts didn’t publicly post the additional payments on their websites, and only Faith Family Academy has reported any extra pay to the state. Moore, Mozley and Faith Family Academy did not respond to requests for comment. In a statement, Gateway Charter Academy did not address questions related to the superintendent’s compensation. Without providing any details, the statement said the district has made mistakes but is implementing “corrective measures.” Since it was contacted by the newsrooms, the district has updated its website with a new document that lists an undated $75,000 bonus for Moore. The Texas Education Agency did not answer questions about either school district.

    Valere, however, stands out among the charter school districts identified by the news organizations.

    Board members have voted to increase Cavazos’ pay or other financial benefits in 14 of their 24 meetings since 2021.

    In one instance, the board granted Cavazos a bonus of $20,000 after taxes for every month that he continued to work for the district. The increase, described as a “retention incentive,” bolstered his take-home pay by an additional $240,000 annually.

    “It’s almost like they’re just convening just to keep giving away their school’s money to this individual,” said David DeMatthews, a professor at the University of Texas Department of Educational Leadership and Policy. “I don’t think teachers that work in that school would feel so great that rather than make those investments into their children, they’re making it into this gentleman’s bank account.”

    Board members defended their decision to dole out repeated bonuses to Cavazos, including payments totaling roughly half a million dollars to fully reimburse a withdrawal he made from his retirement fund in 2018 for a “personal emergency.”

    They declined to discuss the nature of the personal emergency but said the payments were “the right thing to do” to ensure that Cavazos could retire one day. Board members claimed that a “significant” portion of Cavazos’ compensation came from private donations but would not say how much or provide documents to support their assertion.

    The board also said that it rewarded Cavazos for his work leading the district through a “difficult” 2020 separation from its former parent organization, Southwest Key Programs, the Texas-based nonprofit that provides housing for unaccompanied minors who arrive at the southern border.

    The split came after The New York Times revealed that Southwest Key’s leaders, including then-CEO Juan Sanchez, had used money from the charter district and its for-profit companies to bolster their pay well beyond the $187,000 federal cap for migrant shelter grants. Sanchez, who also served on Valere’s school board at the time, received $1.5 million in 2017 as the charter struggled with debt and students contended with deteriorating buildings, the Times found. In response to the reporting, a Southwest Key spokesperson disputed that the nonprofit had unfairly taken money from the schools. Sanchez, who resigned in 2019, denied wrongdoing, saying in an interview with ProPublica and the Tribune that his salary did not come from the charter’s coffers.

    State records show that the state education agency closed an investigation in 2022 into “conflict of interest, nepotism, and misuse of funds” at Valere. The agency would not provide details on what prompted the probe or share information about its findings.

    To piece together Cavazos’ compensation, the newsrooms filed public records requests for payment records and meeting minutes, which the district had not posted online for years. On at least two occasions, Cavazos received payments that initially appeared to have no record of board approval.

    Minutes from a January 2024 meeting showed that the board did not vote on a $73,000 payment he later received. When the newsrooms asked about the discrepancy, the board said it provided the reporters with the wrong copy of the minutes and pointed to a different version the district had later posted online that included approval of both the payment, for a life insurance plan, and a car lease.

    Another bonus came after a November board meeting attended by a reporter from the news organizations who heard no discussion of the payment. Questioned about when the board approved the bonus, members said they had done so during a closed-door portion of the meeting. After the reporter pointed out that such an action was against state law, board members said they voted after ending the closed session but before allowing the public, including the reporter, back into the meeting room.

    Student Performance Lags

    Three academics who study school performance and compensation data said they have never seen a school board fully reimburse any employee’s retirement account or approve so many hefty bonuses in such a short period.

    Experts, including Klussmann, a former superintendent of a district in Spring Branch, Texas, said that the money should be put toward students’ education. The vast majority of Valere’s students qualify for free and reduced meals and more than a third are English-language learners, which education experts say are often clear indicators that students are at a learning disadvantage.

    Valere’s student performance on state exams also lags behind statewide averages, data shows.

    Last year, Valere teachers left at a higher rate than in most schools across the state. The turnover has been difficult for Marisol Gauna’s son, who has autism and ADHD. Gauna says he no longer has a special education teacher who works with him one on one to help overcome learning hurdles. As a result, she worries he could fail the eighth grade.

    A parent of three children in the district, Gauna was flabbergasted when she learned about Cavazos’ pay from ProPublica and the Tribune. Those funds, she said, could be used to retain teachers, improve sports facilities and provide healthier cafeteria food.

    “It should go to the school or even to the teachers so that way there can be good, responsible teachers that want to stay there,” Gauna said.

    Andrea Suozzo contributed reporting.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Ellis Simani, ProPublica, and Lexi Churchill, ProPublica and The Texas Tribune.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/06/this-charter-school-superintendent-makes-870000-he-leads-a-district-with-1000-students/feed/ 0 516859
    Australian university workers: ‘We will not be silenced over Palestine’ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/05/australian-university-workers-we-will-not-be-silenced-over-palestine/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/05/australian-university-workers-we-will-not-be-silenced-over-palestine/#respond Wed, 05 Mar 2025 22:29:22 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=111687 SPECIAL REPORT: By Markela Panegyres and Jonathan Strauss in Sydney

    The new Universities Australia (UA) definition of antisemitism, endorsed last month for adoption by 39 Australian universities, is an ugly attempt to quash the pro-Palestine solidarity movement on campuses and to silence academics, university workers and students who critique Israel and Zionism.

    While the Scott Morrison Coalition government first proposed tightening the definition, and a recent joint Labor-Coalition parliamentary committee recommended the same, it is yet another example of the Labor government’s overreach.

    It seeks to mould discussion in universities to one that suits its pro-US and pro-Zionist imperialist agenda, while shielding Israel from accountability.

    So far, the UA definition has been widely condemned.

    Nasser Mashni, of Australia Palestine Advocacy Network, has slammed it as “McCarthyism reborn”.

    The Jewish Council of Australia (JCA) has criticised it as “dangerous, politicised and unworkable”. The NSW Council of Civil Liberties said it poses “serious risks to freedom of expression and academic freedom”.

    The UA definition comes in the context of a war against Palestinian activism on campuses.

    The false claim that antisemitism is “rampant” across universities has been weaponised to subdue the Palestinian solidarity movement within higher education and, particularly, to snuff out any repeat of the student-led Gaza solidarity encampments, which sprung up on campuses across the country last year.

    Some students and staff who have been protesting against the genocide since October 2023 have come under attack by university managements.

    Some students have been threatened with suspension and many universities are giving themselves, through new policies, more powers to liaise with police and surveil students and staff.

    Palestinian, Arab and Muslim academics, as well as other anti-racist scholars, have been silenced and disciplined, or face legal action on false counts of antisemitism, merely for criticising Israel’s genocidal war on Palestine.

    Randa Abdel-Fattah, for example, has become the target of a Zionist smear campaign that has successfully managed to strip her of Australian Research Council funding.

    Intensify repression
    The UA definition will further intensify the ongoing repression of people’s rights on campuses to discuss racism, apartheid and occupation in historic Palestine.

    By its own admission, UA acknowledges that its definition is informed by the antisemitism taskforces at Columbia University, Stanford University, Harvard University and New York University, which have meted out draconian and violent repression of pro-Palestine activism.

    The catalyst for the new definition was the February 12 report tabled by Labor MP Josh Burns on antisemitism on Australian campuses. That urged universities to adopt a definition of antisemitism that “closely aligns” with the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition.

    It should be noted that the controversial IHRA definition has been opposed by the National Tertiary Education Union (NTEU) for its serious challenge to academic freedom.

    As many leading academics and university workers, including Jewish academics, have repeatedly stressed, criticism of Israel and criticism of Zionism is not antisemitic.

    UA’s definition is arguably more detrimental to freedom of speech and pro-Palestine activism and scholarship than the IHRA definition.

    In the vague IHRA definition, a number of examples of antisemitism are given that conflate criticism of Israel with antisemitism, but not the main text itself.

    By contrast, the new UA definition overtly equates criticism of Israel and Zionism with antisemitism and claims Zionist ideology is a component part of Jewish identity.

    The definition states that “criticism of Israel can be anti-Semitic . . . when it calls for the elimination of the State of Israel”.

    Dangerously, anyone advocating for a single bi-national democratic state in historic Palestine will be labelled antisemitic under this new definition.

    Anyone who justifiably questions the right of the ethnonationalist, apartheid and genocidal state of Israel to exist will be accused of antisemitism.

    Sweeping claims
    The UA definition also makes the sweeping claim that “for most, but not all Jewish Australians, Zionism is a core part of their Jewish identity”.

    But, as the JCA points out, Zionism is a national political ideology and is not a core part of Jewish identity historically or today, since many Jews do not support Zionism. The JCA warns that the UA definition “risks fomenting harmful stereotypes that all Jewish people think in a certain way”.

    Moreover, JCA said, Jewish identities are already “a rightly protected category under all racial discrimination laws, whereas political ideologies such as Zionism and support for Israel are not”.

    Like other aspects of politics, political ideologies, such as Zionism, and political stances, such as support for Israel, should be able to be discussed critically.

    According to the UA definition, criticism of Israel can be antisemitic “when it holds Jewish individuals or communities responsible for Israel’s actions”.

    While it would be wrong for any individual or community, because they are Jewish, to be held responsible for Israel’s actions, it is a fact that the International Criminal Court (ICC) has issued arrest warrants for Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his former  minister Yoav Gallant for Israel’s war crimes and crimes against humanity.

    But under the UA definition, since Netanyahu and Gallant are Jewish, would holding them responsible be considered antisemitic?

    Is the ICC antisemitic? According to Israel it is.

    The implication of the definition for universities, which teach law and jurisprudence, is that international law should not be applied to the Israeli state, because it is antisemitic to do so.

    The UA’s definition is vague enough to have a chilling effect on any academic who wants to teach about genocide, apartheid and settler-colonialism. It states that “criticism of Israel can be antisemitic when it is grounded in harmful tropes, stereotypes or assumptions”.

    What these are is not defined.

    Anti-racism challenge
    Within the academy, there is a strong tradition of anti-racism and decolonial scholarship, particularly the concept of settler colonialism, which, by definition, calls into question the very notion of “statehood”.

    With this new definition of antisemitism, will academics be prevented from teaching students the works of Chelsea WategoPatrick Wolfe or Edward Said?

    The definition will have serious and damaging repercussions for decolonial scholars and severely impinges the rights of scholars, in particular First Nations scholars and students, to critique empire and colonisation.

    UA is the “peak body” for higher education in Australia, and represents and lobbies for capitalist class interests in higher education.

    It is therefore not surprising that it has developed this particular definition, given its strong bilateral relations with Israeli higher education, including signing a 2013 memorandum of understanding with Association of University Heads, Israel.

    It should be noted that the NTEU National Council last October called on UA to withdraw from this as part of its Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions resolution.

    All university students and staff committed to anti-racism, academic freedom and freedom of speech should join the campaign against the UA definition.

    Local NTEU branches and student groups are discussing and passing motions rejecting the new definition and NTEU for Palestine has called a National Day of Action for March 26 with that as one of its key demands.

    We will not be silenced on Palestine.

    Jonathan Strauss and Markela Panegyres are members of the National Tertiary Education Union and the Socialist Alliance. Republished from Green Left with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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    ACLU and NEA Sue U.S. Department of Education Over Unlawful Attack on Educational Equity https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/05/aclu-and-nea-sue-u-s-department-of-education-over-unlawful-attack-on-educational-equity/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/05/aclu-and-nea-sue-u-s-department-of-education-over-unlawful-attack-on-educational-equity/#respond Wed, 05 Mar 2025 22:14:29 +0000 https://www.commondreams.org/newswire/aclu-and-nea-sue-u-s-department-of-education-over-unlawful-attack-on-educational-equity Today, the American Civil Liberties Union, the ACLU of New Hampshire, the ACLU of Massachusetts, the National Education Association (NEA), and the National Education Association–New Hampshire, filed a lawsuit in U.S. District Court in New Hampshire, against the U.S. Department of Education (ED). The lawsuit challenges the Department of Education’s Feb. 14, 2025, Dear Colleague Letter, which threatens federal funding cuts for education institutions nationwide for engaging in diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) efforts; and a 14-day window before “appropriate measures” would be taken.

    The lawsuit argues that ED has overstepped its legal authority by:

    • Imposing unfounded and vague legal restrictions that violate due process and the First Amendment;
    • Limiting academic freedom; and
    • Impermissibly dictating what educators can teach and what students are allowed to learn.

    “Across the country educators do everything in their power to support every student — no matter where they live, how much their family earns, or the color of their skin — ensuring each feels safe, seen, and is prepared for the future. Now, the Trump administration is threatening to punish students, parents and educators in public schools for doing just that: fostering inclusive classrooms where diversity is valued, history is taught honestly, and every child can grow into their full brilliance,” said Becky Pringle, president of the National Education Association. “We’re urging the court to block the Department of Education from enforcing this harmful and vague directive and protect students from politically motivated attacks that stifle speech and erase critical lessons. Teaching should be guided by what’s best for students, not by threat of illegal restrictions and punishment.”

    The Department of Education claims, without legal or factual basis, that a broad range of DEI-related education policies and practices are unlawful. The lawsuit contends that ED has no authority to dictate curriculum or educational programs, and that federal law explicitly protects education institutions’ ability to shape their own curriculum, including programs that reflect and celebrate diversity.

    “For over a century, the ACLU has fought unlawful efforts to muzzle free speech by over-zealous government officials. It’s clear that the Trump administration is trying to shut down speech it doesn’t like – especially when it deals with race in our educational institutions. The Dear Colleague Letter is a brazen attempt to intimidate schools into abandoning lawful efforts to create inclusive learning environments,” said Anthony D. Romero, ACLU executive director. “This is a blatant attack on free speech and academic freedom, aiming to deprive students of a full and honest education. We will not stand by as the Department of Education uses fear and coercion to force schools and educators into self-censorship by threatening to strip federal funding.”

    Educators across the country are already feeling the chilling effects of the ED’s overreach. By unlawfully restricting speech and academic freedom, and opening educators to arbitrary and discriminatory enforcement, ED seeks to violate fundamental constitutional and legal protections. In response, the lawsuit challenges the letter on four key legal grounds:

    • Violation of the First Amendment – The letter unconstitutionally restricts speech by prohibiting educators from teaching about race, diversity, equity, and inclusion. It also broadly bans DEI programs, including student groups and faculty associations, coercing educational institutions into self-censorship through the threat of losing federal funding. In higher education, the government cannot dictate what professors teach, and in K-12 schools, Congress has prohibited the federal government from dictating curriculum.
    • Violation of the Fifth Amendment – The letter fails to define key terms and practices, leaving educators uncertain about what is prohibited and vulnerable to arbitrary enforcement. By failing to establish clear standards, ED creates a chilling effect, forcing teachers to avoid important discussions in history, English literature, and more, or to risk arbitrary and discriminatory enforcement that threatens their professions.
    • Violation of the Administrative Procedure Act (APA) – The letter imposes new legal obligations without the required process and justification, making it arbitrary, capricious, and legally invalid. ED oversteps its authority and ignores decades of legal precedent and its own prior guidance on civil rights law, failing to explain why it is now reversing course on long-standing principles of equity and inclusion.
    • Misrepresentation of Supreme Court Precedent – The letter misstates and overstates the Supreme Court’s 2023 ruling in Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard. The decision only addressed race as a formal admissions factor in higher education — it did not ban curriculum, student groups, DEI programming, or race-neutral diversity initiatives.

    “Like New Hampshire’s classroom censorship law that we successfully challenged in court, this unconstitutionally vague letter is an attack on educators who are simply doing their job,” said Gilles Bissonnette, legal director of the ACLU of New Hampshire. “Teachers are already reporting being afraid to teach for fear of having their teaching deemed unlawful, and that deprives Granite State students of the complete education that they deserve.”

    The complaint can be found online here.


    This content originally appeared on Common Dreams and was authored by Newswire Editor.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/05/aclu-and-nea-sue-u-s-department-of-education-over-unlawful-attack-on-educational-equity/feed/ 0 516707
    A Rural Alaska School Asked the State to Fund a Repair. Nearly Two Decades Later, the Building Is About to Collapse. https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/04/a-rural-alaska-school-asked-the-state-to-fund-a-repair-nearly-two-decades-later-the-building-is-about-to-collapse/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/04/a-rural-alaska-school-asked-the-state-to-fund-a-repair-nearly-two-decades-later-the-building-is-about-to-collapse/#respond Tue, 04 Mar 2025 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/rural-alaska-crumbling-schools-state-funding by Emily Schwing, KYUK

    This article was produced for ProPublica's Local Reporting Network in partnership with KYUK and NPR's Station Investigations Team, which supports local investigative journalism. Sign up for Dispatches to get stories like this one as soon as they are published.

    Nearly two dozen children in the tiny village of Sleetmute, Alaska, arrive for school each morning to a small brown building that is on the verge of collapse.

    Every year for the past 19 years, the local school district has asked the state for money to help repair a leaky roof. But again and again, the state said no. Over time, water ran down into the building, causing the supporting beams to rot. A windowpane cracked under pressure as heavy snow and ice built up on the roof each winter. Eventually, an entire wall started to buckle, leaving a gaping hole in the exterior siding.

    In 2021, an architect concluded that the school, which primarily serves Alaska Native students, “should be condemned as it is unsafe for occupancy.”

    The following year, Taylor Hayden, a resident who helps with school maintenance, opened a hatch in the floor to fix a heating problem and discovered a pool of water under the building, where years of rain and snowmelt had reduced several concrete footings to rubble.

    “Just like someone took a jackhammer to it,” Hayden said.

    The Sleetmute school, nestled on the upper reaches of the Kuskokwim River, amid the spruce and birch forest of Alaska’s Interior, has few options. Like many schools in Alaska, it’s owned by the state, which is required by law to pay for construction and maintenance projects.

    Yet over the past 25 years, state officials have largely ignored hundreds of requests by rural school districts to fix the problems that have left public schools across Alaska crumbling, according to an investigation by KYUK and ProPublica.

    In a tight crawl space under the Sleetmute school, Taylor Hayden discovered that the building’s foundation has deteriorated. (Emily Schwing/KYUK)

    Local school districts are generally responsible for building and maintaining public schools in the United States and largely pay for those projects with property taxes. But in Alaska, the state owns just under half of the 128 schools in its rural districts, a KYUK and ProPublica review of deeds and other documents found. These sparsely populated areas rely almost entirely on the state to finance school facilities because they serve unincorporated communities that have no tax base.

    To get help for repairs, school districts are required to apply for funding each year, and then the state compiles a priority list. Since 1998, at least 135 rural school projects have waited for state funding for five years or more, an analysis of data from Alaska’s Department of Education and Early Development shows. Thirty-three of those projects have languished on the state’s funding list for more than a decade.

    The state’s Indigenous children suffer the greatest consequences because most rural school districts are predominantly Alaska Native — a population that was long forced to attend separate and unequal schools.

    A small atrium is one of the few spaces Sleetmute students can use. They eat breakfast and lunch here, surrounded by portraits of the village’s Yup’ik and Athabascan elders. (Michael Grabell/ProPublica) Sleetmute students play soccer during recess last spring. In the coldest months, when temperatures fall well below zero, the kids can’t have recess because the gym is closed. (Emily Schwing/KYUK)

    State education Commissioner Deena Bishop acknowledged that the state’s capital improvement program isn’t working. But she said her department is limited by state lawmakers’ funding decisions.

    Rep. Bryce Edgmon, an Alaska Native and speaker of the Alaska House of Representatives, also said the program isn’t working.

    “I think the evidence speaks for itself,” he said after touring the Sleetmute school in October. “These bright young children show up every morning to go to school in a building that’s not fit for even anything but being ready to be demolished.”

    Edgmon, who co-chaired the House Finance Committee for the past two years, conceded he and other lawmakers could have done more and promised to “raise some Cain” in the state Capitol. This year’s legislative session has seen a lot of debate about education funding. Alaska has no statewide income or sales tax and instead relies on oil revenue, which has declined in recent years.

    As rural school districts wait for funding, the buildings continue to deteriorate, posing public health and safety risks to students, teachers and staff. Over the past year, KYUK and ProPublica crawled under buildings and climbed into attics in schools across the state and found black mold, bat guano and a pool of raw sewage — health hazards that can cause respiratory problems, headaches and fatigue. The conditions exacerbate the risks for Alaska Natives, who already face some of the highest rates of chronic illness in the nation.

    In Venetie, a village 30 miles north of the Arctic Circle, exposed electrical wiring hangs close to flammable insulation. Thorne Bay, on an island in Southeast Alaska, has requested money to replace the fire sprinklers 17 times, without success. And in the Bering Sea coastal village of Newtok, the school’s pipes froze and broke, so for most of the last school year, kids rode a four-wheeler, known as the “bathroom bus,” twice a day to relieve themselves at home.

    Students in Newtok, near the Bering Sea, ride home to use the bathroom last spring after the school’s water pipes froze and broke, leaving the school without running water. (Emily Schwing/KYUK)

    After Hayden’s discovery in Sleetmute, the portion of the building that posed the most serious safety risk, which includes the wood shop, the boys’ bathroom and the gym, was closed. Now, kids ranging in age from 4 to 17 are confined to three classrooms and an atrium lined with portraits of the community’s Yup’ik and Athabascan elders.

    “There’s not much we can do anymore,” said Neal Sanford, 17, who misses playing basketball and learning carpentry and woodworking. He left the village of fewer than 100 people after his sophomore year last spring to attend a state-run boarding school more than 800 miles away.

    In October, it was quiet outside the Jack Egnaty Sr. School in Sleetmute, save for a dog that barked now and then and the distant revving of a four-wheeler. The air smelled of wood smoke and two-stroke engine exhaust. Without a gym to play in, the kids bundled up for recess as temperatures dipped below freezing.

    “Cold hands,” said fourth grader Loretta Sakar, as she shook out her fingers after crossing the monkey bars. Her squeals and giggles echoed across the playground while other kids played soccer or spun on a tire swing.

    Kids including Loretta Sakar (left) take advantage of the old playground equipment during recess outside. (Emily Schwing/KYUK)

    Watch video ➜

    Andrea John, a single mom whose three kids, including Loretta, go to the Sleetmute school, said the state wouldn’t treat Alaska’s urban kids this way.

    “They should have helped us when we needed help in the beginning, not wait 20 years,” she said. “They are choosing to look the other way and say the hell with us.”

    “Arbitrary, Inadequate and Racially Discriminatory”

    When Alaska became a state in 1959, its constitution promised a public school system “open to all children of the State.” But for decades, it was far from that. Many Indigenous children attended schools owned and operated by the U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs.

    Alaska’s plan was to eventually take over those schools, but the state repeatedly argued it didn’t have enough money to pay for them. The development of Alaska’s oil industry, starting in the 1960s, brought in revenue for education, but state officials noted that BIA schools were in bad shape and insisted the federal government fix them before the state assumed responsibility.

    Many Alaska children “go to school in buildings that should be condemned as fire traps or unsafe dwellings,” then-U.S. Sen. Mike Gravel said during a 1971 congressional hearing. It wasn’t until well into the 1980s that all BIA schools were transferred to the state.

    At a 1971 congressional hearing, Sen. Mike Gravel described conditions in public schools operated by the U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs. (Obtained by KYUK and ProPublica. Highlighted by ProPublica.)

    Yet even as the state began to take over, education remained inequitable for Alaska Natives. Many small villages didn’t have high schools, so students had to attend boarding schools or receive and submit assignments by mail. A group of those students sued the state in the 1970s to change that. Known as the Molly Hootch case, the suit resulted in a consent decree that forced the state to build 126 new schools in rural communities.

    Teenagers board a plane in Shungnak, Alaska, on their way to Oregon to attend boarding school. The people were identified as, from left, George Cleveland Sr., Lena Commack Coffee, Angeline Douglas, Genevieve Douglas Norris, Wynita Woods Lee, Virginia Douglas Commack and Harold Barry. (Kay J. Kennedy Aviation Photograph Collection, archives of the University of Alaska Fairbanks)

    In the early 1990s, the Alaska Legislature started a program to fund school construction and major maintenance projects. Schools districts would apply for grants, and the state education department would rank projects based on need. But the Legislature provided little money for the need-based program. Instead, a small group of powerful lawmakers allocated funding to projects in their own districts, favoring urban areas.

    In 1997, a group of Alaska Native parents sued the state, arguing that the funding system violated Alaska’s constitution and the federal Civil Rights Act. State Superior Court Judge John Reese agreed.

    “Because of the funding system, rural schools are not getting the money they need to maintain their schools,” he wrote in a 1999 order. “Deficiencies include roofs falling in, no drinkable water, sewage backing up, and enrollment up to 187% of capacity. Some rural schools have been at the top of the priority list for a number of years, yet have received no funding.”

    In another order, he called the state’s system “arbitrary, inadequate and racially discriminatory,” and said the state had a responsibility to provide education to Alaska Native children “even if it costs more in the rural areas.”

    A 2001 order from Alaska Superior Court Judge John Reese (Obtained by KYUK and ProPublica. Highlighted by ProPublica.)

    A 2011 consent decree and settlement required the state to build five new rural schools, and the Legislature passed a bill that was supposed to more equitably allocate funds to rural districts.

    Yet more than a decade later, the problems pointed out by Reese persist. Every year, rural school districts make more than 100 requests, totaling hundreds of millions of dollars. But the Legislature funds only a tiny fraction of those projects. In five of the last 11 years, it has approved fewer than five requests.

    An analysis by KYUK and ProPublica shows that Alaska’s education department has received 1,789 funding proposals from rural school districts since 1998. But only 14% of them have received funding. This year, requests from rural school districts to the state’s construction and maintenance program stand at $478 million.

    Edgmon acknowledged that the Legislature’s funding decisions don’t come close to meeting the needs of Alaska’s rural public schools. “We have not upheld our constitutional duty to provide that quality of education that the courts have said time and again we’re bound to be providing,” he said.

    When pressed on why funding is so hard to secure, state education commissioner Bishop told KYUK last year that rural schools were good for the community. “But, at the same token, it’s unsustainable to have $50 million go to 10 students,” she said. “I mean, think about the unsustainability of that in the long run.”

    Allowing projects to sit on a waitlist for years also means they can become more expensive over time. The Kuspuk School District’s first request to repair Sleetmute’s school was for just over $411,000 in 2007. By 2024, the request had climbed to $1.6 million — more than twice the original cost, even after adjusting for inflation.

    “To me that’s neglectful,” Kuspuk Superintendent Madeline Aguillard said. “Our cries for help haven’t been heard.”

    “Just seeing the conditions that the districts and the state were expecting students to thrive in,” said Madeline Aguillard, the superintendent of the Kuspuk School District, “they’re not conducive for academic achievement.” (Emily Schwing/KYUK)

    Roughly 200 miles southwest, the coastal village of Quinhagak waited 15 years for a renovation and addition to its Kuinerrarmiut Elitnaurviat School that would allow it to meet the state’s space requirements. The school serves 200 students, more than twice the number it was designed for.

    In addition to its fire sprinklers, Thorne Bay in the Southeast Island School District has asked the state 18 times to replace a pair of aging underground heating-fuel tanks that the district worries could start to leak. Superintendent Rod Morrison, whose district spans an area of Alaska’s southern archipelago that’s roughly the size of Connecticut, said his district’s list of maintenance needs is seemingly endless.

    “Education is supposed to be the big equalizer,” said Morrison. “It is not equal in the state of Alaska.”

    Rural school district officials say, given their scarce resources, the state’s construction and maintenance program creates burdens. The application for funding comes with a 37-page guidance document, loaded with references to state statute and administrative code. It also requires districts to include a six-year capital improvement plan. Meeting these requirements can be challenging in rural school districts, where administrative turnover is high and staffing is limited.

    To increase the likelihood that a project gets funded, some rural superintendents say they feel pressure to provide engineering inspections or site condition surveys with their applications.

    “There’s only a few needles that you can move,” said David Landis of the Southeast Regional Resource Center, a nonprofit that, among other things, helps school districts compile their applications for a fee.

    Landis said inspections and surveys are likely to increase the ranking for a project proposal, but “those documents are really foundational and expensive. They might very well be over $100,000.”

    The Kuspuk School District has spent more than $200,000 since 2021 to beef up its applications for the Sleetmute school, Aguillard said. It’s also paid tens of thousands of dollars to a lobbyist to persuade legislators to increase maintenance funding for schools the state itself owns.

    Some school districts said they simply can’t afford such costs. “We don’t have that ability,” said Morrison of the Southeast Island School District. “We’d have to cut a teacher or two to make that happen.”

    “Too Little, Too Late”

    Last summer, Sleetmute got some good news. After ignoring 19 requests, the state had finally approved its roof repair after Alaska legislators passed a bill that boosted school maintenance and construction funding to its highest level in more than a decade.

    But it’s “too little, too late,” Aguillard said. The building’s condition has deteriorated so much that Sleetmute now needs a new school.

    As a result, the district has asked if it could use the roof repair money to shore up the school to prevent a collapse, to bring in modular classrooms or to have school in another community building. But, Aguillard said, Alaska’s education department has been reluctant to approve any of those options. Instead, she said, the department made a baffling request: It asked for proof that the state had never paid to repair Sleetmute’s leaking roof — something clearly outlined in state records — and that the neglect had caused the additional damage.

    In an email, the education department wrote, “This step was taken to ensure proper use of funds and to understand the full scope of work required.”

    Sleetmute residents especially worry in the winter when snow and ice build up on the school’s roof. The back end of the building is buckling under the weight. (Emily Schwing/KYUK)

    Watch video ➜

    A KYUK and ProPublica analysis found that in at least 20 cases, funding requests waited for so long that cheaper repairs morphed into proposals to tear down and replace schools. Those schools that were rebuilt cost the state tens of millions of dollars more than the initial estimates.

    The Auntie Mary Nicoli Elementary School project in Aniak, about 100 miles downriver from Sleetmute, started as a $9.5 million renovation in 2007. But after waiting 11 years, the state spent $18.6 million to replace it in 2018.

    A few districts are still waiting for schools they say need to be replaced. The first request for the Johnnie John Sr. School project in Crooked Creek, 40 miles downriver from Sleetmute, in 1998 was for a $4.8 million addition. But by 2009, the district was asking for a $19 million replacement. The Legislature failed to fund the project even after the district pared down its request. Unable to secure funding for a new school, the district is now trying to stretch $1.9 million it received from the state last year to make the most necessary repairs: upgrades to heating and electrical systems and the removal of hazardous materials.

    In most of Alaska’s rural communities, life often requires making do with what’s available: People keep piles of old machinery in their yards to mine for parts. In villages that aren’t on the road system, almost everything is either shipped in by barge or delivered by air. In Sleetmute, a 24-pack of soda costs $54 — about four times the price in the Lower 48.

    Sleetmute, home to fewer than 100 residents, is nestled alongside the upper reaches of the Kuskokwim River in Alaska’s Interior. (Emily Schwing/KYUK) There are no roads to and from Sleetmute, so residents rely mostly on airplanes to travel and receive goods. When the Kuskokwim River thaws, a barge makes summer deliveries. (Emily Schwing/KYUK)

    Watch video ➜

    This is also why construction projects are extremely expensive: Skilled workers have to be flown in, housed and fed. Heavy equipment has to zigzag up the Kuskokwim River, which is frozen for half the year. The school district was hoping to reduce costs by sharing machinery with a project to upgrade the community’s runway. But when that project wrapped up this fall, the state transportation department shipped its equipment out of Sleetmute.

    So the school is left to make do. Everyone has to share one bathroom. A manila folder hangs from a pink thread on the door. It reads “Boys” on one side and “Girls” on the other to indicate whose turn it is.

    After an architect said Sleetmute’s school “should be condemned,” half the building was closed. Now students, staff and teachers all share one bathroom, and a sign lets students know whose turn it is to go. (Emily Schwing/KYUK)

    Sleetmute’s school is also full of black mold that covers the buckling wall in the wood shop, a gear closet in the gym and a huge section of drywall in the ceiling just above the door to the kitchen.

    Water from a leaky roof has seeped into the walls and floor of the Sleetmute school’s wood shop. (Emily Schwing/KYUK)

    This fall the community discovered another problem. Sheree Smith, who has taught in Sleetmute for 12 years, found herself swinging a tennis racket at a bat that swooped through her classroom as her middle and high school students sat reading quietly. The bats live above the gym bleachers in a small utility closet, where the floor is covered in guano.

    Black mold had spread through the Sleetmute school, including in a utility closet, a hallway ceiling and the back wall of a gear closet in the gym. (Emily Schwing/KYUK) Playtime in the Sleetmute school gym is rare. The space, which also served as an emergency shelter and a place for social functions, has been closed for two years. (Emily Schwing/KYUK)

    Without a gym, students miss out on events that connect the school to both the community and the outside world. Every year, the Sleetmute school would host basketball tournaments and movie nights to raise money for field trips to places like Anchorage and Washington, D.C. — a luxury for many families in Sleetmute and other rural communities in Alaska. The students “feel the pain of that, like just not having the extra opportunities,” said Angela Hayden, Sleetmute’s lead teacher.

    Over the holiday break, the school district reinforced the back end of the building with floor-to-ceiling supports to keep the woodshop from collapsing.

    But it’s only a temporary fix. The roof has been leaking since Hayden started teaching there 17 years ago.

    “When I come in the building, especially after a lot of rain or a lot of snow,” she said, “I just think, ‘OK, what am I going to have to deal with before I can deal with my classroom?’”

    Students start their day with the Pledge of Allegiance in Sleetmute, where the school’s roof has been leaking for longer than they’ve been alive. (Emily Schwing/KYUK)

    If you have information about school conditions in Alaska, contact Emily Schwing at emilyschwing@gmail.com.

    Emily Schwing reported this story while participating in the University of Southern California, Annenberg Center for Health Journalism’s National Fellowship. She also received support from the Center’s Fund for Reporting on Child Well-being and its Dennis A. Hunt Fund for Health Journalism.

    Mollie Simon contributed research.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Emily Schwing, KYUK.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/04/a-rural-alaska-school-asked-the-state-to-fund-a-repair-nearly-two-decades-later-the-building-is-about-to-collapse/feed/ 0 516056
    What Now for Democrats for Education Reform? https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/04/what-now-for-democrats-for-education-reform/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/04/what-now-for-democrats-for-education-reform/#respond Tue, 04 Mar 2025 00:45:55 +0000 https://progressive.org/public-schools-advocate/what-now-for-democrats-for-education-reform-cunningham-20250303/
    This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Maurice Cunningham.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/04/what-now-for-democrats-for-education-reform/feed/ 0 515997
    Illinois Has Virtually No Homeschooling Rules. A New Bill Aims to Change That. https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/03/illinois-has-virtually-no-homeschooling-rules-a-new-bill-aims-to-change-that/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/03/illinois-has-virtually-no-homeschooling-rules-a-new-bill-aims-to-change-that/#respond Mon, 03 Mar 2025 12:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/illinois-homeschool-regulations-bill by Molly Parker and Beth Hundsdorfer, Capitol News Illinois

    This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with Capitol News Illinois. Sign up for Dispatches to get stories like this one as soon as they are published.

    A new Illinois bill aims to add some oversight of families who homeschool their children, a response to concerns that the state does little to ensure these students receive an education and are protected from harm.

    The measure, known as the Homeschool Act, comes after an investigation by Capitol News Illinois and ProPublica last year found that Illinois is among a small number of states that place virtually no rules on parents who homeschool their children. Parents don’t have to register with any state agency or school district, and authorities cannot compel them to track attendance, demonstrate their teaching methods or show student progress.

    Under the new bill, families would be required to tell their school districts when they decide to homeschool their children, and the parents or guardians would need to have a high school diploma or equivalent. If education authorities have concerns that children are receiving inadequate schooling, they could require parents to share evidence of teaching materials and student work.

    Illinois Rep. Terra Costa Howard, a Democrat from a Chicago suburb who is sponsoring the legislation, said she began meeting with education and child welfare officials in response to the news organizations’ investigation, which detailed how some parents claimed to be removing their children from school to homeschool but then failed to educate them.

    The investigation documented the case of L.J., a 9-year-old whose parents decided to homeschool him after he missed so much school that he faced the prospect of repeating third grade. He told child welfare authorities that he was beaten and denied food for several years while out of public school and that he received almost no education. In December 2022, on L.J.’s 11th birthday, the state took custody of him and his younger siblings; soon after, he was enrolled in public school.

    “We need to know that children exist,” said Costa Howard, vice chair of the Illinois House’s child welfare committee. The legislation is more urgent because the number of homeschooled children has grown since the pandemic began, she said. “Illinois has zero regulations regarding homeschooling — we are not the norm at all.”

    The most recent numbers available at the time of the news organizations’ investigation showed nearly 4,500 children were recorded as withdrawn from public school for homeschooling in 2022 — a number that had doubled over a decade. But there is no way to determine the precise number of students who are homeschooled in Illinois, because the state doesn’t require parents to register.

    The bill would require the state to collect data on homeschooling families. Regional Offices of Education would gather the information, and the state board would compile an annual report with details on the number, grade level and gender of homeschooled students within each region.

    Homeschool families and advocates said they will fight the measure, which they argue would infringe on parental rights. Past proposals to increase oversight also have met swift resistance. The sponsor of a 2011 bill that would have required homeschool registration withdrew it after hundreds of people protested at the Illinois State Capitol. In 2019, a different lawmaker abandoned her bill after similar opposition to rules that would have required curriculum reviews and inspections by child welfare officials.

    The Home School Legal Defense Association, which describes itself as a Christian organization that advocates for homeschool freedom, said it plans to host virtual meetings to educate families on the bill and ways they can lobby against it.

    Kathy Wentz of the Illinois Homeschool Association, which is against homeschool regulations, said she is concerned about the provision that would allow the state to review education materials, called a “portfolio review” in the legislation. She said visits from education officials could be disruptive to teaching.

    “There is nothing in this bill to protect a family’s time so they can actually homeschool without interruptions,” Wentz said. She pointed to a 1950 Illinois Supreme Court ruling establishing that homeschooling qualified as a form of private education and that the schools were not required to register students with the state.

    The bill would require all private schools to register with the state.

    The Capitol News Illinois and ProPublica investigation found that it’s all but impossible for education officials to intervene when parents claim they are homeschooling. The state’s child welfare agency, the Department of Children and Family Services, doesn’t investigate schooling matters.

    Under the proposed law, if the department has concerns about a family that says it is homeschooling, the agency could request that education officials conduct a more thorough investigation of the child’s schooling. The new law would then allow education officials to check whether the family notified its district about its decision to homeschool and compel parents to turn over homeschool materials for review.

    The increased oversight also aims to help reduce truancy and protect homeschooled students who lose daily contact with teachers and others who are mandated to report abuse and neglect, Costa Howard said. Some truancy officials said that under existing law they have no recourse to compel attendance or review what students are learning at home when a family says they are homeschooling.

    Jonah Stewart, research director for the Coalition for Responsible Home Education, a national organization of homeschool alumni that advocates for homeschooling regulation, said the lack of oversight in Illinois puts children at risk. “This bill is a commonsense measure and is critical not only to address educational neglect but also child safety,” Stewart said.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Molly Parker and Beth Hundsdorfer, Capitol News Illinois.

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    Jewish Council slams Australian universities’ ‘dangerous, politicised’ antisemitism definition https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/26/jewish-council-slams-australian-universities-dangerous-politicised-antisemitism-definition/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/26/jewish-council-slams-australian-universities-dangerous-politicised-antisemitism-definition/#respond Wed, 26 Feb 2025 09:58:33 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=111311 Asia Pacific Report

    An independent Jewish body has condemned the move by Australia’s 39 universities to endorse a “dangerous and politicised” definition of antisemitism which threatens academic freedom.

    The Jewish Council of Australia, a diverse coalition of Jewish academics, lawyers, writers and teachers, said in a statement that the move would have a “chilling effect” on legitimate criticism of Israel, and risked institutionalising anti-Palestinian racism.

    The council also criticised the fact that the universities had done so “without meaningful consultation” with Palestinian groups or diverse Jewish groups which were critical of Israel.

    The definition was developed by the Group of Eight (Go8) universities and adopted by Universities Australia.

    “By categorising Palestinian political expression as inherently antisemitic, it will be unworkable and unenforceable, and stifle critical political debate, which is at the heart of any democratic society,” the Jewish Council of Australia said.

    “The definition dangerously conflates Jewish identities with support for the state of Israel and the political ideology of Zionism.”

    The council statement said that it highlighted two key concerns:

    Mischaracterisation of criticism of Israel
    The definition states: “Criticism of Israel can be antisemitic when it is grounded in harmful tropes, stereotypes or assumptions and when it calls for the elimination of the State of Israel or all Jews or when it holds Jewish individuals or communities responsible for Israel’s actions.”

    The definition’s inclusion of “calls for the elimination of the State of Israel” would mean, for instance, that calls for a single binational democratic state, where Palestinians and Israelis had equal rights, could be labelled antisemitic.

    Moreover, the wording around “harmful tropes” was dangerously vague, failing to distinguish between tropes about Jewish people, which were antisemitic, and criticism of the state of Israel, which was not, the statement said.

    Misrepresentation of Zionism as core to Jewish identity
    The definition states that for most Jewish people “Zionism is a core part of their Jewish identity”.

    The council said it was deeply concerned that by adopting this definition, universities would be taking and promoting a view that a national political ideology was a core part of Judaism.

    “This is not only inaccurate, but is also dangerous,” said the statement.

    “Zionism is a political ideology of Jewish nationalism, not an intrinsic part of Jewish identity.

    “There is a long history of Jewish opposition to Zionism, from the beginning of its emergence in the late-19th century, to the present day. Many, if not the majority, of people who hold Zionist views today are not Jewish.”

    In contrast to Zionism and the state of Israel, said the council, Jewish identities traced back more than 3000 years and spanned different cultures and traditions.

    Jewish identities were a rightly protected category under all racial discrimination laws, whereas political ideologies such as Zionism and support for Israel were not, the council said.

    Growing numbers of dissenting Jews
    “While many Jewish people identify as Zionist, many do not. There are a growing number of Jewish people worldwide, including in Australia, who disagree with the actions of the state of Israel and do not support Zionism.

    “Australian polling in this area is not definitive, but some polls suggest that 30 percent of Australian Jews do not identify as Zionists.

    “A recent Canadian poll found half of Canadian Jews do not identify as Zionist. In the United States, more and more Jewish people are turning away from Zionist beliefs and support for the state of Israel.”

    Sarah Schwartz, a human rights lawyer and the Jewish Council of Australia’s executive officer, said: “It degrades the very real fight against antisemitism for it to be weaponised to silence legitimate criticism of the Israeli state and Palestinian political expressions.

    “It also risks fomenting division between communities and institutionalising anti-Palestinian racism.”


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/26/jewish-council-slams-australian-universities-dangerous-politicised-antisemitism-definition/feed/ 0 515243
    Jewish Council slams Australian universities’ ‘dangerous, politicised’ antisemitism definition https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/26/jewish-council-slams-australian-universities-dangerous-politicised-antisemitism-definition-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/26/jewish-council-slams-australian-universities-dangerous-politicised-antisemitism-definition-2/#respond Wed, 26 Feb 2025 09:58:33 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=111311 Asia Pacific Report

    An independent Jewish body has condemned the move by Australia’s 39 universities to endorse a “dangerous and politicised” definition of antisemitism which threatens academic freedom.

    The Jewish Council of Australia, a diverse coalition of Jewish academics, lawyers, writers and teachers, said in a statement that the move would have a “chilling effect” on legitimate criticism of Israel, and risked institutionalising anti-Palestinian racism.

    The council also criticised the fact that the universities had done so “without meaningful consultation” with Palestinian groups or diverse Jewish groups which were critical of Israel.

    The definition was developed by the Group of Eight (Go8) universities and adopted by Universities Australia.

    “By categorising Palestinian political expression as inherently antisemitic, it will be unworkable and unenforceable, and stifle critical political debate, which is at the heart of any democratic society,” the Jewish Council of Australia said.

    “The definition dangerously conflates Jewish identities with support for the state of Israel and the political ideology of Zionism.”

    The council statement said that it highlighted two key concerns:

    Mischaracterisation of criticism of Israel
    The definition states: “Criticism of Israel can be antisemitic when it is grounded in harmful tropes, stereotypes or assumptions and when it calls for the elimination of the State of Israel or all Jews or when it holds Jewish individuals or communities responsible for Israel’s actions.”

    The definition’s inclusion of “calls for the elimination of the State of Israel” would mean, for instance, that calls for a single binational democratic state, where Palestinians and Israelis had equal rights, could be labelled antisemitic.

    Moreover, the wording around “harmful tropes” was dangerously vague, failing to distinguish between tropes about Jewish people, which were antisemitic, and criticism of the state of Israel, which was not, the statement said.

    Misrepresentation of Zionism as core to Jewish identity
    The definition states that for most Jewish people “Zionism is a core part of their Jewish identity”.

    The council said it was deeply concerned that by adopting this definition, universities would be taking and promoting a view that a national political ideology was a core part of Judaism.

    “This is not only inaccurate, but is also dangerous,” said the statement.

    “Zionism is a political ideology of Jewish nationalism, not an intrinsic part of Jewish identity.

    “There is a long history of Jewish opposition to Zionism, from the beginning of its emergence in the late-19th century, to the present day. Many, if not the majority, of people who hold Zionist views today are not Jewish.”

    In contrast to Zionism and the state of Israel, said the council, Jewish identities traced back more than 3000 years and spanned different cultures and traditions.

    Jewish identities were a rightly protected category under all racial discrimination laws, whereas political ideologies such as Zionism and support for Israel were not, the council said.

    Growing numbers of dissenting Jews
    “While many Jewish people identify as Zionist, many do not. There are a growing number of Jewish people worldwide, including in Australia, who disagree with the actions of the state of Israel and do not support Zionism.

    “Australian polling in this area is not definitive, but some polls suggest that 30 percent of Australian Jews do not identify as Zionists.

    “A recent Canadian poll found half of Canadian Jews do not identify as Zionist. In the United States, more and more Jewish people are turning away from Zionist beliefs and support for the state of Israel.”

    Sarah Schwartz, a human rights lawyer and the Jewish Council of Australia’s executive officer, said: “It degrades the very real fight against antisemitism for it to be weaponised to silence legitimate criticism of the Israeli state and Palestinian political expressions.

    “It also risks fomenting division between communities and institutionalising anti-Palestinian racism.”


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/26/jewish-council-slams-australian-universities-dangerous-politicised-antisemitism-definition-2/feed/ 0 515244
    Why authoritarians target education: Jason Stanley https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/22/why-authoritarians-target-education-jason-stanley/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/22/why-authoritarians-target-education-jason-stanley/#respond Sat, 22 Feb 2025 16:29:43 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=c55158f793ddcdbc5b1fee7dd6d82bd5
    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/22/why-authoritarians-target-education-jason-stanley/feed/ 0 514822
    Critics condemn ‘cowardly’ BBC for pulling Gaza warzone youth survival documentary https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/22/critics-condemn-cowardly-bbc-for-pulling-gaza-warzone-youth-survival-documentary/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/22/critics-condemn-cowardly-bbc-for-pulling-gaza-warzone-youth-survival-documentary/#respond Sat, 22 Feb 2025 06:19:44 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=111164 By Gizem Nisa Cebi

    The BBC has removed its documentary Gaza: How to Survive a Warzone from iPlayer after it was revealed that its teenage narrator is the son of a Hamas official.

    The broadcaster stated that it was conducting “further due diligence” following mounting scrutiny.

    The film, which aired on BBC Two last Monday, follows 13-year-old Abdullah Al-Yazouri as he describes life in Gaza.

    However, it later emerged that his father, Ayman Al-Yazouri, serves as the Hamas Deputy Minister of Agriculture in Gaza.

    In a statement yesterday, the BBC defended the documentary’s value but acknowledged concerns.

    “There have been continuing questions raised about the programme, and in light of these, we are conducting further due diligence with the production company,” the statement said.

    The revelation sparked a backlash from figures including Friday Night Dinner actress Tracy-Ann Oberman, literary agent Neil Blair, and former BBC One boss Danny Cohen, who called it “a shocking failure by the BBC and a major crisis for its reputation”.

    On Thursday, the BBC admitted that it had not disclosed the family connection but insisted it followed compliance procedures. It has since added a disclaimer acknowledging Abdullah’s ties to Hamas.

    UK’s Culture Secretary Lisa Nandy said that she would discuss the issue with the BBC, particularly regarding its vetting process.

    However, the International Centre of Justice for Palestinians urged the broadcaster to “stand firm against attempts to prevent firsthand accounts of life in Gaza from reaching audiences”.

    Others also defended the importance of the documentary made last year before the sheer scale of devastation by the Israeli military forces was exposed — and many months before the ceasefire came into force on January 19.

    How to watch the Gaza documentary
    How to watch the Gaza documentary. Image: Double Down News screenshot/X

    ‘This documentary humanised Palestinian children’
    Chris Doyle, director of the Council for Arab-British Understanding (CAABU), criticised the BBC’s decision.

    “It’s very regrettable that this documentary has been pulled following pressure from anti-Palestinian activists who have largely shown no sympathy for persons in Gaza suffering from massive bombardment, starvation, and disease,” Middle East Eye quoted him as saying.

    Doyle also praised the film’s impact, saying, “This documentary humanised Palestinian children in Gaza and gave valuable insights into life in this horrific war zone.”

    Journalist Richard Sanders, who has produced multiple documentaries on Gaza, called the controversy a “huge test” for the BBC and condemned its response as a “cowardly decision”.

    Earlier this week, 45 Jewish journalists and media figures, including former BBC governor Ruth Deech, urged the broadcaster to pull the film, calling Ayman Al-Yazouri a “terrorist leader”.

    The controversy underscores wider tensions over media coverage of the Israel-Gaza war, with critics accusing the BBC of a vetting failure, while others argue the documentary sheds crucial light on Palestinian children’s suffering.

    Pacific Media Watch comments: The BBC has long been accused of an Israeli-bias in its coverage of Palestinian affairs, especially the 15-month genocidal war on Gaza, and this documentary is one of the rare programmes that has restored some balance.

    Another teenager who appears in the Gaza documentary
    Another teenager who appears in the Gaza documentary . . . she has o global online following for her social media videos on cooking and life amid the genocide. Image: BBC screenshot APR


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/22/critics-condemn-cowardly-bbc-for-pulling-gaza-warzone-youth-survival-documentary/feed/ 0 514755
    Education Under Occupation: The Dangerous Fight for Education in Occupied Ukraine https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/22/education-under-occupation-the-dangerous-fight-for-education-in-occupied-ukraine/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/22/education-under-occupation-the-dangerous-fight-for-education-in-occupied-ukraine/#respond Sat, 22 Feb 2025 00:00:30 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=c2c238b91ecfd03244941020c852aa3b
    This content originally appeared on Amnesty International and was authored by Amnesty International.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/22/education-under-occupation-the-dangerous-fight-for-education-in-occupied-ukraine/feed/ 0 514737
    Education Under Occupation: The Dangerous Fight for Education in Occupied Ukraine https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/22/education-under-occupation-the-dangerous-fight-for-education-in-occupied-ukraine-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/22/education-under-occupation-the-dangerous-fight-for-education-in-occupied-ukraine-2/#respond Sat, 22 Feb 2025 00:00:30 +0000 https://www.radiofree.org/?guid=c2c238b91ecfd03244941020c852aa3b
    This content originally appeared on Amnesty International and was authored by Amnesty International.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/22/education-under-occupation-the-dangerous-fight-for-education-in-occupied-ukraine-2/feed/ 0 516199
    Education Department “Lifting the Pause” on Some Civil Rights Probes, but Not for Race or Gender Cases https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/21/education-department-lifting-the-pause-on-some-civil-rights-probes-but-not-for-race-or-gender-cases/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/21/education-department-lifting-the-pause-on-some-civil-rights-probes-but-not-for-race-or-gender-cases/#respond Fri, 21 Feb 2025 01:35:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/department-education-civil-rights-investigations-disability-gender-race-discrimination by Jennifer Smith Richards and Jodi S. Cohen

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    The U.S. Department of Education on Thursday told employees that it would lift its monthlong freeze on investigating discrimination complaints at schools and colleges across the country — but only to allow disability investigations to proceed.

    That means that thousands of outstanding complaints filed with the department’s Office for Civil Rights related to race and gender discrimination — most of which are submitted by students and families — will continue to sit idle. That includes cases alleging unfair discipline or race-based harassment, for example.

    “I am lifting the pause on the processing of complaints alleging discrimination on the basis of disability. Effective immediately, please process complaints that allege only disability-based discrimination,” Craig Trainor, the office’s acting director, wrote in an internal memo obtained by ProPublica. It was sent to employees in the enforcement arm of the office, most of whom are attorneys.

    A spokesperson for the department did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

    ProPublica reported last week that the Department of Education had halted ongoing civil rights investigations, an unusual move even during a presidential transition. Department employees said they had been told not to communicate with students, families and schools involved in cases that were launched in previous administrations, describing the edict as a “gag order” and saying they had “been essentially muzzled.”

    The office has opened only a handful of new cases since the inauguration of President Donald Trump, and nearly all of them reflect his priorities. The investigations target a school district’s gender-neutral bathroom and institutions that have allowed transgender athletes to participate in women’s sports. Other prioritized investigations involve allegations of discrimination against white students or of anti-semitism.

    As of last week, the OCR had opened about 20 new investigations in all, a low number compared with similar periods in prior years. More than 250 new cases were opened in the same time period last year, for example.

    The OCR has had a backlog of cases for years — there were about 12,000 pending investigations when Trump took office. Some had been open for more than a decade, which civil rights advocates said failed to bring relief to students when they needed it.

    About half of the pending investigations are related to students with disabilities who feel they’ve been mistreated or unfairly denied help at school, according to a ProPublica analysis of department data.

    Investigators were pursuing about 3,200 active complaints of racial discrimination, including unfair discipline and racial harassment. An additional roughly 1,000 complaints were specific to sexual harassment or sexual violence, the analysis found. The remainder concern a range of discrimination claims.

    Ignoring or attacking disability rights “would be politically unpopular,” said Harold Jordan of the American Civil Liberties Union, who works on education equity issues across the country. “They don’t want to be seen as shutting down all the disability claims,” he said.

    But complaints typically investigated by the OCR, many related to discrimination against students of color, do not align with Trump’s priorities on racial bias, which so far have related to prejudice against white students.

    “They will pick up race cases once people file, essentially, reverse discrimination complaints,” Jordan said.

    The OCR, in fact, decided this month that it would investigate a complaint filed in August by the Equal Protection Project, a conservative nonprofit, that alleges the Ithaca City School District in New York excluded white students by hosting an event called the Students of Color Summit. The Biden administration had not acted on the complaint, but new Education Department leaders decided within days that the agency would proceed with an investigation.

    Thursday’s memo also included a “revised” case manual, which details how the office will investigate and resolve complaints that allege violations of civil rights law. During the previous administration, investigators had the authority to open “systemic” inquiries when there was evidence of widespread civil rights issues or multiple complaints of the same type of discrimination at a school district or college. That ability to launch wider investigations appears to have been stripped under Trump; there is no mention of systemic investigations in the new manual.

    The manual also no longer includes gender-neutral references; people alleging violations of “their” rights have been replaced by “his or her” in Trump’s updated version. That aligns with his recent anti-transgender policies and his view that there are only two genders.

    The shifts at the OCR come as Trump has called the Education Department a “con job” and is expected to issue an executive order that it be dismantled. Last week, Trainor told schools and colleges that they have two weeks to eliminate race as a factor in admissions, financial aid, hiring and training or risk losing federal funding.

    “Under any banner, discrimination on the basis of race, color, or national origin is, has been, and will continue to be illegal,” Trainor wrote.

    During the past two weeks, the Trump administration has terminated contracts totaling hundreds of millions of dollars that mostly focused on education research and data on learning and the country’s schools. The cuts were made at the behest of Elon Musk’s cost-cutting crew, known as the Department of Government Efficiency, which said it also ended dozens of training grants for educators that it deemed wasteful.

    But recent contract terminations touted by Musk’s team as ridding the department of “waste” and ending “diversity” programs also abruptly ended services for some students with disabilities.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jennifer Smith Richards and Jodi S. Cohen.

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    US backing for Pacific disinformation media course casualty of Trump aid ‘freeze’ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/20/us-backing-for-pacific-disinformation-media-course-casualty-of-trump-aid-freeze/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/20/us-backing-for-pacific-disinformation-media-course-casualty-of-trump-aid-freeze/#respond Thu, 20 Feb 2025 03:50:43 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=111027 Pacific Media Watch

    A New Zealand-based community education provider, Dark Times Academy, has had a US Embassy grant to deliver a course teaching Pacific Islands journalists about disinformation terminated after the new Trump administration took office.

    The new US administration requested a list of course participants and to review the programme material amid controversy over a “freeze” on federal aid policies.

    The course presentation team refused and the contract was terminated by “mutual agreement” — but the eight-week Pacific workshop is going ahead anyway from next week.

    Dark Times Academy's Mandy Henk
    Dark Times Academy’s co-founder Mandy Henk . . . “A Bit Sus”, an evidence-based peer-reviewed series of classes on disinfiormation for Pacific media. Image: Newsroom

    “As far as I can tell, the current foreign policy priorities of the US government seem to involve terrorising the people of Gaza, annexing Canada, invading Greenland, and bullying Panama,” said Dark Times Academy co-founder Mandy Henk.

    “We felt confident that a review of our materials would not find them to be aligned with those priorities.”

    The course, called “A Bit Sus”, is an evidence-based peer-reviewed series of classes that teach key professions the skills needed to identify and counter disinformation and misinformation in their particular field.

    The classes focus on “prebunking”, lateral reading, and how technology, including generative AI, influences disinformation.

    Awarded competitive funds
    Dark Times Academy was originally awarded the funds to run the programme through a public competitive grant offered by the US Embassy in New Zealand in 2023 under the previous US administration.

    The US Embassy grant was focused on strengthening the capacity of Pacific media to identify and counter disinformation. While funded by the US, the course was to be a completely independent programme overseen by Dark Times Academy and its academic consultants.

    Co-founder Henk was preparing to deliver the education programme to a group of Pacific Island journalists and media professionals, but received a request from the US Embassy in New Zealand to review the course materials to “ensure they are in line with US foreign policy priorities”.

    Henk said she and the other course presenters refused to allow US government officials to review the course material for this purpose.

    She said the US Embassy had also requested a “list of registered participants for the online classes,” which Dark Times Academy also declined to provide as compliance would have violated the New Zealand Privacy Act 2020.

    Henk said the refusal to provide the course materials for review led immediately to further discussions with the US Embassy in New Zealand that ultimately resulted in the termination of the grant “by mutual agreement”.

    However, she said Dark Times Academy would still go ahead with running the course for the Pacific Island journalists who had signed up so far, starting on February 26.

    Continuing the programme
    “The Dark Times Academy team fully intends to continue to bring the ‘A Bit Sus’ programme and other classes to the Pacific region and New Zealand, even without the support of the US government,” Henk said.

    “As noted when we first announced this course, the Pacific Islands have experienced accelerated growth in digital connectivity over the past few years thanks to new submarine cable networks and satellite technology.

    “Alongside this, the region has also seen a surge in harmful rumours and disinformation that is increasingly disrupting the ability to share accurate and truthful information across Pacific communities.

    “This course will help participants from the media recognise common tactics used by disinformation agents and support them to deploy proven educational and communications techniques.

    “By taking a skills-based approach to countering disinformation, our programme can help to spread the techniques needed to mitigate the risks posed by digital technologies,” Henk said.

    Especially valuable for journalists
    Dark Times Academy co-founder Byron Clark said the course would be especially valuable for journalists in the Pacific region given the recent shifts in global politics and the current state of the planet.

    Dark Times Academy co-founder and author Byron C Clark
    Dark Times Academy co-founder and author Byron Clark . . . “We saw the devastating impacts of disinformation in the Pacific region during the measles outbreak in Samoa.” Image: APR

    “We saw the devastating impacts of disinformation in the Pacific region during the measles outbreak in Samoa, for example,” said Clark, author of the best-selling book Fear: New Zealand’s Underworld of Hostile Extremists.

    “With Pacific Island states bearing the brunt of climate change, as well as being caught between a geopolitical stoush between China and the West, a course like this one is timely.”

    Henk said the “A Bit Sus” programme used a “high-touch teaching model” that combined the current best evidence on how to counter disinformation with a “learner-focused pedagogy that combines discussion, activities, and a project”.

    Past classes led to the creation of the New Zealand version of the “Euphorigen Investigation” escape room, a board game, and a card game.

    These materials remain in use across New Zealand schools and community learning centres.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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    Teach Truth: The Struggle for Antiracist Education https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/15/teach-truth-the-struggle-for-antiracist-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/15/teach-truth-the-struggle-for-antiracist-education/#respond Sat, 15 Feb 2025 00:47:31 +0000 https://progressive.org/magazine/teach-truth-the-struggle-for-antiracist-education-hagopian-20250214/
    This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Jesse Hagopian.

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    “We’ve Been Essentially Muzzled”: Department of Education Halts Thousands of Civil Rights Investigations Under Trump https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/14/weve-been-essentially-muzzled-department-of-education-halts-thousands-of-civil-rights-investigations-under-trump/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/14/weve-been-essentially-muzzled-department-of-education-halts-thousands-of-civil-rights-investigations-under-trump/#respond Fri, 14 Feb 2025 02:30:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/department-of-education-civil-rights-office-investigations by Jennifer Smith Richards and Jodi S. Cohen

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    In the three-and-a-half weeks since Donald Trump returned to the presidency, investigations by the agency that handles allegations of civil rights violations in the nation’s schools and colleges have ground to a halt.

    At the same time, there’s been a dramatic drop in the number of new cases opened by the U.S. Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights — and the few that attorneys have been directed to investigate reflect some of Trump’s priorities: getting rid of gender-neutral bathrooms, banning transgender athletes from participating in women’s sports and alleged antisemitism or discrimination against white students.

    The OCR has opened about 20 new investigations since Trump’s inauguration, sources inside the department told ProPublica, a low number compared with similar periods in previous years. During the first three weeks of the Biden administration, for instance, the office opened about 110 new investigations into discrimination based on race, gender, national origin or disability, the office’s historic priorities. More than 250 new cases were opened in the same time period last year.

    Historically, the bulk of investigations in the office have been launched after students or their families file complaints. Since Trump took office, the focus has shifted to “directed investigations,” meaning that the Trump administration has ordered those inquiries.

    “We have not been able to open any (investigations) that come from the public,” said one longtime OCR attorney who asked not to be named for fear of losing their job.

    Several employees told ProPublica that they have been told not to communicate with the students, families and schools involved in cases launched in previous administrations and to cancel scheduled meetings and mediations. “We’ve been essentially muzzled,” the attorney said.

    A spokesperson for the Education Department did not respond to requests for comment.

    Even though new case openings typically slow during a presidential transition as new political appointees gain their footing and set priorities, it is not typical for it to all but stop. “Under the first Trump administration, of course things shifted and there were changes, but we never had this gag order on us,” said another OCR attorney who also asked not to be named.

    The shift at the OCR comes as Trump has called the Education Department a “con job” and is expected to issue an executive order that the department be dismantled. In her confirmation hearing on Thursday, Trump’s nominee to be education secretary, Linda McMahon, said she hadn’t decided whether to cut funding to the OCR, as Republicans have called for.

    This week, the Trump administration terminated more than $900 million in contracts that mostly focused on education research and data on learning and the country’s schools. The cuts were made at the behest of Elon Musk’s cost-cutting crew, known as the Department of Government Efficiency, which said it also ended dozens of training grants for educators that it deemed wasteful.

    Since 1979, the department’s civil rights arm has worked to enforce the nation’s antidiscrimination laws in schools. It operates under a congressional mandate to uphold the Civil Rights Act of 1964 as well as the federal laws that prohibit discriminating against students because of gender or disability.

    About 12,000 complaints were under investigation when Trump took office. The largest share of pending complaints — about 6,000 — are related to students with disabilities who feel they’ve been mistreated or unfairly denied help at school, according to a ProPublica analysis of department data.

    Investigators were pursuing about 3,200 active complaints of racial discrimination, including unfair discipline and racial harassment. An additional roughly 1,000 complaints were specific to sexual harassment or sexual violence, the analysis found. The remainder concern a range of discrimination claims.

    Students and families often turn to the OCR after they feel their concerns have not been addressed by their school districts. The process is free, which means even if families can’t afford a lawyer to pursue a lawsuit, they may still get relief — access to disabilities services or increased safety at school, for example.

    When the OCR finds evidence of discrimination, it can force a school district or college to change its policies or provide services to a student, and it sometimes monitors the institutions to make sure they comply.

    Last fall, for example, the OCR concluded that a rural Pennsylvania school district had failed to protect Black students from racist taunts and harassment by a group of white students. White students in the Norwin School District had circulated a photo of themselves labeled “Kool Kids Klub,” wore Confederate flag clothing, told a Black student to “go pick cotton” and used racial epithets, investigators found. District officials initially said they saw no problem with some of the white students’ behavior and did not believe the students had created a racially hostile environment.

    But the OCR’s findings and corrective action required the district to study several years of racial harassment complaints and undergo training on how to better respond to racial conflict in the district.

    The department’s power to hold schools accountable when they fail to protect students and provide relief in real time — while a student is still in school — makes its work urgent, civil rights attorneys and department staff said.

    About 600 of the Education Department’s roughly 4,000 employees work in the OCR, either at the Washington headquarters or one of 12 regional offices. At least 74 department employees, some of whom had taken diversity training, have been placed on administrative leave, according to Sheria Smith, an OCR attorney and president of the American Federation of Government Employees Local 252, a union that represents nonmanagement Education Department employees.

    Smith said 15 of those workers on leave are from the OCR. Fifty newer Education Department employees were fired Wednesday, she said, including three from the OCR.

    “The one thing that is clear right now is we have a complete disruption of the services we provide and are hearing from our stakeholders,” Smith said, citing as an example a Kentucky family reaching out to silenced OCR workers to plead for answers about the complaint they’d made about how their elementary school handled their child’s sexual assault.

    “It is the members of the public that are suffering with these disruptions,” she said.

    Another department employee who asked not to be identified, fearing they could lose their job, said a number of the students’ complaints are urgent.

    “Many of these students are in crisis,” the employee said. “They are counting on some kind of intervention to get that student back in school and graduate or get accommodations.”

    There are students who need help now, the employee said. “And now the federal government is literally doing nothing.”

    The department’s new leadership has said publicly it plans to broaden the types of discrimination the department will investigate. Among the cases it is investigating is whether one all-gender restroom in a Denver high school discriminates against girls. The acting head of the OCR even took the unusual step of announcing the investigation in a press release, something previous administrations typically did not do.

    “Let me be clear: it is a new day in America, and under President Trump, OCR will not tolerate discrimination of any kind,” acting OCR head Craig Trainor said in the press release announcing that he had directed civil rights staff to investigate a Denver Public Schools bathroom because it “appears to directly violate the civil rights of the District’s female students.”

    Denver schools spokesperson Scott Pribble called the investigation “unprecedented.” He added, “This is not the first all-gender bathroom we have in a school, but it’s the first time an investigation has been opened by OCR.” There are other girls’ restrooms in the school; only one was converted to an all-gender restroom after students lobbied school administrators to do so.

    Trainor again took a tough approach on Wednesday when he announced a new investigation into high school athletics groups in Minnesota and California, both of which have said they would not shut transgender women out of women’s sports. The administration had already opened three similar investigations against other institutions for alleged violations of Title IX, the federal law that prevents gender-based discrimination in education programs, in response to the executive order Trump had signed to ban transgender women and girls from participating in women’s sports.

    The states “are free to engage in all the meaningless virtue-signaling that they want, but at the end of the day they must abide by federal law,” Trainor said.

    The OCR also decided that it would investigate a complaint filed in August by the Equal Protection Project, a conservative nonprofit, that alleges discrimination against white students. The Biden administration had not acted on the complaint, but new department leaders decided within days that it would proceed with an investigation. The complaint alleges that the Ithaca City School District in New York excluded white students by hosting an event called the Students of Color Summit.

    Cornell University professor William Jacobson, who founded the Equal Protection Project, said his organization has filed about 60 complaints over the years with the OCR, some of which remain under investigation. Asked whether he thought the change in administration helped fast-track the Ithaca complaint, he said, “I don’t see how it could have hurt.”

    “We want evenhanded enforcement, and we hope the department will be more aggressive than it has in the past,” Jacobson said. “If there are programs that exclude Black students, we want the department to go after that, but I am not aware of such programs.”

    Ithaca school officials declined to comment.

    Catherine Lhamon, who oversaw the OCR under former Presidents Barack Obama and Joe Biden, questioned the current administration’s approach of issuing press releases to announce investigations. One announcement included a quote from a former collegiate athlete who has railed against transgender women in sports.

    “It’s hugely political and suggests a conclusion before the OCR has even conducted an investigation,” Lhamon said. The agency, she said, is supposed to be a neutral fact-finder.

    The agency appears to have ended its long-standing practice of making public a list of institutions that are being investigated and what type of discrimination is alleged. That was last updated Jan. 14, the week before Trump’s inauguration.

    We are continuing to report on the U.S. Department of Education. Are you a former or current Education Department employee? Are you a student or school employee impacted by changes at the department? You can reach our tip line on Signal at 917-512-0201. Please be as specific, detailed and clear as you can.

    Mollie Simon contributed research.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jennifer Smith Richards and Jodi S. Cohen.

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    CTU Responds to Project 2025’s Secretary of Education Confirmation Hearing https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/13/ctu-responds-to-project-2025s-secretary-of-education-confirmation-hearing/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/13/ctu-responds-to-project-2025s-secretary-of-education-confirmation-hearing/#respond Thu, 13 Feb 2025 21:40:12 +0000 https://www.commondreams.org/newswire/ctu-responds-to-project-2025s-secretary-of-education-confirmation-hearing In response to the confirmation hearing of Linda McMahon for Secretary of Education, CTU President Stacy Davis Gates issued the following,

    “Today’s hearing made clear that Donald Trump is not trying to roll the country back to 1950, he is trying to roll us back to 1850. McMahon’s dog whistles, her promotion of segregationist school choice policies, and her boss’ commitment to converting civil rights protections into tools to police students are all reversals of what formerly enslaved Africans fought for and created during Reconstruction after the civil war.

    “Educators report to school every day to provide everything possible for students to succeed and we count on the Department of Education to provide financial support for schools serving children in poverty, opportunities for children with disabilities, and oversight to prevent discrimination in our schools.

    “Donald Trump and whoever becomes his Secretary should think twice before dismantling the Department of Education. As a social studies teacher, it’s incumbent on me to provide a brief civics lesson: we have a system of checks and balances that prevents them from doing so. But more importantly, this isn’t an obscure federal office. This is a backbone of the government that millions of families with children in our public schools rely on.

    “By continuing to come for our public schools, they are further angering the Black families who count on civil rights protections, the families of children with disabilities who rely on federal standards, the families in poverty who rely on federal support, and anyone who is sickened to see queer and transgender students targeted and bullied by the federal government.

    “Education is meant to be the great equalizer for our children, not a great investment opportunity for the billionaires ransacking our federal government.

    “Our union is already putting protections in our contract and asking our school district to be a partner in building a forcefield around our students. Now that Project 2025 is in the implementation phase and the Senate on its way to confirming a Secretary who will be their rubber stamp, it is now up to governors, mayors, and school districts to be leaders that fill the gap that will be left by Project 2025’s actions that protect the rights of children, support and fund their schools, and defend their education. Families should demand nothing short of it.”


    This content originally appeared on Common Dreams and was authored by Newswire Editor.

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    A New Mexico District Says It’s Reduced Harsh Discipline of Native Students. But the Data Provided Is Incomplete. https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/12/a-new-mexico-district-says-its-reduced-harsh-discipline-of-native-students-but-the-data-provided-is-incomplete/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/12/a-new-mexico-district-says-its-reduced-harsh-discipline-of-native-students-but-the-data-provided-is-incomplete/#respond Wed, 12 Feb 2025 12:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/gallup-mckinley-native-student-discipline-improvement-data by Bryant Furlow, New Mexico In Depth

    This article was produced by New Mexico In Depth, which has twice been a member of ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network. Sign up for Dispatches to get stories like this one as soon as they are published.

    A New Mexico school district that was disproportionately issuing harsh punishments to Indigenous students says it has dramatically reduced its long-term suspensions.

    Two years ago, New Mexico In Depth and ProPublica reported that Indigenous children in New Mexico were facing higher rates of harsh school punishment, triggering a state Department of Justice civil rights inquiry into the discipline practices of the school district largely responsible for the disparity.

    According to a January email from Gallup-McKinley County Schools Superintendent Mike Hyatt, the number of students kicked out of the district for 90 days or longer dropped from 21 children during the 2021-22 school year to six the following year and just one last year. Of those 28 long-term removals, 86%, or 24 cases, involved Native students.

    But the state refused to provide New Mexico In Depth with complete, unredacted discipline data for the years in question, citing federal public records law governing educational records, making it impossible to independently verify those claims.

    The district now appears to be more judicious in imposing long-term removals, reserving them for serious, potentially dangerous infractions.

    As an example: From 2016-17 to 2019-20, before the changes, Gallup-McKinley reported that long-term removals were being used as punishment for disruptive behavior (“disorderly conduct”). But in all the cases Hyatt listed for 2021-22 to 2023-24, long-term removals were used only for more serious infractions, including repeated drug possession, drug distribution, assault, armed battery, theft and weapons possession, including firearms cases, he wrote.

    In addition to the data, Hyatt said the district has made policy changes to better engage with students and prevent behavioral problems. It has replaced the district administrator in charge of student discipline, who has since retired, he said.

    In 2022, the news organizations undertook a detailed analysis of statewide school discipline rates that showed Indigenous students disproportionately experience the harshest forms of punishment: exclusions from school for 90 days or more and referrals to law enforcement.

    Using district discipline reports obtained from the state Public Education Department, the news organizations found that Gallup-McKinley, which boasts the largest Native student body in the nation, was the epicenter of a statewide trend toward Indigenous children being pushed out of classrooms at higher rates than other students between 2016 and 2020. At the time, the district’s superintendent called the findings “completely false,” but the district’s own data contradicted that claim.

    New Mexico Attorney General Raúl Torrez, who heads the state’s Department of Justice and its new Civil Rights Division, initiated a review of the matter in late 2023. His investigators were also unable to obtain complete, unredacted data from the education department, according to emails between the agencies that New Mexico In Depth reviewed.

    The state’s Department of Justice inquiry also faced delays as it tried to obtain student discipline data from Gallup-McKinley, emails show. In two, from Aug. 21, 2024, and Oct. 17, 2024, investigators took the school district to task for violating a statutory deadline in responding to their Inspection of Public Records Act requests.

    Other emails in 2023 and 2024 reflected investigators’ frustration over repeated efforts to get meetings with state education officials who could provide more detailed data and answer questions.

    In early June 2024, state Department of Justice Special Counsel Sean Sullivan urgently requested an in-person meeting with education department officials to discuss student discipline data. The meeting occurred June 20. But by July 1, Sullivan noted investigators still needed more detailed data. And in August, Sullivan repeatedly sought answers about missing data from the education department’s data manager.

    State Department of Justice spokesperson Lauren Rodriguez told New Mexico In Depth in late January that the agency’s civil rights investigation is ongoing. Hyatt said he believed his office had fulfilled the department’s requests.

    In a January email exchange with a reporter, Hyatt pushed back on New Mexico In Depth and ProPublica’s reporting, asserting discipline practices at Gallup-McKinley were not as harsh as the district’s past reports to the state suggested.

    He said that after news headlines in 2022, an internal review identified extensive data entry errors in the district’s quarterly student discipline reports to the state. Specifically, he said punishments reported to the state as expulsions should instead have been logged as suspensions. (The district also changed its definition of expulsion in a way that would reduce the count of the harshest penalty: At the time of the newsrooms’ analyses, the district defined expulsions as removals of 90 days or longer; expulsion is now defined as permanent removals.)

    But New Mexico In Depth and ProPublica found that student removals from school for 90 days or longer — regardless of what those removals are called — remained far higher for Gallup-McKinley than the rest of the state.

    After meeting with Torrez about the state Department of Justice’s inquiry in September 2023, Hyatt contracted with a Kentucky-based financial consulting contractor, Unbridled Advisory. The contractor’s report showed that Native students’ discipline rates were modestly higher than other students, but not high enough in their view to be significant.

    However, the company’s assessment did not include expulsions and did not conduct a specific analysis of the harshest forms of punishment, like the one carried out by the news organizations.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Bryant Furlow, New Mexico In Depth.

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    Powerless – another Asia-Pacific angle on the long siege of USAID https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/12/powerless-another-asia-pacific-angle-on-the-long-siege-of-usaid/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/12/powerless-another-asia-pacific-angle-on-the-long-siege-of-usaid/#respond Wed, 12 Feb 2025 05:01:55 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=110760 COMMENTARY: By Robin Davies

    Much has been and much more will be written about the looming abolition of USAID.

    It’s “the removal of a huge and important tool of American global statecraft” (Konyndyk), or the wood-chipping of a “viper’s nest of radical-left marxists who hate America” (Musk) or, more reasonably, the unwarranted cancellation of an organisation that should have been reviewed and reformed.

    Commentators will have a lot to say, some of it exaggerated, about the varieties of harm caused by this decision, and about its legality.

    Some will welcome it from a conservative perspective, believing that USAID was either not aligned with or acting against the interests of the United States, or was proselytising wokeness, or was a criminal organisation.

    Some, often more quietly, will welcome it from an anti-imperialist or “Southern” perspective, believing that the agency was at worst a blunt instrument of US hegemony or at least a bastion of Western saviourism.

    I want to come at this topic from a different angle, by providing a brief personal perspective on USAID as an organisation, based on several decades of occasional interaction with it during my time as an Australian aid official.

    Essentially, I view USAID as a harried, hamstrung and traumatised organisation, not as a rogue agency or finely-tuned vehicle of US statecraft.

    Peer country representative
    My own experience with USAID began when I participated as a peer country representative in an OECD Development Assistance Committee (DAC) peer review of the US’s foreign assistance programme in the early 1990s, which included visits to US assistance programmes in Bangladesh and the Philippines, as well as to USAID headquarters in Washington DC.

    I later dealt with the agency in many other roles, including during postings to the OECD and Indonesia and through my work on global and regional climate change and health programmes, up to and including the pandemic years.

    An image is firmly lodged in my mind from that DAC peer review visit to Washington. We had had days of back-to-back meetings in USAID headquarters with a series of exhausted-looking, distracted and sometimes grumpy executives who didn’t have much reason to care what the OECD thought about the US aid effort.

    It was a muggy summer day. At one point a particularly grumpy meeting chair, who now rather reminds of me of Gary Oldman’s character in Slow Horses, mopped the sweat from his forehead with his necktie without appearing to be aware of what he was doing. Since then, that man has been my mental model of a USAID official.

    But why so exhausted, distracted and grumpy?

    Precisely because USAID is about the least freewheeling workplace one could construct. Certainly it is administratively independent, in the sense that it was created by an act of Congress, but it also receives its budget from the President and Congress — and that budget comes with so many strings attached, in the form of country- or issue-related “earmarks” or other directives that it might be logically impossible to allocate the funds as instructed.

    Some of these earmarks are broad and unsurprising (for example, specific allocations for HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment under the Bush-era PEPFAR program) while others represent niche interests (Senator John McCain once ridiculed earmarks pertaining to “peanuts, orangutans, gorillas, neotropical raptors, tropical fish and exotic plants”) — but none originates within USAID.

    Informal earmarks calculation
    I recall seeing an informal calculation showing that one could only satisfy all the percentage-based earmarks by giving most of the dollars several quite different jobs to do. A 2002 DAC peer review noted with disapproval some 270 earmarks or other directive provisions in aid legislation; by the time of the most recent peer review in 2022, this number was more like 700.

    Related in part to this congressional micro-management of its budget — along with the usual distrust of organisations that “send” money overseas — USAID labours under particularly gruelling accountability and reporting requirements.

    Andew Natsios — a former USAID Administrator and lifelong Republican who has recently come to USAID’s defence (albeit with arguments that not everybody would deem helpful) — wrote about this in 2010. In terms reminiscent of current events, he described the reign of terror of Lieutenant-General Herbert Beckington, a former Marine Corps officer who led USAID‘s Office of the Inspector General (OIG) from 1977 to 1994.

    He was a powerful iconic figure in Washington, and his influence over the structure of the foreign aid programME remains with USAID today. … Known as “The General” at USAID, Beckington was both feared and despised by career officers. Once referred to by USAID employees as “the agency’s J. Edgar Hoover — suspicious, vindictive, eager to think the worst” …

    At one point, he told the Washington Post that USAID’s white-collar crime rate was “higher than that of downtown Detroit.” … In a seminal moment in this clash between OIG and USAID, photographs were published of two senior officers who had been accused of some transgression being taken away in handcuffs by the IG investigators for prosecution, a scene that sent a broad chill through the career staff and, more than any other single event, forced a redirection of aid practice toward compliance.

    Labyrinthine accountability systems
    On top of the burdens of logically impossible programming and labyrinthine accountability systems is the burden of projecting American generosity. As far as humanly possible, and perhaps a little further, ways must be found of ensuring that American aid is sourced from American institutions, farms or factories and, if it is in the form of commodities, that it is transported on American vessels.

    Failing that, there must be American flags. I remember a USAID officer stationed in Banda Aceh after the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami spending a non-trivial amount of his time seeking to attach sizeable flags to the front of trucks transporting US (but also non-US) emergency supplies around the province of Aceh.

    President Trump’s adviser Stephen Miller has somehow determined to his own satisfaction that the great majority (in fact 98 percent) of USAID personnel are donors to the Democratic Party. Whether or not that is true, let alone relevant, Democrat administrations have arguably been no kinder to USAID than Republican ones over the years.

    Natsios, in the piece cited above, notes that The General was installed under Carter, who ran on anti-Washington ticket, and that there were savage cuts — over 400 positions — to USAID senior career service staffing under Clinton. USAID gets battered no matter which way the wind blows.

    Which brings me back to necktie guy. It has always seemed to me that the platonic form of a USAID officer, while perhaps more likely than not to vote Democrat, is a tired and dispirited person, weary of politicians of all stripes, bowed under his or her burdens, bound to a desk and straitjacketed by accountability requirements, regularly buffeted by new priorities and abrupt restructures, and put upon by the ignorant and suspicious.

    Radical-left Marxists and vipers probably wouldn’t tolerate such an existence for long. Who would? I guess it’s either thieves and money-launderers or battle-scarred professionals intent on doing a decent job against tall odds.

    Robin Davies is an honorary professor at the Australian National University’s (ANU) Crawford School of Public Policy and managing editor of the Devpolicy Blog. He previously held senior positions at Australia’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) and AusAID.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Idaho Passed $2 Billion in Funding for School Building Repairs. It’s Not Nearly Enough. https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/11/idaho-passed-2-billion-in-funding-for-school-building-repairs-its-not-nearly-enough/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/11/idaho-passed-2-billion-in-funding-for-school-building-repairs-its-not-nearly-enough/#respond Tue, 11 Feb 2025 11:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/idaho-schools-struggle-to-repair-buildings-despite-state-funding by Becca Savransky, Idaho Statesman

    This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with the Idaho Statesman. Sign up for Dispatches to get stories like this one as soon as they are published.

    Last year, Idaho legislators approved a 10-year, $2 billion funding bill to help school districts throughout the state whose buildings were crumbling and sometimes dangerous.

    But early reports from districts and a new state cost estimate show that even after passage of the historic funding bill, districts are still struggling to meet their most dire needs. That has put local school officials in the same position they have long faced: asking voters to approve additional funds.

    School districts in Idaho rely heavily on taxpayers to approve local bonds to pay for school construction and repair. The state’s unusual policy, however, requires two-thirds of voters for a bond to pass, a threshold many superintendents say is nearly impossible to reach. Most states require less.

    The Idaho Statesman and ProPublica reported in 2023 how the bond requirement, combined with the Legislature’s reluctance to invest in school facilities, has forced students to attend schools with faulty heating systems, leaking roofs and broken plumbing. Idaho has long ranked last or near last among states in education spending per pupil.

    Much of the new money from the funding bill is being distributed based on the number of students attending school in each district — a big problem for smaller and more rural schools. An analysis by ProPublica and the Idaho Statesman shows that most of the state’s school districts will get less money than it would take to build a new school. Around 40% of the districts will receive $2 million or less, which some administrators said wouldn’t be enough to cover their biggest repairs.

    District officials in Boundary County, wedged along the Canadian border with a population of just over 13,000, were grateful to receive about $5 million from the new funding bill.

    Voters there in 2022 twice voted down a $16 million bond to replace an elementary school with failing plumbing, frigid classrooms and a roof that drips into buckets secured to the ceilings. One of those times, 54% of voters supported it, but that wasn’t enough to surpass the state’s required two-thirds majority.

    After the state kicked in about $5 million from the new funding bill, the district in November asked voters to approve the remaining $10.5 million to build the elementary school. But the lower cost was not enough to convince residents to approve the bond.

    An analysis of data from the Idaho Department of Education provided to ProPublica and the Statesman shows that the problems in Boundary County may be widespread. As of Feb. 3, all but one district had submitted the paperwork needed to receive the funds. But the demand far outstripped the supply. It would take more than $8 billion over 10 years to fix and maintain every Idaho school, according to state estimates generated from condition assessments provided by each district.

    Department of Education officials say the situation isn’t quite that dire. The $8 billion figure assumes replacement of systems rather than repairs or upgrades. For example, if a school rated its electrical system as poor because its breaker panel wasn’t functioning properly, but its wiring was fine, the state might predict the entire system would need to be replaced in a year and tally the cost of replacing both parts of the system.

    That could be a cost difference of millions, said Spencer Barzee, a deputy superintendent at the Idaho Department of Education.

    One part of the funding bill will raise a little more than $1 billion for the School Modernization Facilities Fund. Districts can take the money as a lump sum, and every district that has applied said it would, according to funding applications submitted to the state Department of Education. That money can be used to build new school buildings or for major long-term repairs like replacing a school’s air conditioning system, but due to federal regulations on bond funding, the money can’t be used for routine maintenance, like repairing damaged walls in a single classroom. Districts can also invest the money and use it later.

    School Modernization Facilities Fund Allocated Only 12% of the Estimated Cost to Fix or Maintain Every School Note: Figures are state estimates at the time of publication. Source: Idaho Department of Education. (Lucas Waldron/ProPublica)

    The other part of the bill takes $250 million in new funds and adds $500 million from state lottery money — previously directed to school districts for routine maintenance — for districts to pay off existing bonds or levies. Any remaining funds can go toward other projects. The remaining funds, around $250 million, will cover financing costs.

    The smallest districts in the state will receive less than $1 million each from the modernization fund to be used over 10 years, according to state data, while the West Ada School District, the largest in the state, is expected to receive about $140 million.

    In many cases, the amount of money a school district will receive is less than it would cost for it to build a school or make major renovations. Cassia County Joint School District, which is expected to receive around $21 million, said its most pressing needs include adding 13 classrooms and building a gym, which it estimates will cost around $30 million, according to its application materials. The Council School District needs a new elementary school that it estimates will cost around $8 million. It received just over $1 million. The Grace Joint School District said a new high school would cost around $40 million, but it will receive around $2 million.

    Republican lawmakers recognized the new funding bill passed last year wouldn’t solve the problem.

    Gov. Brad Little said in his State of the State address last month that he wants to add an additional $50 million per year, in part to help rural districts fix their buildings. That money would be split to go toward rural facilities, mental health and school safety, and literacy initiatives. The governor has not said how much of that money would go to rural school districts or how it would be distributed. Those questions will be up to the Legislature.

    District administrators say they are grateful for the funds they’ve received from the $2 billion bill but warn that even with the additional funds, it won’t be enough.

    “The money is helpful, and I appreciated the effort, but our needs exceed the amount we received,” Joe Steele, the superintendent in the Butte County School District, said in an email. “Even spread out over several years to address issues, it won’t be enough to cover all the needs.”

    Many School Buildings Rated Fair, Poor

    When the Legislature proposed new school facilities funding last year, the state had not conducted a comprehensive assessment of school buildings — during which building experts physically inspect buildings — in three decades.

    To fill in the gaps, ProPublica and the Statesman in 2023 surveyed every district in the state on the condition of its facilities and found nearly every one struggled to fix and replace facilities. Superintendents told the publications they were often left putting Band-Aids on issues they didn’t have enough money to fully fix, creating even more problems further down the line.

    Then last year lawmakers went further, mandating in the bill that school districts submit a plan that included what it would take to bring every student-utilized building up to good or perfect condition. The Idaho Department of Education asked districts to assess each building in 42 categories, including plumbing, heating and cooling and electrical, and to grade each part as “replace,” “poor,” “fair” or “good.” Then the department used software to predict when each part of a building would need to be replaced and estimated the cost based on the square footage of the buildings.

    At the end of the assessment, the program produced an estimate for how much it would cost to bring every building into “good” condition over the next 20-plus years. ProPublica and the Statesman requested all data on how districts rated their schools in the assessment, the state’s estimate of each district’s monetary needs and how much money each district received.

    In more than a third of the assessment categories, districts rated a majority of buildings as “fair,” “poor” or “replace.” These include some critical parts of a building’s infrastructure: roofs, heating systems, exterior doors, walls and windows. In other categories, such as security systems and cooling systems, around one-third of buildings were marked as N/A, meaning they don’t have those systems to rate, according to state officials. In around 40% of buildings, foundations, water piping and fire alarm systems were rated as “fair,” “poor” or “replace.” On average, one-third of all of the ratings were “good.”

    Less Than Half of All School Buildings in Idaho Were Rated “Good” on Heating, Cooling, Windows and Roofs Note: Ratings are self-reported by individual schools. Source: Idaho Department of Education. (Lucas Waldron/ProPublica)

    Some districts want to use the money for major upgrades, according to the applications provided to the Statesman via a records request.

    But the money has to last 10 years, and plans submitted by state school districts show a single project could quickly deplete the funds.

    Even smaller upgrades can prove costly. Replacing a sprinkler system could cost over $500,000, according to estimates from the Basin School District; in one of the districts that got less than $1 million, such a project would significantly reduce what it has for future needs.

    In Swan Valley, a small district of 50 students in eastern Idaho, Superintendent Michael Jacobson said the lump sum of about $200,000 will allow the district to finish addressing a big need: replacing its heating and air conditioning system, a $1 million project. But it’s nerve-wracking to think the district might not get any more money for its facility for nearly a decade, he said. The conditions assessment survey estimated the district would need $3.3 million over 10 years to fix and maintain its building.

    “How are we going to continue to take care of all of our day to day needs? What if there is a major facilities situation at our school? How will we take care of it?” he said in an email to the Statesman and ProPublica. That’s a question many superintendents are asking.

    Superintendents Worry About Losing Maintenance Funds

    The new funding bill adds money to school budgets for big projects, but that money can’t be used for routine maintenance. With the loss of maintenance funding, districts said they will now have to find money to pay for smaller repairs like fixing a few windows in a school or paying maintenance staff.

    Scott Woolstenhulme, the superintendent in the Bonneville School District, a larger district of over 13,000 students in eastern Idaho, said the funding shift left the district with about a $1 million budgetary shortfall — money it had used, in part, to pay maintenance staff. The district is drawing from its general fund to make up the difference, but that is a short-term solution: If the money isn’t restored, he said, the district will have to ask voters to approve a tax increase to pay for these operating costs. “This is a significant issue for us,” he said in an email.

    The Twin Falls School District also used the funds to pay for its maintenance staff, “critical staff members who take on everything from plowing the snow and mowing lawns to repairing roofs and replacing bathroom fixtures,” spokesperson Eva Craner said. The district asked taxpayers for more money to make up for the loss in the November election, and the increased supplemental levy passed, but Craner is hopeful the Legislature will restore maintenance funding. “Without this kind of manpower, our buildings would not be the community assets we are proud of today,” she said.

    Jan Bayer, the superintendent in Boundary County, said now that the district’s bond has failed again, trustees worry that Valley View Elementary, with its deteriorating plumbing, freezing classrooms and cracking walls, will soon be in such disrepair that it will no longer be safe for students or staff.

    For now, the money the district has received from the state is sitting in an account accruing interest. The funds are a lifeline, Bayer said, but they’re not enough to meet the district’s most dire need.

    “It’s getting to the point where we’re just getting nickeled and dimed to death,” Bayer said.

    The Idaho Statesman and ProPublica are working on a new project focused on special education in Idaho. If you or a loved one has experience with special education in the state, we would love to talk to you. You can reach reporter Becca Savransky at bsavransky@idahostatesman.com.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Becca Savransky, Idaho Statesman.

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    Elon Musk’s Team Decimates Education Department Arm That Tracks National School Performance https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/11/elon-musks-team-decimates-education-department-arm-that-tracks-national-school-performance/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/11/elon-musks-team-decimates-education-department-arm-that-tracks-national-school-performance/#respond Tue, 11 Feb 2025 05:30:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/department-of-education-institute-education-science-contracts-doge by Jodi S. Cohen and Jennifer Smith Richards

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    The Trump administration has terminated more than $900 million in Education Department contracts, taking away a key source of data on the quality and performance of the nation’s schools.

    The cuts were made at the behest of Elon Musk’s cost-cutting crew, the Department of Government Efficiency, and were disclosed on X, the social media platform Musk owns, shortly after ProPublica posed questions to U.S. Department of Education staff about the decision to decimate the agency’s research and statistics arm, the Institute of Education Sciences.

    A spokesperson for the department, Madi Biedermann, said that the standardized test known as the nation’s report card, the National Assessment of Educational Progress, would not be affected. Neither would the College Scorecard, which allows people to search for and compare information about colleges, she said.

    IES is one of the country’s largest funders of education research, and the slashing of contracts could mean a significant loss of public knowledge about schools. The institute maintains a massive database of education statistics and contracts with scientists and education companies to compile and make data public about schools each year, such as information about school crime and safety and high school science course completion.

    Its total annual budget is about $815 million, or roughly 1% of the Education Department’s overall budget of $82 billion this fiscal year. The $900 million in contracts the department is canceling includes multiyear agreements.

    The vast trove of data represents much of what we know about the state of America’s roughly 130,000 schools, and without a national repository of data and statistics, it will be harder for parents and educators to track schools or compare the achievement of students across states.

    There’s been a federal education statistics agency since 1867, though the current iteration was established in 2002 under President George W. Bush. Congress sets aside funding for the institute’s work.

    Biedermann, the Education Department’s deputy assistant secretary for communications, told ProPublica she could not provide details about the canceled contracts, saying that “my understanding is we don’t release specific information.”

    But she said there were 90 contracts that had been identified as “waste, fraud and abuse.” She said canceling them was “in line with the department’s goal of making sure it is focused on meaningful learning” and to “make sure taxpayer funds are used appropriately.”

    She directed a reporter to the DOGE account on X for more details.

    DOGE wrote in a post: “Also today, the Department Of Education terminated 89 contracts worth $881mm. One contractor was paid $1.5mm to ‘observe mailing and clerical operations’ at a mail center.”

    The Trump administration has repeatedly expressed a desire to “return” responsibility for schools to the states, although state and local governments already control the largest share of funding for education. There’s no national curriculum; states and districts decide what to teach and dictate their own policies.

    The American Institutes for Research, a nonprofit that conducts research in education and other areas, said Monday that it had received termination notices for multiple contracts that are underway, and that canceling them early would be a poor financial decision.

    “This is an incredible waste of taxpayer dollars, which have been invested — per Congressional appropriations and many according to specific legislation — in long-standing data collection and analysis efforts, and policy and program evaluations,” spokesperson Dana Tofig said in an email. The nonprofit has contracted with the department for years.

    Schools and districts across the country rely on research from the IES and contractors such as the American Institutes for Research to guide best practices in classrooms.

    “These investments inform the entire education system at all levels about the condition of education and the distribution of students, teachers, and resources in school districts across America,” Tofig said.

    “If the purpose of such cuts is to make sure taxpayer dollars are not wasted, and used well, the evaluation and data work that has been terminated is exactly the work that determines which programs are effective uses of federal dollars, and which are not.”

    Sen. Patty Murray, a Washington Democrat, blasted the contract terminations at IES. “An unelected billionaire is now bulldozing the research arm of the Department of Education — taking a wrecking ball to high-quality research and basic data we need to improve our public schools,” she said in a statement. “Cutting off these investments after the contract has already been inked is the definition of wasteful.”

    We are continuing to report on the U.S. Department of Education. Are you a former or current Education Department employee? Are you a student or school employee impacted by changes at the department? You can reach our tip line on Signal at 917-512-0201. Please be as specific, detailed and clear as you can.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jodi S. Cohen and Jennifer Smith Richards.

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    Israeli police cite children’s ‘colouring book’ for Palestinian bookshop raid https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/11/israeli-police-cite-childrens-colouring-book-for-palestinian-bookshop-raid/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/11/israeli-police-cite-childrens-colouring-book-for-palestinian-bookshop-raid/#respond Tue, 11 Feb 2025 01:01:30 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=110697 Pacific Media Watch

    Israeli police have confiscated hundreds of books with Palestinian titles or flags without understanding their contents in a draconian raid on a Palestinian educational bookshop in occupied East Jerusalem, say eyewitnesses.

    More details have emerged on the Israeli police raid on a popular bookstore in occupied East Jerusalem.

    The owners were arrested but police reportedly dropped charges of incitement while still detaining them for “disturbing the public order”.

    The bookstore’s owners, Ahmed and Mahmoud Muna, were detained, and hundreds of titles related to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict confiscated, before police ordered the store’s closure, according to May Muna, Mahmoud’s wife, reports Al Jazeera.

    She said the soldiers picked out books with Palestinian titles or flags, “without knowing what any of them meant”.

    She said they used Google Translate on some of the Arabic titles to see what they meant before carting them away in plastic bags.

    Another police bookshop raid
    Police raided another Palestinian-owned bookstore in the Old City in East Jerusalem last week. In a statement, the police said the two owners were arrested on suspicion of “selling books containing incitement and support for terrorism”.

    As an example, the police referred to an English-language children’s colouring book titled From the River to the Sea — a reference to the territory between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea that today includes Israel, the occupied West Bank and the Gaza Strip.

    The bookshop raids have been widely condemned as a “war on knowledge and literature”.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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    The Department of Education Told Employees to End Support for Transgender Students https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/08/the-department-of-education-told-employees-to-end-support-for-transgender-students/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/08/the-department-of-education-told-employees-to-end-support-for-transgender-students/#respond Sat, 08 Feb 2025 21:30:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/department-of-education-transgender-students-email by Jennifer Smith Richards and Jodi S. Cohen

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    The U.S. Department of Education told employees late Friday that it will end all programs, contracts and policies that “fail to affirm the reality of biological sex,” carrying out President Donald Trump’s vow to restrict transgender rights.

    The broad language in the email did not specify which programs or policies would be impacted, or how many schools or students might be affected. But the order appears designed to target programs that in recent years supported transgender students — school-based mental health services and support for homeless students, for example.

    “These corrective measures will include thorough review and subsequent termination of Departmental programs, contracts, policies, outward-facing media, regulations, and internal practices,” according to the email sent to department employees and obtained by ProPublica.

    A spokesperson for the Education Department did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

    The email, which was unsigned and sent from “ED Internal Communications,” also takes aim at employee programs at the Education Department. Employees across the federal government already have been instructed to remove preferred pronouns from their email signatures.

    “Employee resource groups that promote gender ideology and do not affirm the reality of biological sex cannot meet on government property or take place during official work hours,” the email said.

    It’s not clear what resource groups the email is referencing or whether they exist.

    The Trump administration has curbed transgender rights in other federal agencies; it has barred transgender people from serving in the military, reinstating a policy from Trump’s first term, and in federal prisons it has tried to move transgender women to male facilities, an effort a judge has blocked.

    The sweeping directive outlined in Friday’s Education Department email follows two recent executive orders targeting “gender ideology.” The first, “Defending Women From Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government,” ordered federal agencies to scrub references to transgender people from documents, rules and policies. The department appears to have complied with the order by, for example, removing resources like tips for schools on how to support homeless LGBTQ+ youth.

    Another executive order issued this week, “Keeping Men Out of Women’s Sports,” barred transgender athletes from participating in women’s sports at school. The Education Department on Thursday announced investigations into two universities and an athletic association related to transgender athletes and the institutions’ alleged violations of Title IX, a federal law that is part of the Civil Rights Act and prohibits sex-based discrimination in education. The same day, the NCAA reacted by barring athletes who were identified as male at birth from playing women’s sports.

    The email sent to employees Friday afternoon stated: “The deliberate subjugation of women and girls by means of gender ideology — whether in intimate spaces, weaponized language, or American classrooms — negated the civil rights of biological females and fostered distrust of our federal institutions.”

    Linda McMahon, Trump’s nominee for secretary of education, is still awaiting confirmation.

    She is co-founder with her husband of World Wrestling Entertainment and chair of the America First Policy Institute, a nonprofit that has campaigned against transgender rights in schools.

    Even without McMahon, like-minded colleagues already are working in the department, including several staff members from her conservative think tank. The bio of newly appointed Deputy General Counsel Candice Jackson, for instance, touts her experience “challenging the harmful effects of the concept of ‘gender identity’ in laws and policies in schools.”

    Schools have experienced whiplash in recent years as presidents imposed — and then removed — protections for transgender youth.

    Under President Barack Obama in 2016, the department issued guidance to schools that the federal Title IX law protects the right of transgender students to use restrooms and locker rooms at school that match their gender identities.

    Schools “must not treat a transgender student differently from the way it treats other students of the same gender identity,” the letter said.

    Trump rescinded that guidance after he came into office in 2017, though the letter remained on the Education Department’s website. The Biden administration took the position in 2021 that transgender students deserved protection from discrimination under Title IX and publicized resources for schools and the LGBTQ+ students they serve.

    Now that Trump is back in office again, many of those resource documents appear to have been wiped off the department’s website.

    “President Trump is being the bully-in-chief. This administration wants to outlaw kindness and common decency in schools and make it illegal for teachers to call their students by the name they want to be called,” said Rodrigo Heng-Lehtinen, the executive director of Advocates for Trans Equality, in a statement about the administration’s “Defending Women” executive order.

    Trump’s vision in his second administration includes dismantling the Education Department altogether. It’s unclear if there’s a legal pathway to do so, but already the administration has placed more than 50 department employees on administrative leave who appear to be associated with diversity, equity or inclusion efforts.

    Concerns have mounted at the Education Department all week. Members of Elon Musk’s team reportedly have accessed sensitive department data, and some members of Congress went to department headquarters to question the team but were denied access. Responding to the social media posts of one representative who was blocked from the building, Musk posted on X: “No such department exists in the federal government.”

    We are continuing to report on the U.S. Department of Education. Are you a former or current Education Department employee? Are you a student or school employee impacted by changes at the department? You can reach our tip line on Signal at 917-512-0201. Please be as specific, detailed and clear as you can.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jennifer Smith Richards and Jodi S. Cohen.

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    Trump’s attack on the Department of Education https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/08/trumps-attack-on-the-department-of-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/08/trumps-attack-on-the-department-of-education/#respond Sat, 08 Feb 2025 15:15:04 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=35148dc42265a01bf49e4d388b562b51
    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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    First Came the Warning Signs. Then a Teen Opened Fire on a Nashville School. https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/08/first-came-the-warning-signs-then-a-teen-opened-fire-on-a-nashville-school/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/08/first-came-the-warning-signs-then-a-teen-opened-fire-on-a-nashville-school/#respond Sat, 08 Feb 2025 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/nashville-school-shooter-previous-threats by Aliyya Swaby, ProPublica, and Paige Pfleger, WPLN/Nashville Public Radio

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    Long before 17-year-old Solomon Henderson walked into his school cafeteria with a gun, authorities in Tennessee were alerted to his threatening and violent behavior.

    In 2020, when he was 13, his mom called the police, saying he punched her in the face and tried to hit her with a chair after she asked him to clean up the backyard. An officer with the Clarksville Police Department charged Henderson with simple assault, according to an incident report that ProPublica and WPLN News obtained through a records request. The arrest has not been previously reported.

    In 2023, Nashville police officers visited the family’s home and said they removed two guns. A Police Department spokesperson said the guns belonged to adults in the home, but the incident report could not be released because the visit involved a minor.

    At Antioch High School a year later, Henderson pulled a knife on a 15-year-old girl. For that, he was charged with reckless endangerment, according to a court document the girl’s mother shared with ProPublica and WPLN. School officials responded by suspending Henderson for two days, according to WSMV-TV, which obtained a disciplinary record that refers to the weapon as a “box cutter.”

    Two months after that, in December 2024, a user on X flagged one of Henderson’s accounts and tagged the FBI, encouraging the agency to look into his connections with school shooters. Henderson’s accounts, which did not use his first or last name, were suspended in December and in January for violating “rules against perpetrators of violent attacks.” In school, his grades were slipping. A teacher told WSMV that Henderson was a “walking red flag.”

    On Jan. 22, Henderson came to school with a pistol. He fired 10 shots in 20 seconds in the cafeteria, killing 16-year-old Josselin Corea Escalante before he turned the gun on himself.

    It’s unclear how many of Henderson’s red flags were heeded. In response to questions about Henderson’s past interactions with law enforcement, the Metropolitan Nashville Police Department declined to comment. When asked if the incident in Clarksville came up during its investigations, a spokesperson indicated the department did not know about it. And school officials declined to say whether they considered incidents from his past when determining his suspension, citing student confidentiality laws.

    Henderson’s suspension for threatening another student with a weapon stands in stark contrast to other far harsher penalties students have faced under a series of recently passed state laws designed to prevent school shootings and crack down on hoax threats. A 10-year-old who points a finger gun can get kicked out of school for a year, and an 11-year-old who’s rumored to make a threat can be charged with a felony. Neither of those children, or others whose punishments ProPublica and WPLN examined last year, brought a weapon to school.

    The girl Henderson threatened, Gemima, told ProPublica and WPLN that she was surprised to see him in the hallways just days after the incident. ProPublica and WPLN are using just her first name because she is a minor. “He had a whole knife in school, and he didn’t get expelled,” she said. “It just doesn’t sit right with me.”

    Lawmakers say that the harsh punishments are necessary to deter students from making hoax threats that frighten students and teachers and waste time and resources to investigate. But lawyers and judges say the approach floods the justice system with cases that could be handled at school, making it harder to focus on the real dangers.

    “Any time when you have an influx of cases that are threats or conversations that have to be investigated, I think it does take away valuable resources for the actual, real cases that we need it for,” said Judge Sheila Calloway of the Davidson County Juvenile Court.

    State Rep. Gloria Johnson, a Democrat and former special education teacher, says Tennessee’s Republican supermajority should focus more on implementing protections that will actually help stop mass shootings rather than teaching a lesson to kids who have no intention of carrying one out.

    “Every time we try to come up with something to prevent these incidences, they’re not interested,” Johnson said. “But they are interested in enhancing penalties and convicting 7-year-olds of felonies.”

    Henderson had complained about the students who had gotten in trouble for making threats at his school, worried that the increased police presence would get in the way of his planning. In an online diary that he made public before the shooting, he wrote that he would never have called attention to himself like other kids were, calling them “clowns.” In order to carry out an attack, he wrote, the attacker needed the “element of surprise.”

    Antioch High School, first image. A parent prays as she waits for her daughter following a shooting at the school in January. (First image: Paige Pfleger/WPLN. Second image: George Walker IV/AP Photo.)

    Tennessee requires school officials and police to work together on “threat assessment teams” to investigate cases where students show “dangerous or threatening behavior.” They are supposed to resolve problems before they escalate to violence and determine whether troubled students need additional resources like counseling or other mental health services.

    “When you’re looking at children who might have behaviors that are concerning or other stressors going on in their lives, we want to be capturing and digging into that right away,” said Melissa Nelson, a school safety and security consultant who has trained thousands of school employees on managing threats.

    School shooters usually plan their attacks in advance, federal research shows, and most act out in concerning ways well before they attack. When the process is working at its best, threat assessment teams can step in early to set students on a better path. If a kid is acting out because he is being bullied, for example, the team might switch his lunch hour to separate him from the bully or help mediate a better relationship between the students. These interventions may not have been enough to deter Henderson, but repeated contact and observation over the years he was in the district is considered best practice by experts.

    Under state law, law enforcement and school districts don’t have to publicly disclose their threat assessment process or how effective it is at stopping violence. As a result, the public has little transparency into what steps are being taken to keep students like Henderson from becoming the next school shooter.

    “When we aren’t using evidence-based practices and we don’t have a good framework of specific things we should be looking for,” Nelson said, “then we do have a very high potential of missing warning signs.”

    Metro Nashville Public Schools declined to comment on why they gave Henderson a two-day suspension instead of a harsher punishment for pulling out a knife or whether they completed a threat assessment. But according to the district’s discipline chart, its schools are not required to complete a threat assessment for students punished for reckless endangerment, which was what Henderson was charged with in court.

    If school staff and police did complete an assessment, they would have been required to consider Henderson’s history of violence and risk of acting aggressively in the future, according to a copy of a threat assessment questionnaire the district shared with ProPublica and WPLN. They also would have had to decide how to address any concerns they had about Henderson, such as monitoring his social media, randomly checking his backpack or locker and helping him to get counseling.

    Henderson’s online diary lends insight to warning signs that officials may have missed. He wrote that police once found a gun at his house that belonged to him, but his dad took the blame. He also wrote that his mom had been abusing him for years, including putting a gun to his head when he was young. ProPublica and WPLN made multiple attempts to reach Henderson’s parents for comment but did not hear back.

    The diary also revealed he was active in online groups that glorified mass shooters and that he promoted racist, antisemitic, anti-LGBQT+ and violent misogynistic views. He wrote that he felt lonely at school and wanted to stab his classmates to death.

    The way the school district handled Henderson’s behavior has frustrated Gemima and her family. The family made the decision to not go to court in the case against Henderson — they wanted the school to get him counseling or remove him to an alternative school, and they worried about overly harsh punishment in the justice system. It’s a decision that her mom, Patricia Lerime, said she now regrets.

    “I should have gone to court,” she said, pointing out that he might have been required to get help. “But I felt like Metro failed him.”

    Gemima recalled that when a school administrator confronted Henderson about threatening her with a knife, he began yelling at Gemima and called her the N-word. No one told her that he would be back at school days later. On the day of the shooting, she said, it didn’t take long for information to spread among students that Henderson was the assailant. It struck her, because of her history with Henderson, that she could have been one of his victims.

    “Y’all failed me, and y’all failed everybody else in the school,” Gemima said. “I just feel like the situation should have been handled differently.”

    Mollie Simon of ProPublica and Phoebe Petrovic of Wisconsin Watch contributed research.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Aliyya Swaby, ProPublica, and Paige Pfleger, WPLN/Nashville Public Radio.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/08/first-came-the-warning-signs-then-a-teen-opened-fire-on-a-nashville-school/feed/ 0 512896
    “Educational Arson”: Trump Moves to Abolish Dept. of Education Amid Broader Attack on Public Schools https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/06/educational-arson-trump-moves-to-abolish-dept-of-education-amid-broader-attack-on-public-schools/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/06/educational-arson-trump-moves-to-abolish-dept-of-education-amid-broader-attack-on-public-schools/#respond Thu, 06 Feb 2025 13:50:44 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=13fa67bb5b5a43af1fbaa843774c86b0 Seg3 classroom

    As the Trump administration, led in part by his unelected adviser Elon Musk, sets its sights on cutting the Department of Education, we speak to longtime educator Jesse Hagopian about what he calls an “extremist, authoritarian power grab to dismantle public education and enforce ideological conformity.” Hagopian, whose new book, Teach Truth: The Struggle for Antiracist Education, traces the history of racist educational censorship, adds, “This isn’t about protecting children. We know that dismantling the Department of Education is really about imposing … the violence of organized forgetting.”


    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/06/educational-arson-trump-moves-to-abolish-dept-of-education-amid-broader-attack-on-public-schools/feed/ 0 512660
    Ending the War Against Black Literacy and Education https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/05/ending-the-war-against-black-literacy-and-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/05/ending-the-war-against-black-literacy-and-education/#respond Wed, 05 Feb 2025 20:20:02 +0000 https://progressive.org/magazine/ending-the-war-against-black-literacy-and-education-gilmore-20250205/
    This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Brian Gilmore.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/05/ending-the-war-against-black-literacy-and-education/feed/ 0 512523
    Hoping to “Trump Proof” Students’ Civil Rights, Illinois Lawmakers Aim to End Police Ticketing at School https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/04/hoping-to-trump-proof-students-civil-rights-illinois-lawmakers-aim-to-end-police-ticketing-at-school/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/04/hoping-to-trump-proof-students-civil-rights-illinois-lawmakers-aim-to-end-police-ticketing-at-school/#respond Tue, 04 Feb 2025 11:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/illinois-student-civil-rights-police-ticketing-bill by Jodi S. Cohen and Jennifer Smith Richards

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    Citing an urgency to protect students’ civil rights in a second Trump administration, Illinois lawmakers filed a new bill Monday that would explicitly prevent school police from ticketing and fining students for misbehavior.

    The legislation for the first time also would require districts to track police activity at schools and disclose it to the state — data collection made more pressing as federal authorities have signaled they will deemphasize their role in civil rights enforcement.

    A 2022 ProPublica and Chicago Tribune investigation, “The Price Kids Pay,” found that even though Illinois law bans school officials from fining students directly, districts skirt the law by calling on police to issue citations for violating local ordinances. It also found that Black students were twice as likely to be ticketed at school than their white peers.

    Following the news investigation, the governor, state superintendent and lawmakers urged schools to stop the practice, but legislative efforts repeatedly stalled. The bill introduced Monday in the Illinois House takes a new approach to end police ticketing at schools by making clear that police can arrest students for crimes or violence but that they cannot ticket students for violating local ordinances prohibiting a range of infractions, including vaping, disorderly conduct, truancy and other behavior.

    That distinction was not clear in previous versions of the legislation, which led to concern that schools would not be able to involve police in serious matters — and was a key reason legislation on ticketing floundered. The tickets, which are issued for civil violations of local laws, often are adjudicated in administrative hearings where students typically don’t get legal representation.

    Rep. La Shawn Ford, a Democrat from Chicago and the bill’s chief sponsor, said ticketing students for vaping is an example of how current policies are failing. He said it’s important that school districts disclose what types of police interactions are taking place to monitor for civil rights violations and other concerns.

    “We definitely need to make sure to enshrine what we believe into law. We can’t let Trump policies dictate our morals,” Ford said. “Our schools should be a place where we protect students from the school-to-prison pipeline, period.”

    Several advocacy groups, which have been drafting the legislation along with the Illinois State Board of Education, say there is new energy behind the stronger, more precise version of legislation that they unsuccessfully pushed in the 2023 and 2024 legislative sessions.

    The earlier bills never got a full vote in either chamber. The Illinois Association of Chiefs of Police was among those objecting to the bills because of fears over limiting police responses to criminal activity.

    Patrick Kreis, a vice president for the chiefs association, said the group is in favor of police staying out of student disciplinary matters like truancy and vaping. He has not yet seen the new bills but said the group will work with lawmakers and advocates “to see if there is a way to make this work where we can still do this job and appreciate the underlying concern being raised.”

    Aimee Galvin with Stand for Children, an Illinois nonprofit that pushes for education equity and racial justice, said ensuring districts track police involvement is a way of “Trump proofing” students’ civil rights.

    “We would like to see this data in Illinois,” Galvin said. “If policy were to change at the [U.S. Department of Education], we would lose all data about how schools are interacting with law enforcement, and that is really concerning to us.”

    The civil rights division of the U.S. Education Department for years has collected broad information about how often police are involved with students and how often students are arrested. President Donald Trump has said he wants to dismantle the department, and it’s not clear what impact that would have on the civil rights data collection. And the federal government has never monitored student ticketing.

    A second bill that also aims to curb police activity in schools is expected to be filed in the Illinois Senate on Tuesday. Although it also would aim to end ticketing, it likely will take a different approach than the House version by prohibiting school administrators from calling on police to write tickets as a disciplinary consequence. It also would bar schools from referring truant students or their parents to authorities to be issued a fine.

    Ford and Senate sponsor Karina Villa, a Democrat from West Chicago, said they expect to draw from debate about both bills to earn broad support and refine the final version of the legislation.

    There have been some piecemeal changes and efforts at reform following the “Price Kids Pay” investigation, including a state attorney general investigation that confirmed that school administrators were exploiting a loophole in state law by asking police to ticket students. That investigation found a large suburban Chicago district broke the law when it directed police to fine students and that the practice disproportionately affected Black and Latino students. The state’s top legal authority declared the practice illegal and said it should stop.

    But the House and Senate sponsors of the new legislation said that without it, the practice will continue. Records show that school-based police have ticketed students at high schools in Kankakee County in the eastern part of the state, East Peoria in Central Illinois and Monmouth near the western border with Iowa over the past year for a range of infractions like possessing tobacco, fighting or drinking alcohol.

    In one town, students received fines as high as $450 this fall for possession of cannabis; in another, truancy fines for dozens of students and their families are being sent to collections.

    “They should not be fining families and they should not be directing officers to issue tickets to students,” Villa said of schools where students receive tickets. “Our bill is intended to stop the practice.”

    Other state leaders also have said they want to end the practice of ticketing students at school, including Gov. J.B. Pritzker and the state schools superintendent, Tony Sanders. The Illinois State Board of Education made preventing students from being ticketed at school as discipline one of this session’s legislative priorities in December.

    Board spokesperson Jackie Matthews said changing the law is necessary “particularly because of the disproportionate impact this practice has on students of color.”

    “We are continuing to work with stakeholders and lawmakers to arrive at a solution that protects students,” she said.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jodi S. Cohen and Jennifer Smith Richards.

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    In the Wild West of School Voucher Expansions, States Rely on Untested Companies, With Mixed Results https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/30/in-the-wild-west-of-school-voucher-expansions-states-rely-on-untested-companies-with-mixed-results/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/30/in-the-wild-west-of-school-voucher-expansions-states-rely-on-untested-companies-with-mixed-results/#respond Thu, 30 Jan 2025 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/school-voucher-management-classwallet-odyssey-merit-student-first by Alec MacGillis

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    Last April, West Virginia awarded a nearly $10 million contract to a company called Student First Technologies to manage the state’s Hope Scholarship program, which gives families about $4,900 per child to spend on private-school tuition and homeschooling expenses. The company’s founder, Mark Duran, reacted with delight. “We are very excited to serve your great State,” he wrote.

    But problems soon emerged, as reflected in emails obtained by a ProPublica public-information request. Some private schools were so late in receiving their voucher payments from families that they were having trouble meeting payroll. In late August, a state official wrote to Duran with a list of invoices that needed to be paid promptly, including three from a school, Beth Haven Christian in Chauncey, that had “called and indicated they are experiencing significant cash flow issues.” The email continued, “We need to make sure they have their funds early in the day if at all possible.”

    The school eventually got its funds. But the episode highlights the challenge that states are facing with their rapidly expanding school-choice programs: making sure the taxpayer money they are allowing families to spend on behalf of their kids is being processed efficiently and properly. To do so, they are relying on a small group of fledgling companies that have seized the opportunity to serve as middlemen for this fast-growing market. The work can be lucrative, but it has also proven so daunting that in several states, the companies that carry it out have ended up losing contracts to their rivals — sometimes less than a year after winning them — as questions arise and audits and lawsuits pile up.

    An idea sold on the basis of its simplicity — give parents money to spend on their kids’ education as they see fit — has turned out to be anything but simple in practice. And this complexity comes at a cost: paying companies to run the programs.

    There are now a dozen states in the country that offer universal private-school vouchers, making them available to families of any income level. The largest of those programs, in Florida, is now costing taxpayers nearly $3 billion a year, with the programs in Arizona and Ohio each drawing around $1 billion a year from taxpayer funds.

    In some of the states, the money comes to parents in the form of “education savings accounts,” which can be used on education-related expenses other than tuition. These programs are especially complex to implement, since some form of oversight is needed to make sure families are spending the money in ways that comply with the rules.

    Angling for the task of managing this spending are four companies. The largest is ClassWallet, which is based in Hollywood, Florida. Its founder, Jamie Rosenberg, initially offered its online procurement technology to teachers and administrators to reduce the amount of paperwork involved in school expenditures. But the company has shifted to capitalize on the school-choice market. With backers including Lazard Family Office Partners, a global investment firm, ClassWallet has more than 200 employees and contracts in more than 10 states, among them Florida and Arizona, the latter of which has faced headlines about some parents using state education aid for questionable purchases as the cost of its program has swelled far beyond projections.

    The smallest is Student First, based in Bloomington, Indiana, with 14 full-time employees. Both its founder, Duran, and its chief technology officer were educated in alternative settings, including homeschooling and so-called learning pods — kids from multiple families clustered together — and say they view the company as part of the larger cause of promoting school choice. Duran, 30, previously worked for his family’s homebuilding company in northern Michigan, served as lifestyle assistant and boat captain for an executive couple and their family, and helped deliver a yacht on a 4,000-mile journey from northern Michigan to Key Largo, Florida, via Nova Scotia, Canada, and Nantucket, Massachusetts.

    The other two companies fall in between in scale. Odyssey, based in lower Manhattan, was founded by Joseph Connor, 37, a former teacher and lawyer who had previously created a company called SchoolHouse, which connected teachers with the learning pods that sprouted up during the pandemic. Odyssey, with about 40 employees, has received investor funding from Andreessen Horowitz and Tusk Venture Partners, among others. It works with Iowa and Wyoming and recently won contracts for the newly expanding voucher programs in Georgia and Louisiana.

    The fourth, Merit International, is based in Silicon Valley, and it likewise has considerable venture-capital backing, including from Andreessen Horowitz; its contracts include programs in Ohio and Kansas. The 100-person company also manages payments for government programs outside of education. One of its co-founders, Jacob Orrin, said in an interview that he, too, was drawn to the school-choice business by his background: He struggled in school when he was young, and he says he would have greatly benefited from having had more educational options. “We’re mission-driven — but we make a profit,” he said.

    Competition among the companies often gets fierce as they face off in state after state. They dispatch lobbyists to cast aspersions on their rivals with legislators and state officials. They try to influence the legislation creating the voucher programs to tailor them to their company’s offerings. They feed whisper campaigns among parents about problems arising in states where their rivals are in charge.

    In Iowa, after Odyssey won that state’s contract in 2023, Student First and an Iowa organization it was partnering with brought a legal challenge, alleging “substantial material misrepresentations” by Odyssey; an administrative judge dismissed the suit.

    In Arkansas, the state had selected ClassWallet in 2023 to manage its Education Freedom Accounts, which give families about $7,000 per student. But last spring, the state considered switching to Student First to save money. A lobbyist for ClassWallet paid visits to state legislators, warning them that this was a bad idea. “They sent someone to talk to me,” recalled state Sen. Bart Hester, a Republican from Cave Spring. The lobbyist for ClassWallet explained that the company has three times the number of employees as Student First. “‘There’s no way they can do it,’” the lobbyist said, according to Hester.

    Student First won the contract, worth about $15 million over seven years. But by October, state officials had decided to switch back to ClassWallet, saying that Student First had missed deadlines to set up the program, was late in processing payments, and owed the state $563,000 in fees as a result of the delays. “Student First Technologies is proud of our work to empower Arkansas families,” Duran wrote in a response to questions from ProPublica. (Of Student First’s experience in West Virginia, he said the company has been making “month-on-month improvements, and this will never stop.”)

    ClassWallet previously became embroiled in difficulties one state over, in Oklahoma. A 2022 investigation by The Frontier and Oklahoma Watch found widespread questionable spending under a program in which Gov. Kevin Stitt, a Republican, provided $18 million in federal pandemic-relief funds for families to use for private-school vouchers or educational materials, to be overseen by ClassWallet. Some used the state aid to buy Christmas trees, gaming consoles, electric fireplaces, outdoor grills, dishwashers, pressure washers, car stereo equipment, coffee makers, exercise gear, smartwatches and at least 548 TVs.

    The 2022 article quoted Rosenberg, the ClassWallet CEO, praising the program at a 2020 panel discussion: “They were literally able to deploy $18 million without having to engage any human capital from the government agency, and for it to be almost hands-free and incredibly, incredibly streamlined.” But a subsequent federal audit reported that ClassWallet had blamed Oklahoma for the abuses, saying that the company had offered to limit purchases to items preapproved by the state, but that a teacher who helped arrange the contract — Ryan Walters, now Oklahoma’s education secretary — had declined this option. (Walters did not respond to a request for comment.)

    The problems with the program sparked an odd three-way legal fight, with Stitt attempting to sue ClassWallet and Oklahoma’s own attorney general opposing the governor and blaming problems on poor state oversight. (The Stitt administration is still pursuing the case, now using outside lawyers. ClassWallet has said the claims are “wholly without merit.”) The company declined to respond to specific questions, but spokesperson Jason Hart provided a statement saying “ClassWallet is the country’s most trusted citizen digital wallet technology platform.”

    In Idaho, ClassWallet had the contract to administer an early-pandemic initiative that evolved into what is now called Empowering Parents, a $30 million state program that gives families up to $3,000 each for supplemental educational expenses. The current system could be a possible prelude to a full voucher program, which is up for debate now in the Legislature. Odyssey won the contract in 2022, for $1.5 million per year. A year later, the state ordered an audit after receiving reports of spending on clothes, TVs, smartwatches and other noneducational items. The audit found that only a tiny sliver of purchases were inappropriate, but it ordered Odyssey to pay back the state for $478,656.22 in interest it had collected from unspent federal funding for the program.

    Meanwhile, parents and business owners were reporting other issues with the program under Odyssey’s oversight, as reflected in emails obtained under a Freedom of Information Act request filed by ProPublica. Last February, Tina Stevens, the owner of a music store and academy in Coeur d’Alene that is one of the program’s biggest vendors, wrote to her state senator saying that she had lost $10,000 because families were unable to access their funds to pay for music classes. She also wrote that Odyssey’s requirement to ship all purchases to families was wasting money. “The Odyssey system is rife with more fraud than we ever saw last year and super easy to cheat,” she wrote. Stevens elaborated in an interview, saying that in one instance, she was required to ship a digital piano via a freight truck, at a cost of $423, even though the family it went to had come in person to select it. And it took her 1,000 hours, she said, to build the separate website that Odyssey required vendors to have for the program.

    Still, she said, the difficulties had not undermined her support for the program. “Parents and kids need musical products and a lot of kids can’t afford it,” she said. “I’ve had mothers coming in the door crying, saying ‘I never thought I could get a musical instrument, and now my kid can have something I never thought they could have.’”

    In September, the director of the Idaho State Board of Education, Joshua Whitworth, wrote to Odyssey’s CEO, Connor, listing problems, including “ongoing customer service concerns,” sales taxes charged in error, and vendors being owed payments since January 2024. Connor replied with a lengthy email defending the company, saying that the company had an above-average customer satisfaction rating in Idaho and paid out the “vast majority” of orders within a week. But days later, Idaho said it was switching back to ClassWallet.

    Emails show ClassWallet executives and lobbyists celebrating their victory and collaborating with state officials over how to word the announcement. “The tone of this one was markedly more vicious,” said one of the participants in the Idaho competition, describing the latest round. “It’s like two heavyweights exchanging blows.”

    In response to questions about the loss of the Idaho contract and the problems that preceded it, a company spokesperson said, “Odyssey’s bid was undercut on price and the decision to rebid had nothing to do with performance.”

    In an interview, Orrin, the Merit co-founder, said the programs’ problems were due partly to states coming under pressure to limit costs and expecting companies to operate them at thin margins. “At a certain level, as states continue to squeeze on these budgets, it will be hard for anyone to deliver successfully,” he said. Some companies were contributing to this by making unrealistically low bids and were then having trouble delivering. “Some of the companies in this space are trying hard to chase the dragon,” he said.

    Vanessa Grossl, who worked for ClassWallet before being elected last fall as a Republican state representative in Kentucky, calls the new mode of spending “Venmo government” and predicts it will improve with time. The novelty of the programs has “gotten some of them in trouble,” she said. “But you have to uncover those bugs in any new system. It’s worth the price of innovation and discovery for working through the bugs.”

    Help ProPublica Report on Education


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Alec MacGillis.

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    How Many Students Have Been Expelled Under Tennessee’s School Threats Law? There’s No Clear Answer. https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/28/how-many-students-have-been-expelled-under-tennessees-school-threats-law-theres-no-clear-answer/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/28/how-many-students-have-been-expelled-under-tennessees-school-threats-law-theres-no-clear-answer/#respond Tue, 28 Jan 2025 18:15:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/tennessee-school-threat-law-expulsions-data by Aliyya Swaby

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    When a mother in Tennessee reached out to ProPublica last year to share that her 10-year-old had been kicked out of school for making a finger gun, she wondered how many other kids had experienced the same thing.

    The state had recently passed laws heightening penalties for making threats of mass violence at school, including requiring yearlong expulsions. There was a lot of speculation among advocates and lawyers about how broadly schools and law enforcement would apply the law. As a longtime education reporter with experience reporting on student discipline, I assumed I would be able to get meaningful data to help me understand whether this 10-year-old’s experience was a fluke or a trend.

    After several months of investigating, I found that the state laws had resulted in a wave of expulsions and arrests for children accused of making threats of mass violence, sometimes stemming from rumors and misunderstandings.

    But in the course of publishing stories on that 10-year-old and other children ensnared by these laws, I realized that the process of determining just how many students were affected was more frustrating than illuminating. I learned that Tennessee gives public agencies wide latitude to refuse to release data, which could reveal whether the laws were working as intended or needed to be fixed. And due to inconsistencies in how school districts collect and report information, lawmakers themselves are sometimes as in the dark as the public.

    I began my quest by asking a couple dozen school districts, including 20 of the state’s largest, how many students they had expelled for making threats of mass violence over the past few years. I also wanted, if possible, the demographics of those students. I live in Georgia, and Tennessee allows agencies to deny records requests from people without a Tennessee address — so I partnered with Paige Pfleger of WPLN News in Nashville, who has spent years reporting on guns and criminal justice in Tennessee.

    Tennessee, like all states, must submit school disciplinary data to the federal government, and it requires school districts to collect this data throughout the year. Some districts like Metro Nashville Public Schools and Rutherford County Schools provided us with numbers relatively easily, which showed they expelled students for making threats more often once the zero-tolerance law was on the books, despite investigating similar or smaller numbers of incidents.

    But other districts fought against releasing data, claiming in some cases that sharing any of this basic information would violate the confidentiality of their students or even lead to violence on their campuses. “We believe that it would have an adverse impact on our security plans and security operations,” a private lawyer for the Putnam County School System, east of Nashville, emailed back. Publishing the data “could lead to threats and/or actual incidents,” the lawyer added.

    Several said they didn’t maintain a database that would make it easy or possible to give us the information, citing state public records law they said allowed them to deny the request.

    In other instances, districts released incomplete or inconsistent data. Several were willing to tell us how many times their staff investigated alleged threats from students but said they couldn’t share the number who had been expelled. Some lumped together threats of mass violence with a number of other disciplinary offenses, inflating the numbers.

    I wondered how lawmakers would be able to assess whether the expulsions were working if they didn’t even know how many students had been expelled. So I asked the state’s Department of Education to let me know what it was seeing. Turns out school districts were also sending their inaccurate data directly to the state. The department told me that school districts had reported about 170 “incidents” of threats of mass violence last school year. But our sample from fewer than 20 school districts showed almost 100 more incidents than that, and I couldn’t get a clear explanation about the discrepancy.

    One Nashville reporter found that the Clarksville-Montgomery County School System wrongly reported data about disruptive school incidents, including threats of mass violence. When I reached out to a representative for the district, he told me that it had improved its records but that he couldn’t “pull accurate data for the past.” He recommended I ask the county sheriff’s office for data about the number of students charged with threats of mass violence. (The sheriff’s office had already denied my request, claiming it was confidential information.)

    This year, as the legislative session ramped up in Tennessee, I asked Rep. Gloria Johnson, a Democrat and a former special education teacher, to see if she could succeed where I failed. She asked the Education Department for the number of expulsions for threats of mass violence last school year.

    Likely due to reporting errors, the department could only definitively confirm 12. Our digging had uncovered 66 expulsions for threats of mass violence across just 10 school districts.

    In response to questions about the difficulties I encountered, an Education Department spokesperson said that the agency is training districts on how to accurately report their data.

    The spokesperson also said the department had passed along the responsibility of tracking threats of mass violence to the Department of Safety and Homeland Security, which has been helping investigate them at schools. Early this year, I asked that department what it would be tracking and whether any of that data would be public in the future.

    That information, a spokesperson responded, was confidential.

    Do You Have a Tip for ProPublica? Help Us Do Journalism.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Aliyya Swaby.

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    Writer Justin Taylor on transforming inspiration from others into your own work https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/28/writer-justin-taylor-on-transforming-inspiration-from-others-into-your-own-work/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/28/writer-justin-taylor-on-transforming-inspiration-from-others-into-your-own-work/#respond Tue, 28 Jan 2025 08:00:00 +0000 https://thecreativeindependent.com/people/writer-justin-taylor-on-transforming-inspiration-from-others-into-your-own-work First off, were you a child actor?

    Yes.

    I was expecting you to say, “No,” and then I was going to ask about your research process. Do you mind talking about the child actor stuff and how it may have inspired this?

    No, not at all. I grew up in South Florida. That’s where I was born. And there was and maybe still is quite a bit of film and print, fashion, TV–all kinds of industry stuff. Miami Vice was filming down there in those days. And so, when I was an infant, my mom was told by another mother in a new mom’s group that this business existed and that they were always looking for little models. The woman said, “Not only will they pay you, but your baby can keep the clothes.”

    That’s what sold my mom on it. I think I was six months old and they took some headshots or full body shots, I guess. I mean, of a baby. Then when I was a little older, four or five or six, because I was a good reader, I could memorize lines, which was a pretty valuable commodity because a lot of times that’s the hardest part of working with child actors. It petered out as I got older. Beyond a certain point you really had to start developing your craft or at least be a burgeoning teen idol, which, uh, was not in the cards for me. My acting career ended around the time that the character in Reboot starts, when he goes to LA and moves into that weird complex to do pilot season. That was something that was suggested I might do but never did. The last commercial I did, I think I was maybe 14, was for a new roller coaster at Cedar Point theme park. The Mants. At the time it was the fastest or tallest or something. They flew me up there and I rode this thing all day—you can find it on YouTube. But that was the end of the line for me.

    Did you puke all day? That seems really intense.

    I was terrified of roller coasters. The first couple rides were miserable and then I kind of got in the spirit of it.

    So since the character does what you didn’t, goes off and lives in this motel, did you have to do research for that part or did you just talk to some friends or use your own experiences and then extend them?

    Some of it was just “What if?”-ing my life. Imagining if I had gotten this or that role, what choices that would have opened up and if I could have really gone the other way, where I went all in on acting. One that comes to mind is this Arnold Schwarzenegger movie called Kindergarten Cop that I was actually cast in. I had the part in the movie then there was an executive note a couple weeks later that they wanted a younger kid and they wanted a Black kid. They thought that would be funnier to have Schwarzenegger with a Black five-year-old or whatever. So that didn’t happen. And that Elijah Wood, Macaulay Culkin movie, The Good Son… I was second or third in line to play the part that Elijah eventually got.

    But there was also some actual research. I read a bunch of child celebrity memoirs. There were a few in particular that I found very useful, which I can talk about, but with regard to the weird apartment complex where David and Shayne meet in the book, Rising Star, that came out of a book called Fame Junkies by Jake Halpern. The first chapter is about this place in LA that caters specifically to people coming in from out of town to try make their kids get famous. I can’t remember what it’s called offhand. It has a much more innocuous name than the one I gave it. The writer Anika Levy read a draft of the novel in manuscript (she read a few of them actually, she helped me a lot) and she recognized the place immediately. I think she grew up around there. The child actor memoirs were Corey Feldman’s Coreyography, which is a really interesting book, and Jodie Sweetin, the middle kid from Full House, her memoir, unSweetined.

    Clever title. What does your work entail on the day to day? What’s your writing process? Do you have any rules for yourself, or?

    I don’t have a lot of rules. I’m not good at patterns and routines, and I’m not particularly disciplined. I work in a lot of different genres. From the outside it might look like there’s a consistency in rigor here, I mean in that I am usually working on something and because a lot of it is journalism I might have a bunch of bylines in a given year, I mean not that anyone but me would notice, but if you did. Anyway my point is that from the inside it doesn’t feel consistent or rigorous. It feels like fucking chaos all the time. But you can get away with some chaos when you’re bouncing between shorter things: a story, an essay, some book review that’s 700 words long and is done in a week. A novel, or any book-length project, demands rigor and discipline. There’s a dailiness to it. It’s like a training regimen or a diet or whatever you have to stick with. Which is not how I prefer to work.

    The closest thing I have to a practice is to do something for the writing every day. As long as I’m giving it something, I almost don’t care what that thing is. Writing, revising, research reading, taking a long walk, sitting around doing nothing except for feeling bad until it’s so unbearable that I finally sit down and do in two hours what I’ve been dreading doing for three weeks. It all counts as work. If you’ve got a bunch of things going, hopefully you finish them at different times and publish them at different times and from the outside it looks consistent and sane, or whatever it’s supposed to look like. The one practical thing I am a fanatic about is this: when I am writing, I write everything longhand. Always first draft longhand, type it up, print it out, edit it longhand, type it back in. Over and over.

    That cycle is really important to me. I also do a lot of reading out loud. Not to get too woo woo about this, but I want to make writing a somatic and haptic experience, connect the brain to the hand, connect the voice to the breath… That is where a lot of the work gets done. The computer, I don’t know, the computer feels like… I don’t want to say a “cursed space,” but it is such an overdetermined space. You know what I mean? My work is on here. In COVID, my therapy was on here. Right now, we’re doing this interview on here. My text messages forward to here. Movies, social media, breaking news, everything. And it never stops. But your writing is something you need to be alone with. There is no substitute for solitude. For me, the analog page and talking to myself is the best way to achieve it.

    The present tense plot in Reboot takes place in less than a week, but the backstory goes on for decades. How do you approach backstory and back flashes? I felt like you did it so seamlessly.

    Well, thank you. In the early drafts of this book, the front story spanned a lot more time. I got much more into the attempts to reboot the show. But everything felt really slack. I didn’t think I had enough plot to justify the timeline that I was trying to work in.

    And I thought about something that an old teacher of mine used to say. I think it was Jill Ciment. I can hear it in her voice in my head. She used to say that if the plot lacked tension, before you go jamming new plot in, try compressing the timeline of what you have. So I started pushing everything closer together. It makes each thing lean on the next thing. Screenwriters have a saying along the same lines, which is, “Turn ‘and’ into ‘because.’” It took me a long time to learn how to do that, but I think I got there.

    I always knew there had to be a lot of backstory because the whole premise of the book is they’re trying to reboot this show, and through that, they’re relitigating their relationships to each other back then and their own legacies and whatever. It was always supposed to be a 20th anniversary reboot, which set a lot of clear parameters. It determined how old they were in the present action of the novel and how old they’d been when they were on the show, which determined when they had to have been born, and therefore what other (real) shows they’d have been airing alongside, whose careers they’re jealous of. Once those structures were in place, I felt a lot of freedom to call up the backstory as needed and I tried to make it pretty seamless.

    I know that you teach college students, too. What do you want people to learn from you?

    I mostly teach writing workshops, sometimes literature seminars. This summer, I did a grad seminar on the short novel. We read The Prime of Miss Jean Brodie, Train Dreams, Lucy, Mrs. Caliban, Log of the S.S. the Mrs Unguentine, and Pedro Paramo. I’m trying to teach a love of reading and a certain depth of reading—a form of attention—that maybe students, undergraduates for sure, have never done before. A lot of them don’t even know you can read this deeply; nobody’s ever modeled it for them. What is good attention to a text? How do you get from “I liked this” or “I didn’t like this” to “Why is it what it is? Why did the author want to do it this way rather than any other way they could have done it? How can I steal something from this that I can use?”

    Those are the things that I really try to get across, almost irrespective of what I’m teaching.

    In a workshop it’s different because the student work drives the conversation. A student turns in a 20 page story and says, “I wrote a story about X.” And ten people read it and hand it back and basically say, “Yeah, it’s actually about Y, not X, but there’s only 7 page of the 20 that are really about Y. Which we loved. The other 13, we don’t know what you were doing.” A student might be bummed by that response but I will tell them that’s really good information to have. At that point you can say, “Fine, my readers liked Y. I’m going to go all in on Y.” Or you can say, “Screw you. It’s a story about X, and I know you liked Y better, but I’m going to cut all that shit out of there and double down on X until it’s doing what I want it to do.”

    I think those are the main things. That and the love of sentences. I think aesthetics are the building blocks of thought, of language, of story. I think a story should be about its own sounds and its own energy before it’s about anything else. That’s a very counterintuitive idea to a lot of people, and it’s very hard to learn—both how to do it and why you’d want to. So yeah, we spend a lot of time on that, just being like, “Doesn’t this sound good? Don’t you want to write something that sounds like this?”

    So with deep reading, or reading in the way that a writer should, what tips do you give? What are some concrete tips, or what do you tell your students to focus on when they’re reading?

    Going slow is a big one. Being willing to reread is another. It’s true that all reading is rereading. At least in a sense. When you’re going through something the first time, you spend a lot of time learning the rules of the game you’re being asked to play. You’re trying to keep track of what’s happening. You’re trying to clock your own reactions to it. Maybe you’re catching every detail, maybe you’re not. You’re deciding whether you’re enjoying yourself, whether you want to keep going. All that’s as it should be.

    If it’s good enough, if you liked it enough, or even if you didn’t like it but something about it is still laying claim to your attention, then maybe you flip back to page one and start again. Tomorrow or next year or whenever. This time you know what you’re getting into, you have the big picture, so you can pay more attention to the small stuff. How is this scene constructed? What seeds of the ending can I see in the beginning? I don’t mean foreshadowing. I mean creating the conditions of a conclusion that feels at once shocking (I did not see that coming!) and inevitable (of course it had to be that way!).

    It’s so often right there from the very first page, and once you see that you see that most stories aren’t about constantly adding new stuff, they’re about starting with a few very rich elements and then ramifying them as completely as you can.</span> If you’re reading as a writer, you need to be able to see that in any given text, then you need to see the particular way it was done in this particular text, then you want to think about how to translate that knowledge into the thing you’re working on—not to steal the technique itself (though you can) but to come up with a technique of your own that will be just as powerful for whatever it is you’re trying to achieve.

    It’s worth remembering that before they are anything else, these things are entertainments. That is the idea. They can be literary works of high moral seriousness that lay bare the mysteries of existence and redeem our suffering and stop wars and all that other shit they do, but still they are commercial products. We went to a store and paid some money in the hope of being shown a good time. Whatever a good time means to each of us. So maybe that’s really what I’m trying to teach: an expanded sense of what constitutes a good time.

    Justin Taylor recommends:

    As It Was Give(n) to Me by Stacy Kranitz - Gorgeous, astonishing, brutal, bizarre, profound and tender photographs of Appalachian people and places taken by an artist with deep roots in the region.

    “Wes Picked a 4 Hour Playlist by Taylor Swift” - my friend Wes (age 7) put a ton of work into curating this playlist of rare & live Taylor tracks. It was originally 4 hours long but a bunch of songs got taken down a few days later so it’s now a relatively svelte 2:48.

    The Sewanee Review - I work for the school and I write for the magazine so, you know, grain of salt, but seriously, it’s one of the best journals out there and you should subscribe.

    Get the purple one - You ever go into the trucker-supply section of a Love’s gas station and see those silicone seat cushions? They’re like an inch thick and they’ve got this honeycomb pattern that supposedly redistributes your weight in such a way that you can drive forever without wrecking your lower back and maybe you’ve seen them many times before and have always thought to yourself, Oh come on. Like how could what they’re claiming possibly be true? There’s a blue one and a purple one. The purple one costs twice as much as the blue one and when I asked why, some guy—not a Love’s employee—told me “Well, it’s twice as good.” So I went for it and, friends, it changed my life. Over the course of the first hour of driving with it on the seat, all the pain that had been gathering all morning just drained right out of me and never came back. It felt the way water swirling down a bathtub drain looks. Non-slip cover machine washable cold, hang dry.

    Driving across the country - I did it twice this summer. See previous entry.


    This content originally appeared on The Creative Independent and was authored by Shy Watson.

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    Four words that bear significance to the happy news of a Gaza ceasefire https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/19/four-words-that-bear-significance-to-the-happy-news-of-a-gaza-ceasefire/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/19/four-words-that-bear-significance-to-the-happy-news-of-a-gaza-ceasefire/#respond Sun, 19 Jan 2025 01:35:32 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=109622 COMMENTARY: By Andrew Mitrovica

    I have wrestled with what to say in this urgent moment, long yearned for and that often appeared beyond reach during these last 15 hideous months.

    One of the questions that I grappled with was this: What could I possibly share with readers that would even remotely capture the meaning and profundity of an apparent agreement to stop the wholesale massacre of Palestinians?

    I had not suffered. My home is intact. My family and I are alive and well. We are warm, together and safe.

    So, the other pressing dilemma I confronted was: Is it my place to write at all? This space should be reserved, I thought, for Palestinians to reflect on the horrors they have endured and what is to come.

    Their voices will, of course, be heard here and elsewhere in the days and weeks ahead. My voice, in this context, is insignificant and, under these grievous circumstances, borders on being irrelevant.

    Still, if you and, in particular, Palestinians will oblige me, this is what I have to say:

    I think that there are four words that each, in their own way, bear some significance to Wednesday’s happy news that the guns are poised to go silent.

    The first and perhaps most fitting word is “relief”.

    There will be ample time and opportunity for the “experts” to draw up their predictable scorecards of the “winners” and “losers” and the broader short- and long-term strategic implications of Wednesday’s deal.

    There will, as well, be ample time and opportunity for more “experts” to consider the political consequences of Wednesday’s deal in the Middle East, Europe and Washington, DC.

    My preoccupation, and I suspect the preoccupation of most Palestinians and their loved ones in Gaza and the occupied West Bank, is that peace has arrived finally.

    How long it will last is a question best posed tomorrow. Today, let us all revel in the relief that is a dividend of peace.

    Palestinian boys and girls are dancing with relief. After months of grief, loss and sadness, joy has returned. Smiles have returned. Hope has returned.

    Let us enjoy a satisfying measure of relief, if not pleasure, in that.

    There is relief in Israel, too.

    The families of the surviving captives will soon be reunited with the brothers and sisters, daughters and sons, mothers and fathers, they have longed to embrace again.

    They will, no doubt, require care and attention to heal the wounds to their minds, souls and bodies.

    That will be another, most welcomed, dividend of peace.

    The next word is “gratitude”.

    Those of us who, day after dreadful day, have watched — bereft and helpless as a ruthless apartheid state has gone methodically about reducing Gaza to dust and memory — owe our deepest gratitude to the brave, determined helpers who have done their best to ease the pain and suffering of besieged Palestinians.

    We owe our everlasting gratitude to the countless anonymous people, in countless places throughout Gaza and the West Bank, who, at grave risk and at the expense of so many young, promising lives, put the welfare of their Palestinian brothers and sisters ahead of their own.

    We must be grateful for their selflessness and courage. They did their duty. They walked into the danger. They did not retreat. They stood firm. They held their ground. They rebuffed the purveyors of death and destruction who tried to erase their pride and dignity.

    They reminded the world that humanity will prevail despite the occupier’s efforts to crush it.

    The third word is “acknowledge”.

    The world must acknowledge the steadfast resistance of Palestinians.

    The occupier’s aim was to break the will and spirit of Palestinians. That has been the occupier’s intent for the past 75 years.

    Once again, the occupier has failed.

    Palestinians are indefatigable. They are, like their brethren in Ireland and South Africa, immovable.

    They refuse to be routed from their land because they are wedded to it by faith and history. Their roots are too deep and indestructible.

    Palestinians will decide their fate — not the marauding armies headed by racists and war criminals who cling to the antiquated notion that might is right.

    It will take a little more time and patience, but the sovereignty and salvation that Palestinians have earned in blood and heartache is, I am convinced, approaching not far over the horizon.

    The final word is “shame”.

    There are politicians and governments who will forever wear the shame of permitting Israel to commit genocide against the people of Palestine.

    These politicians and governments will deny it. The evidence of their crimes is plain. We can see it in the images of the apocalyptic landscape of Gaza. We will record every name of the more than 46,000 Palestinian victims of their complicity.

    That will be their decrepit legacy.

    Rather than stop the mass murder of innocents, they enabled it. Rather than prevent starvation and disease from claiming the lives of babies and children, they encouraged it. Rather than turn off the spigot of arms, they delivered them. Rather than shout “enough”, they spurred the killing to go on and on.

    We will remember. We will not let them forget.

    That is our responsibility: to make sure that they never escape the shame that will follow each and every one of them like a long, disfiguring shadow in the late-day sun.

    Shame on them. Shame on them all.

    Andrew Mitrovica is an award-winning writer and journalism educator at the University of Toronto. He has been an investigative reporter for a variety of news organisations and publications, including the CBC, CTV, Saturday Night Magazine, Reader’s Digest, the Walrus magazine and the Globe and Mail, where he was a member of the newspaper’s investigative unit. He is also a columnist for Al Jazeera.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    How Segregated Are Your Local Private Schools? We Made a Tool to Help You Find Out. https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/18/how-segregated-are-your-local-private-schools-we-made-a-tool-to-help-you-find-out/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/18/how-segregated-are-your-local-private-schools-we-made-a-tool-to-help-you-find-out/#respond Sat, 18 Jan 2025 11:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/segregation-academies-demographic-data-private-schools by Jennifer Berry Hawes

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    In South Carolina, where I live, rural towns often remain largely divided by race, especially those with larger Black communities. You’ll often hear people describe railroad tracks that run through these towns and how white people live on one side of the tracks, Black people on the other. That’s true. But I’ve often seen a different dividing line, a more impenetrable one. This one runs between schools: private and public ones.

    While reporting in many of these small towns, I saw that Black children typically attend the local public schools while white kids head to private schools. Many of these private schools are known as “segregation academies” because they opened for white children while the federal courts were forcing districts across the South to desegregate. Hundreds of these academies still operate, and they continue to divide their communities.

    When children don’t go to school together, they don’t interact much with peers of another race. Their parents don’t meet at the bus stop or at PTA meetings or on the sidelines of football games. Communities can remain almost as divided as they were before the U.S. Supreme Court ruled state-mandated school segregation was unconstitutional — 70 years ago.

    I spent much of 2024 digging into “segregation academies” with my colleague, ProPublica research reporter Mollie Simon. Early on, we set out to compile a master list of segregation academies that are still operating, which we planned to use as a foundation for our reporting.

    It’s difficult, impossible even, to identify these academies or even to understand local school segregation more broadly without knowing the racial makeup of each private school’s enrollment over time. And private schools aren’t always willing to hand over that information. Nor do they have to. But while putting together our list of segregation academies, we came across something incredibly useful — a 30-year trove of data kept by the U.S. Department of Education that lays out the story of racial segregation, school by school, across the country. It shows the racial breakdown of most private schools’ enrollments every other year since the early 1990s.

    Outside of a handful of education researchers, the average person doesn’t know this data exists. Nor is most of it kept in an accessible format. Parents would need a high level of data literacy to use it to better understand education trends or to make their own school decisions.

    ProPublica decided to create a Private School Demographics database, which we launched this week, that anyone, anywhere can use to look up a school and view the years of data we were relying on for our reporting.

    The story behind this new tool began with our need to understand how many segregation academies still operate — and where. We wanted to focus only on those that continue to create segregating forces in their communities, not the ones whose student bodies had come to reflect their local areas.

    We turned to the National Center for Education Statistics, which has demographic data about the students at most private schools in the country on its website. (Schools voluntarily reported their information to the center.) This was helpful, but it provided the racial breakdown of kids at each school only from the 2021-22 school year, the most recent data available.

    We wanted to go back in time to see how the demographics of these schools have — or have not — changed over the years.

    It turned out that this NCES data comes from something called the Private School Universe Survey, the dataset we came to rely on. It was practically hiding in plain sight.

    While the most recent survey results are easily available on the NCES website, the rest are in formats that require experts to clean and organize into something usable. Luckily, we have those experts on our staff. Our colleagues Sergio Hernández and Nat Lash began digging into the older datasets, turning them into a searchable format. Then they compared each private school’s demographics to those of the public school district in which it is located.

    This pointed us to illuminating stories about the effects of segregation academies in communities that weren’t on anyone’s radar, certainly not mine. In fact, the data could tell stories about myriad places all over the country where private schools educate millions of the nation’s children.

    I used the database to point me to the segregation academies having the most dividing effects on their local communities. That led me first to a county in the rural shadow of Selma, Alabama, one of the most pivotal points on the Civil Rights movement’s map.

    That community was 45 minutes to the south in Wilcox County, where I found people starkly divided by race, as they had been since the days when plantation operators hauled enslaved workers to the region to grow cotton. While Wilcox Academy was 98% white, the local county public schools were 98% Black. Local residents were dividing their scarce resources to operate two shrinking school systems, one private and one public — to the detriment of pretty much everyone there.

    Wilcox Academy’s demographic breakdown as shown through ProPublica’s Private School Demographics database

    The story of Wilcox County formed the backbone of the first story in our segregation academy series.

    Our database also steered me toward the last story in our series, this one based in Mississippi’s Amite County, where we found segregation academies that had some of the most profoundly dividing effects yet. One of them had never reported enrolling more than a single Black student at a time. The other had just hit an all-time high — 3.5% Black enrollment in a county where almost 40% of residents are Black.

    Perhaps the most telling detail didn’t come from the data or our master list. I found it at a Friday night football game. One night while I was in Amite, the public high school played a home game — and so did the nearby academy. While the public high school played, its stands full of Black families, I interviewed a Black man who had graduated from the public high school and coached its football team.

    As halftime neared, he and I decided to head over to the private school, a segregation academy just over the tree line. Over all his years living and working in this community, he had never stepped foot on the campus. Almost everyone there — people from this very small community — was white. But he recognized only a few of them.

    As we walked toward the stands, he described feeling a million eyes on him. Nobody was unfriendly. But this threshold felt far more impenetrable than any railroad tracks I had ever encountered.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jennifer Berry Hawes.

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    How an Education Reform Group Founded by Jeb Bush Harmed Oklahoma Schools https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/17/how-an-education-reform-group-founded-by-jeb-bush-harmed-oklahoma-schools/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/17/how-an-education-reform-group-founded-by-jeb-bush-harmed-oklahoma-schools/#respond Fri, 17 Jan 2025 19:30:23 +0000 https://progressive.org/public-schools-advocate/how-an-education-reform-group-founded-by-jeb-bush-harmed-oklahoma-schools-thompson-20250117/
    This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by John Thompson.

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    ProPublica Releases New Private School Demographics Lookup https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/16/propublica-releases-new-private-school-demographics-lookup/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/16/propublica-releases-new-private-school-demographics-lookup/#respond Thu, 16 Jan 2025 17:45:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/propublica-private-school-demographics-lookup by Sergio Hernández, Nat Lash and Ken Schwencke

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    Join us Jan. 31 at 3 p.m. Eastern for a live demonstration of this database’s features.

    Private schools in the United States are, on the whole, whiter than public schools, with fewer Black, Hispanic or Latino students. This may not be a surprising statistic because private schools can often be expensive and exclusionary, but it’s not a simple one to pin down. There is no central list of private schools in the country, and the only demographic data about them comes from a little-known voluntary survey administered by the federal government.

    While reporting our project on Segregation Academies in the South last year, we relied on that survey to find private schools founded during desegregation and analyzed their demographics compared to local public school districts. Our analysis of that survey revealed, among other things, Amite County, Mississippi, where about 900 children attend the local public schools — which, as of 2021, were 16% white. By comparison, the two private schools in the county, with more than 600 children, were 96% white.

    In the course of our reporting, we realized that this data and analysis were illuminating and useful — even outside the South. We decided to create a database to allow anyone to look up a school and view years worth of data.

    Today, we are releasing the Private School Demographics database. This is the first time anyone has taken past surveys and made them this easy to explore. Moreover, we’ve matched these schools to the surrounding public school districts, enabling parents, researchers and journalists to directly compare the makeup of private schools to local public systems.

    Until now, much of this data was difficult to analyze: While the National Center for Education Statistics, which collects the data, provides a tool to view the most recent year of Private School Universe Survey data, there was no easy way to examine historical trends without wrangling large, unwieldy text files.

    As debates over school choice, vouchers and privatization of education intensify, making this repository of private school data accessible is more important than ever. The information is self-reported, but we have attempted to flag or correct some obvious inaccuracies wherever possible.

    How to Use the App

    Searching: You can search for private schools or public school districts by name and drill down on results using several filter options.

    For schools, you can filter results by state, religious affiliation, school type and enrollment range. For some schools, you can also filter by founding year. By default, we only show results for schools that have responded to the survey at least once in the last few years, but you can turn off this filter to also include older data in your search results.

    For public school districts, users can filter by state and sort results to see where the most students are attending private schools, as well as the gap between the district’s largest racial group and the school’s share of those same students. Because private schools can draw students from different districts, comparing their racial composition to a single district’s public schools is imperfect. Still, these comparisons can offer valuable insights into broader patterns of segregation and access.

    Looking up a private school: On each private school’s page, you’ll find basic information about the school (its name; location; the type of school and its religious affiliation, if any; and what grades it teaches), and we’ve also included a summary and visualization of how the school’s demographics compare to the public school district’s.

    There’s also a compilation of the demographic data the school provided to the survey, which you can download for your own analysis:

    Exploring a district or state: On district and state pages, you’ll find more general information about private schools in those areas. (Search for districts here, and see links for each state here.)

    You can find areas where private schools aren’t out of step demographically with their nearby public schools. In Osceola County, Florida, south of Orlando, both the local public school district and the private schools are mostly Hispanic or Latino.

    Both state and district pages include breakdowns of private schools by religious orientation and school type, and a list of all private schools in the state or district. State pages also show a list of all school districts in the state.

    District pages include some additional features, such as:

    • A searchable map of private schools in the district’s boundaries, color coded by the predominant race of each school’s student body. (Use the lookup tool next to the map to search for schools by name, or click on the “Use Your Current Location” button to zoom in on schools near you. Clicking on a school’s address will fly the map to its location, and clicking on a school’s name will take you to that school’s page.)

    • An interactive line chart that shows how public and private school enrollment have changed over time for each race category. Use the dropdown to change race categories and explore trends for different groups.

    If you find something notable, we’d love to hear about it. We’d also like to hear your ideas for improving the app, including new features or data you’d like to see. And if you spot something you believe is an error, each page has a button you can use to report that to us.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Sergio Hernández, Nat Lash and Ken Schwencke.

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    Private School Demographics https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/16/private-school-demographics/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/16/private-school-demographics/#respond Thu, 16 Jan 2025 17:40:00 +0000 https://projects.propublica.org/private-school-demographics by Sergio Hernández, Nat Lash and Brandon Roberts

    Private schools in the United States are, on the whole, whiter, less Black and less Hispanic or Latino than public schools.

    With our new Private School Demographics database, we’re enabling parents, researchers and journalists to directly compare the makeup of private schools to local public schools.

    As debates over school choice, vouchers and privatization of education intensify, making this repository of private school data accessible is more important than ever.

    🔎 Look up private schools near you.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Sergio Hernández, Nat Lash and Brandon Roberts.

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    Fiji quota proposal sparks debate on women’s representation in politics https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/16/fiji-quota-proposal-sparks-debate-on-womens-representation-in-politics/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/16/fiji-quota-proposal-sparks-debate-on-womens-representation-in-politics/#respond Thu, 16 Jan 2025 03:43:05 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=109444 COMMENTARY: By Monika Singh

    The lack of women representation in parliaments across the world remains a vexed and contentious issue.

    In Fiji, this problem has again surfaced for debate in response to Deputy Prime Minister Manoa Kamikamica’s call for a quota system to increase women’s representation in Parliament.

    Kamikamica was speaking at the “Capacity Building Training for Prospective Women and Youth Candidates in Local Elections” workshop in Suva in November last year.

    USP postgraduate student in sociology, Lovelyn Laurelle Giva-Tuke
    USP postgraduate student in sociology, Lovelyn Laurelle Giva-Tuke . . . she advocates a holistic approach encompassing financial assistance and specific legislation to address violence against women in politics. Image: Wansolwara

    The workshop was organised by Suva-based civil society organisation, Dialogue Fiji, in collaboration with Emily’s List Australia and funded by Misereor.

    Kamikamica noted that women’s representation in Fiji’s Parliament peaked at 20 percent in 2018, only to drop to 14 percent after the 2022 elections.

    He highlighted what he saw as an anomaly — 238,389 women voted in the 2022 election, surpassing men’s turnout.

    However, women candidates garnered only 37,252 votes, accounting for just 8 percent of the total votes cast. This saw only six out of 54 female candidates elected to Parliament.

    Reducing financial barriers
    He said implementing supportive policies and initiatives, such as reducing financial barriers to running for office and providing childcare support could address some of the structural challenges faced by aspiring female leaders.

    While agreeing with Kamikamica’s supportive remarks, Suva-based lawyer and former journalist Sainiana Radrodro called for urgent and concrete actions to empower aspiring women candidates besides just discussions.

    She identified finance, societal norms and more recently, bullying on social media, as major obstacles for women aspiring for political careers. She said measures to address these problems were either insufficient, or non-existent.

    Radrodro, who participated in the 2024 Women’s “Mock Parliament”, supports a quota system, but only as a temporary special measure (TSM). TSM is designed to advance gender equality by addressing structural, social, and cultural barriers, correcting past and present discrimination, and compensating for harm and inequalities.

    The lawyer said that TSM could be a useful tool if applied in a measured way, noting that countries that rushed into implementing it faced a backlash due to poor advocacy and public understanding.

    She recommends TSM based on prior and proper dialogue and awareness to ensure that women elected through such measures are not marginalised or stereotyped as having “ridden on the back of government policies”.

    She said with women comprising half of the national population, it was sensible to have proportional representation in Parliament.

    Social media attacks
    While she agreed with Kamikamica that finance remained a significant obstacle for Fijian women seeking public office, she stated that non-financial barriers, such as attacks on social media, should not be overlooked.

    To level the playing field, Radrodro’s suggestions include government subsidies for women candidates, similar to the support provided to farmers and small businesses.

    “This would signal a genuine commitment by the government to foster women’s participation in the legislature,” she said.

    Radrodro’s views were echoed by the University of the South Pacific postgraduate student in sociology, Lovelyn Laurelle Giva-Tuke.

    She advocates a holistic approach encompassing financial assistance, specific legislation to address violence against women in political contexts; capacity-building programs to equip women with leadership, campaigning, and public speaking skills; and measures to ensure fair and equitable media coverage, rather than stereotyped and discriminatory coverage.

    Giva-Tuke emphasised that society as a whole stand to benefit from a gender balanced political establishment. This was also highlighted by Kamikamica in his address. He cited research showing that women leaders tended to prioritise healthcare, education, and social welfare.

    While there is no disagreement about the problem, and the needs to address it, Giva-Tuke, like Radrodro, believes that discussions and ideas must translate into action.

    “As a nation, we can and must do more to create an inclusive political landscape that values women’s contributions at every level,” she said.

    Protection another hurdle
    For Radrodro, one of the most urgent and unaddressed problems is the targeting of women with harmful social media content, which is rampant and unchecked in Fiji.

    “There is a very high level of attacks against women on social media even from women against other women. These raises reservations in potential women candidates who now have another hurdle to cross.”

    Radrodro said a lot of women were simply terrified of being abused online and having their lives splashed across social media, which was also harmful for their children and families.

    She said it was disheartening to see the lack of consistent support from leaders when women politicians faced personal attacks.

    She called for stronger policies and enforcement to curb online harassment, urging national leaders to take a stand against such behavior.

    Another female rights campaigner, the Fiji Women’s Rights Movement executive director Nalini Singh, called for stronger and more effective collaboration between stakeholders — communal groups, women’s groups, local government departments, political parties and the Fijian Elections Office.

    Singh highlighted the need for a major educational campaign to change the mindsets with gender sensitisation programs targeting communities. She also recommended increased civic education and awareness of government structures and electoral systems.

    Temporary law changes
    While she supported reserved parliamentary seats for women, Singh said temporary changes in laws or regulations to eliminate systemic barriers and promote gender equality were also needed.

    Singh also highlighted the importance of bridging the generational gaps between older women who have worked in local government, and young women with an interest in joining the political space by establishment of mentoring programmes.

    She said mandating specific changes or participation levels within a defined timeframe and advocacy and awareness campaigns targeted at changing societal attitudes and promoting the inclusion of underrepresented groups were other options.

    “These are just some ways or strategies to help increase representation of women in leadership spaces, especially their participation in politics,” said Singh.

    The views of women such as Sainiana Radrodro, Lovelyn Laurelle Giva-Tuke and Nalini Singh indicate not just what needs to be done to address this problem, but also how little has actually been done.

    On his part, Kamikamica has said all the right things, demonstrating a good understanding of the weaknesses in the system. What is lacking is the application of these ideas and sentiments in a real and practical sense.

    Unless this is done, the ideas will remain just that — ideas.

    Monika Singh is a teaching assistant with The University of the South Pacific’s Journalism Programme and the supervising editor of the student newspaper Wansolwara. This article is first published by The Fiji Times and is republished here as part of a collaboration between USP Journalism and Asia Pacific Report.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    On a Mission From God: Inside the Movement to Redirect Billions of Taxpayer Dollars to Private Religious Schools https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/13/on-a-mission-from-god-inside-the-movement-to-redirect-billions-of-taxpayer-dollars-to-private-religious-schools/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/13/on-a-mission-from-god-inside-the-movement-to-redirect-billions-of-taxpayer-dollars-to-private-religious-schools/#respond Mon, 13 Jan 2025 11:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/school-vouchers-ohio-church-state-tax-dollars-private-religious by Alec MacGillis

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    This story is exempt from our Creative Commons license until March 14.

    On a Thursday morning last May, about a hundred people gathered in the atrium of the Ohio Capitol building to join in Christian worship. The “Prayer at the Statehouse” was organized by an advocacy group called the Center for Christian Virtue, whose growing influence was symbolized by its new headquarters, directly across from the capitol. It was also manifest in the officials who came to take part in the event: three state legislators and the ambitious lieutenant governor, Jon Husted.

    After some prayer and singing, the center’s Christian Engagement Ambassador introduced Husted, asking him to “share with us about faith and intersecting faith with government.” Husted, a youthful 57-year-old, spoke intently about the prayer meetings that he leads in the governor’s office each month. “We bring appointed officials and elected officials together to talk about our faith in our work, in our service, and how it can strengthen us and make us better,” he said. The power of prayer, Husted suggested, could even supply political victories: “When we do that, great things happen — like advancing school choice so that every child in Ohio has a chance to go to the school of their choice.” The audience started applauding before he finished his sentence.

    The center had played a key role in bringing about one of the most dramatic expansions of private school vouchers in the country, making it possible for all Ohio families — even the richest among them — to receive public money to pay for their children’s tuition. In the mid-1990s, Ohio became the second state to offer vouchers, but in those days they were available only in Cleveland and were billed as a way for disadvantaged children to escape struggling schools. Now the benefits extend to more than 150,000 students across the state, costing taxpayers nearly $1 billion, the vast majority of which goes to the Catholic and evangelical institutions that dominate the private school landscape there.

    What happened in Ohio was a stark illustration of a development that has often gone unnoticed, perhaps because it is largely taking place away from blue state media hubs. In the past few years, school vouchers have become universal in a dozen states, including Florida, Arizona and North Carolina. Proponents are pushing to add Texas, Pennsylvania, Tennessee and others — and, with Donald Trump returning to the White House, they will likely have federal support.

    The risks of universal vouchers are quickly coming to light. An initiative that was promoted for years as a civil ­rights cause — helping poor kids in troubled schools — is threatening to become a nationwide money grab. Many private schools are raising tuition rates to take advantage of the new funding, and new schools are being founded to capitalize on it. With private schools urging all their students’ families to apply, the money is flowing mostly to parents who are already able to afford tuition and to kids who are already enrolled in private schools. When vouchers do draw students away from public districts, they threaten to exacerbate declining enrollment, forcing underpopulated schools to close. More immediately, the cost of the programs is soaring, putting pressure on public school finances even as private schools prosper. In Arizona, voucher expenditures are hundreds of millions of dollars more than predicted, leaving an enormous shortfall in the state budget. States that provide funds to families for homeschooling or education-related expenses are contending with reports that the money is being used to cover such unusual purchases as kayaks, video game consoles and horseback-­riding lessons.

    The voucher movement has been aided by a handful of billionaire advocates; it was also enabled, during the pandemic, by the backlash to extended school closures. (Private schools often reopened considerably faster than public schools.) Yet much of the public, even in conservative states, remains ambivalent about vouchers: Voters in Nebraska and Kentucky just rejected them in ballot referendums.

    How, then, has the movement managed to triumph? The campaign in Ohio provides an object lesson — a model that voucher advocates have deployed elsewhere. Its details are recorded in a trove of private correspondence, much of it previously unpublished, that the movement’s leaders in Ohio sent to one another. The letters reveal a strategy to start with targeted programs that placed needy kids in parochial schools, then fight to expand the benefits to far richer families — a decadeslong effort by a network of politicians, church officials and activists, all united by a conviction that the separation of church and state is illegitimate. As one of the movement’s progenitors put it, “Government does a lousy job of substituting for religion.”

    In the early 1990s, Ohio’s Catholic bishops faced a problem. For more than a century, religious education had been deeply entrenched in the state; in Cleveland, the parochial system was one of the largest in the country. For decades, though, the Church’s urban schools had been losing students to suburban flight. To keep up enrollment, many were admitting more Black students, often from non-­Catholic families. But these families typically could not afford to pay much, which put a strain on church budgets.

    Catholic leaders elsewhere faced the same challenge, but Ohio’s bishops had an advantage. The new Republican governor, George Voinovich, was a devout Catholic who went to Mass multiple times a week, an expression of a faith that was inherited from his Slovenian American mother and deepened by the loss of his 9-year-old daughter, who was struck by a van that ran a red light. An unpretentious Midwesterner who loved fishing in Lake Erie, Voinovich had worked his way up from state legislator to mayor of Cleveland before becoming governor in 1991.

    “If we could reconstitute the family and get everyone into Church,” the late Ohio Gov. George Voinovich told the bishop of Columbus in a private letter years ago, “60% of the problems we are confronted with would go away.” (Najlah Feanny/Corbis/Getty Images)

    In office, Voinovich corresponded frequently with the state’s most prominent bishops, in Cleveland, Columbus and Cincinnati. Their letters, which are collected in Voinovich’s papers at Ohio University, show a close and collaborative relationship. The bishops wrote to thank Voinovich for the regular donations that he and his wife made to the church, which ranged as high as $2,000. They traded get-well wishes and condolence notes. “The last two times I’ve seen you you looked a little tired,” Voinovich once wrote to Anthony Pilla, the bishop of Cleveland. “Please take care of yourself.”

    Most of all, they strategized about increasing state funding for Catholic schools. As a legislator, Voinovich had worked to launch a set of programs that helped private schools pay for administration, special education, transportation and other services. His support for these expenditures, which by the early ’90s amounted to more than $100 million, stood in contrast with his aggressive efforts to cut the rest of the budget. At one point, he banned peanuts and other snacks from official state flights. Legislators passed around a story about seeing him pluck a penny out of a urinal.

    But Voinovich saw spending on parochial schools as fundamentally different, driven by his belief in the value of a Catholic upbringing. “If we could reconstitute the family and get everyone into Church, about 60% of the problems we are confronted with would go away,” he wrote to James Griffin, the bishop of Columbus. “I can assure you that the money you spend to deal with all the problems confronting the community is much better spent than the way government would spend it.”

    Soon after Voinovich became governor, he and the bishops began discussing another way to fund Catholic schools: vouchers. The notion of publicly funded subsidies for private schools wasn’t totally new. After courts ordered school integration in the South, in the 1950s, some municipalities helped finance “segregation academies” for white students. At around the same time, the economist Milton Friedman argued that education should be subject to market forces, in part by paying parents to send their children to a school of their choosing. But no city or state had funded a true voucher initiative.

    For the state government, there was an obvious risk to funding Catholic schools; the Ohio Constitution says that “no preference shall be given, by law, to any religious society.” Voinovich and his aides worried not only about political repercussions but also about the potential for legal challenges from groups like the ACLU. In April 1991, Voinovich intimated to Pilla that he was recruiting proxies who could obscure their alliance. “We are quietly lining up ‘heavy hitters’ in the business community and are trying to identify someone in the legislature who would be willing to become our advocate,” he wrote.

    Voinovich had an ideal partner in David Brennan, a well-connected local businessman. A towering presence at 6-feet-5 (not counting his customary cowboy hat), Brennan had attended Catholic school in Akron before earning degrees in accounting and law, and made a fortune forming corporations for doctors seeking tax benefits. When Voinovich ran for governor, Brennan was a major fundraiser for the campaign. Now he started cultivating allies, donating heavily to a Republican from the Cincinnati suburbs who was a promising sponsor of voucher legislation, as reported by the Akron Beacon Journal, which covered the early voucher push.

    In May 1991, Voinovich and Brennan met to discuss creating a commission on school choice, which Brennan would chair. Soon afterward, the bishops provided 18 suggestions for possible members. Six of them ended up on the commission — with no mention of the fact that they had been selected by the church.

    As word of the commission spread, it raised concerns. The following spring, an executive at Procter & Gamble, one of the state’s largest employers, urged Voinovich to couch “this sensitive issue” in a broader effort at school reform. “Vouchers on their own could lead to unnecessary divisiveness,” he wrote. The head of the Ohio teachers’ union warned that unilateral action “could explode any chance at building a statewide consensus.” Voinovich responded that he was prepared for discord: “I am confident that whatever recommendations they come back with, it will be difficult for the Ohio Federation of Teachers to support.”

    The commission was moving fast. Brennan “is doing an outstanding job,” Voinovich wrote to Pilla. “He is on a mission from God.” Voinovich and Brennan took care to disarm political objections. One briefing document argued that any plan the commission produced “must be substantially tilted in favor of low income ­parents and children” and must require private schools to administer the same ­proficiency tests as public schools. By year’s end, the commission produced its recommendation: Ohio should create a voucher pilot program.

    Representative C.J. Prentiss monitored the commission’s work with foreboding. Elected to the Ohio House in 1991, Prentiss had distinguished herself as a leading defender of public education and was steeped in the struggle for school integration. Her father had belonged to the Congress of Racial Equality, and after Prentiss graduated from Cleveland’s Marshall High School — where she was one of six Black students — she attended the 1963 March on Washington. Later, she joined local battles against school segregation, during which she met Michael Charney, a white teacher and union activist who became her third husband. She taught for a while in the Cleveland suburb of Shaker Heights and served on the State Board of Education. In 1993, she and other Black officials in Cleveland condemned Voinovich’s plan. “It is difficult to see how subsidizing private schools will improve public education,” she said. “Private schools have selective entrance requirements, serve only private purposes, and are not accountable to the public.”

    Brennan deflected the criticism, noting that the plan was still provisional: “We believe when the education choice bill reaches the final stages, these fine legislators will feel differently than they do today.” In fact, he and Voinovich knew that it would be tough to secure backing for a stand-alone voucher bill; school board members, teachers and administrators were already sending letters to legislators to object. In May 1994, Voinovich contacted Brennan to strategize about how to slip a voucher pilot into the next state budget. “We are going to have to crawl before we walk,” he wrote. “I believe if we can really get it underway in one or two districts during my second term, we will have accomplished more than what [has] been accomplished thus far.”

    A few weeks later, Voinovich’s assistant for education policy, Tom Needles, sent him a strategy brief on a forthcoming lunch with the bishops. “The Catholic Conference will continue to maintain a low profile in terms of its formal position on voucher legislation,” Needles wrote. “At the same time, the Conference recognizes that parent organizations in each diocese will play a very active role in lobbying for its passage.” On the last day of January 1995, voucher proponents paid for six buses to carry some 300 children and parents from Cleveland to the Capitol in order to lobby legislators. As parents walked from office to office in the Statehouse, one declared, “The public schools are preparing Black children for prison, the welfare office or the graveyard. As a Black parent, that’s unacceptable.”

    Prentiss and a state senator from Cleve­land decided to address the throng. With the parents visibly angry, she knew better than to dismiss concerns about their children’s schooling. “There is a crisis,” she acknowledged. “The question before us is, how do we improve the public schools?”

    The bishops, though, were far more organized, with efforts unfolding parish by parish across the state; a list in Voinovich’s papers records hundreds of phone calls and letters to legislators, making the case for vouchers and inviting them to visit local parish schools. Voinovich urged them to do still more. “I really need your help and would appreciate being kept informed as to what is being done so I can convey that to the leadership in both the House and Senate,” he wrote to Daniel Pilarczyk, the archbishop of Cincinnati, in February 1995. The next month, Pilarczyk responded with another list of the church’s actions, including some 20,000 letters sent to ­legislators.

    Two weeks later, Voinovich let Pilarczyk know that the House had not only increased funding for Catholic schools but also authorized a “limited scholarship program in the City of Cleveland.” The program would start small, with several thousand vouchers worth about $2,200 apiece. Yet Voinovich recognized that it was a “significant pilot project.” At the time, the only other city that allowed private ­school vouchers was Milwaukee, and the initiative there had initially barred religious schools from participating. Cleveland’s program, in contrast, had been designed from the start to benefit Catholic schools.

    In June, the budget won final approval. Six bishops wrote Voinovich to express their gratitude. “Everything we asked you to do was included in your budget,” they told him. “Without your leadership and gentle nudging of legislative leaders, none of this would have been possible.”

    Prentiss and Charney quickly grasped the pilot’s import. “This is the beginning of the end for public education,” he told her, only half joking. Prentiss resolved to monitor the program to make sure that the money was spent as intended. After one voucher recipient, an Islamic school, was found to have housed students in unsafe buildings, she successfully sponsored a bill requiring schools that received vouchers to meet the same minimum standards as public schools.

    Meanwhile, Prentiss kept pushing for public school reforms: all-day kindergarten, smaller classes, mentorships for at-risk boys. She and Charney were encouraged by test results showing that kids in public schools were performing at least as well as those with vouchers at Catholic schools.

    “There is a crisis,” the late Ohio state legislator C.J. Prentiss, a key opponent of vouchers, acknowledged in 1995. “The question before us is, how do we improve the public schools?” (Gus Chan/AP Images)

    In 1998, Voinovich was elected to the United States Senate; Needles, his aide, went to work as a lobbyist for Brennan. And the push for vouchers entered a new phase, as an aggressive generation of proponents took up a battle in the courts.

    In both Ohio and Wisconsin, opponents, led by teachers’ unions, were challenging the programs on the grounds that they violated the separation of church and state. The Wisconsin Supreme Court upheld vouchers; a federal appeals court in Ohio ruled against them.

    The U.S. Supreme Court took up a First Amendment challenge to vouchers, based on one of the Ohio cases, in February 2002. Robert Chanin, a lawyer for the National Education Association, told the court, “Under the Cleveland voucher program, millions of dollars in unrestricted public funds are transferred each year from the state treasury into the general coffers of sectarian private schools, and the money is used by those schools to provide an educational program in which the sectarian and the secular are interwoven.” Chanin noted that ­virtually all the students in the voucher program were attending religious schools, rather than secular private schools.

    But Justice Sandra Day O’Connor, the likely swing vote in the case, interrupted to pick up on a point made by a state attorney who’d defended the vouchers. In evaluating Cleveland’s choice program, shouldn’t the court consider not only private schools but also other options available to students, such as public magnet schools and charter schools?

    The question caught Chanin off guard. The issue was the constitutionality of private school vouchers, yet O’Connor was evoking public school options. The state pressed its advantage, with its lawyer stressing the limited scope of the pilot: “It didn’t take too much money away from the public schools, but gave enough for a limited program that is targeted to the most needy, to the poorest of the poor.”

    On June 27, 2002, the Court announced that it had ruled, 5-4, in favor of the Ohio program, arguing that it was “part of a broader undertaking by the State to enhance the educational options of Cleveland’s school children.” Clint Bolick, a leading lawyer on the pro-voucher side, declared on the Supreme Court plaza, “This was the Super Bowl of school choice, and the children won.” Later, he and others gathered at the office of the Institute for Justice, a conservative organization, and toasted with Dom ­Pérignon.

    Protesters gathered in February 2002 when the U.S. Supreme Court heard arguments about the constitutionality of Ohio’s voucher program. (Mark Wilson/Getty Images)

    Prentiss was on vacation with Charney in Washington state when she got word of the ruling. “PBS NewsHour” invited her to come to a studio in Vancouver and record a response, but she was too upset to think about what she would say on camera. “I’m not going to be the one,” she told Charney. “Let them get a lawyer.”

    After the Supreme Court ruling, the momentum in seeking alternatives to traditional public schools shifted to charter schools — publicly funded institutions that are administered separately from school districts. Many Democrats had championed charters in the ’90s as a more palatable way to offer school choice, and Republicans had adopted the idea, too; Brennan, the chairman of Voinovich’s school choice commission, launched a for-profit charter ­school venture.

    In 2005, with charters threatening to cut into parochial school enrollment, Ohio’s Catholic bishops secured a crucial expansion of vouchers beyond Cleveland: a new statewide program called EdChoice, which offered vouchers to students assigned to schools that were judged to be failing, many of them in Columbus and Cincinnati.

    Prentiss stayed in the legislature until 2006, becoming the second Black woman to serve as Senate minority leader. Up until the end, she led the resistance to vouchers. As she left the legislature, though, an impassioned advocate for vouchers came in: a Republican representative named Matt Huffman.

    Huffman was a lawyer from Lima, a small industrial city in western Ohio. Like Prentiss, he had grown up among activists, but with different political aims. His father, a lawyer and a county prosecutor, took a case against a local cinema that was showing “obscene” movies all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court; his mother co-founded one of the state’s first pregnancy ­crisis centers after abortion was legalized.

    Huffman was the fifth of nine children, all of whom went to Catholic schools. This was possible, he said later, because the parish schools were so affordable in those days. But, as tuition climbed (partly to cover the salaries of lay teachers who replaced nuns), the student body skewed wealthier. “The middle class was pretty much shut out of alternatives in education,” he told the Columbus Dispatch in 2022.

    One of Huffman’s brothers became the principal of a Catholic elementary school. Huffman, after following his ­father into law, served as a fundraiser for Lima Central Catholic High. He also got involved in local politics, rising to president of the City Council. In 2000, he endorsed a young former Ohio State wrestling coach named Jim Jordan as he ran for the state Senate. Jordan, who is now one of the most stridently conservative members of the U.S. House of ­Representatives, later returned the favor by backing Huffman’s campaign for the state legislature.

    By this point, school choice was becoming Huffman’s overriding priority. In Lima, he participated in a standing gin rummy game with the Rev. David Ross, a local Catholic priest, and Leo Hawk, the owner of a metal-forming company, who, in Ross’ recollection, repeatedly pressed Huffman on the issue. “Leo Hawk was very influential in terms of trying to inculcate him with ‘Let the parents decide where to spend their tax dollars,’” Ross told me. “Leo was very forceful in those gatherings.” (Hawk could not be reached for comment.)

    During Huffman’s first four years in the legislature, the governor was a Democrat, and the focus was on protecting existing vouchers. But after the Republican John Kasich took office, in 2011, Huffman proposed a significant expansion: making vouchers available to middle-­class Ohio families, too, regardless of whether they were in a failing district. “This is starting down the path of looking at funding education in a fundamentally different way,” he said.

    The proposal met with impassioned resistance. Opponents pointed to a ­report in the Plain Dealer that showed voucher students had performed worse than students at the public schools that they would have attended. Among the critics were public school administrators in Lima, where hundreds of students were already receiving vouchers because a few local schools were rated as failing. The exodus of students resulted in a loss of hundreds of thousands of dollars in state revenue. As Lima’s school superintendent at the time, Karel Oxley, explained to me: Even if a class lost students, the school still had to pay for their classroom and teacher. To complicate matters, the students who left tended to be motivated kids from stable families, while special-needs students stayed. This made it harder for public schools to improve their poor test scores. “You have to have your A-team to help the school be as good as possible, but the A-team moves over to the other school,” Oxley, who also served as president of the state superintendents’ association, said. “It’s almost impossible to catch up.”

    Oxley is herself Catholic, and consults for a Catholic school in retirement, but she testified against vouchers at a committee hearing around this time. She recalled that Huffman was adamant. “There was nothing I could have said that would have allowed him to see that he might be stripping resources from the greater community,” she told me. “He said, ‘You pay taxes, I pay taxes. Why can’t my taxes go toward my children’s school?’ I said, ‘Because you chose that private school.’ He said, ‘That doesn’t make sense, Karel. My taxes should pay for my child’s education.’” (Huffman did not respond to requests for comment.)

    Huffman settled for a partial victory: In 2013, the state allowed EdChoice vouchers for families with incomes up to twice the poverty line in any district. It was a step forward, but Huffman wanted the program to be available to wealthier families, and it would take another ally to help him realize his full ambition.

    Phil Burress was always candid about what had brought him to Citizens for Community Values: He was a former pornography addict. Burress had fought the addiction from the age of 14, until he finally swore it off, at 38. “I became a Christian that day,” he told me. From then on, he said, he was a “better father and husband” and “started speaking out about things that are wrong.” His background gave him insight into the enemy. “You have to look at your communities through the eyes of a pornographer and stay ahead of them,” he once told reporters.

    Burress, a former organizer with the Brotherhood of Railway and Airline Clerks, joined Citizens for Community Values in 1983. By then, the organization, which started as a Cincinnati prayer group, had devoted itself to fighting pornography and strip clubs, including various enterprises belonging to Larry Flynt, who launched his Hustler brand in Ohio. In 1990, it gained national prominence by leading the opposition to an exhibit of Robert Mapplethorpe photographs at Cincinnati’s Contemporary Arts Center. Not long afterward, Burress took over as president. “We are not some radical, right-wing, fundamental bunch of Bible-­thumping nuts out there yelling and screaming,” Burress said at the time. “We do our homework.”

    The group grew under Burress — by 1997, it claimed to have 25,000 supporters — and started taking on nationwide causes, such as pressuring hotels to stop offering pay-per-view porn. In 2004, it led a successful petition drive for an amendment banning same-sex marriage in Ohio, a factor in George W. Bush’s narrow win over John Kerry there. “I was thinking, No way we can get that many signatures,” Lori Viars, a conservative activist in the Cincinnati exurbs, told me. “But we ended up doing it.”

    The victory attracted more funding, which the group used to hire full-time lobbyists in Columbus. Its top issues were abortion, same-sex marriage, gay rights and, increasingly, school choice. Though the members were mostly evangelical, not Catholic, they shared the conviction that the public should pay for kids to attend religious schools. Still, Burress told me, the group struggled to persuade legislators to expand voucher access. “We could not get any traction whatsoever,” he said. What changed matters was “electing the right people to office.”

    “You have to look at your communities through the eyes of a pornographer and stay ahead of them,” said Phil Burress, a former leader of the Center for Christian Virtue, which has become a leading advocate for vouchers. (Al Behrman/AP Images)

    In 2017, Matt Huffman arrived in the state Senate. He had served the maximum eight years in the House and, like many other Ohio legislators, simply ran for the other chamber. In the Senate, school choice remained his primary cause. That year, he sponsored a bill to expand eligibility for vouchers to families that made as much as four times the poverty level. Catholic leaders were thrilled. “I don’t think I’ve ever seen a legislator who did more for school choice,” a former employee of the Catholic Conference of Ohio, the church’s public policy arm, said. “He’s just been a rock.”

    Huffman still faced resistance from public school officials, but he now had influential assistance from Citizens for Community Values. In 2016, Burress was succeeded by a new director, Aaron Baer, who signaled a more expansive mission. Baer was a 29-year-old graduate of Ohio University, a hip-hop enthusiast raised by a single parent. “This is a Christian conservative movement for the next generation,” he told the Dispatch. “We talk about poverty, human ­trafficking, opioids, while still talking about ­marriage.” The organization moved its headquarters to Columbus and gave itself a forthright new name: the Center for Christian Virtue. Burress welcomed the change. “I was glad to see them admit that without God we’re nothing,” he told me.

    Baer and Huffman were unlikely ­allies. Huffman liked to do impersonations and had a profane streak; he was once forced to apologize for making an ­off-color joke at an office party. But on vouchers they were effective partners, with Baer far more willing to advocate in public than the bishops were. In the next couple of years, Baer fought to get the state to define “failing” schools as broadly as possible, and called out suburban districts, many of which opposed vouchers, when they resisted accepting students from struggling city schools.

    By early 2020, Huffman was still trying to make the case for a major voucher expansion. That January, he met with a few dozen public school officials in western Ohio. Craig Kupferberg, the superintendent for Allen County, which includes Lima, told me that he’d raised his hand and asked Huffman, “Have you put anything in the bill to stop the David Dukes of the world from starting up their own private schools and having our tax dollars fund their hateful ideology?” Kupferberg recalled that Huffman had looked at him “like I was from outer space” and said, “What stops homeschooling parents from doing any of that?” (Never mind that vouchers weren’t going to home­schooling families.) Then Huffman embarked on a lengthy complaint about how many people viewed Catholicism as a cult.

    “You pay taxes, I pay taxes,” Matt Huffman, now the speaker of Ohio’s House of Representatives, told the president of the state superintendents’ association. “Why can’t my taxes go toward my children’s school?” (Carolyn Kaster/AP Images)

    Huffman’s proposal stalled again that term. But, two months later, the pandemic arrived and schools closed. After nearly a year, about a third of Ohio’s 609 districts still hadn’t returned to full in-person instruction. The holdouts included many of the largest districts, Cleveland and Columbus among them.

    The state’s parochial schools, in contrast, had mostly reopened after a few months. The Catholic Conference of Ohio highlighted students’ educational gains in the legislature. “A lot of legislators appreciated what we did for children, because a lot of legislators were frustrated, too,” the former conference employee said. “We were sort of a beacon in the COVID era.” It helped proponents that many legislators had their own children in Catholic schools. Although Catholics account for only about 17% of the state’s population, they constitute more than half of the Senate and a third of the House.

    As the pandemic wore on, school closures inspired similar outrage in other states. They “sparked a parent revolution, because families saw that school systems didn’t care about them all that much,” Corey DeAngelis, a leading voucher proponent, said on “The Megyn Kelly Show,” last May. “This is the silver lining of the pandemic.”

    Many parents were alarmed by virtual instruction. It was not just that lessons conducted by Zoom seemed frustratingly inadequate; they also offered a glimpse of what their children were being taught, which in some families caused consternation over a perceived progressive agenda. Viars, the Cincinnati-area activist, noticed a surge of interest in Christian schools. “The books being pushed on these little kids were so objectionable,” she said. “It was really sexually explicit material for little kids. We heard that a lot: ‘No, these kids should not be seeing any of this.’”

    In May 2021, two Republican representatives in Ohio introduced a “backpack bill,” which would give every ­family voucher money to spend as they saw fit: $7,500 for each high school student and $5,500 for each younger one. At a press conference announcing the bill, Baer stood beside its sponsors. “In the pandemic, we saw the need to have innovative and different learning environments,” he said. “You had some families who, because their local public schools decided not to open for in-person education, they were forced into an online environment that wasn’t ideal for them.”

    The bill went a step further than Huffman had before; whereas he had pushed for vouchers for all but the wealthiest families, the backpack bill included everyone. It was a bold move, but proponents had a new advantage: earlier that year, Huffman’s Republican colleagues had elected him president of the Senate. In that role, not only was he able to push for vouchers — he could also block efforts to reform Ohio’s redistricting system, which had produced maps heavily slanted toward the GOP. By 2022, the Senate had 25 Republicans and eight Democrats; the House was split 64 to 35. “We can kind of do what we want,” Huffman told the Dispatch.

    Yet Huffman and his allies decided not to advance the backpack bill through regular legislative channels, which would require stand-alone votes in both chambers. Opposition lingered, even within their own party: Some rural Republicans were conscious that there were few private schools in their districts, and so their constituents’ tax dollars would go toward vouchers used mostly by wealthy suburbanites. And, if more private schools did open in rural areas, that would drain enrollment from public schools that often served as centers of the community.

    Instead, Huffman and his counterparts used a maneuver that would have been familiar to George Voinovich: they slipped an expansion of vouchers into the budget, a 1,200-page document that they sent to Gov. Mike De­Wine just before the deadline. Families with incomes of up to 450% of the poverty level would qualify for full payments: $8,407 for high school students and $6,165 for younger ones. These sums came close to covering tuition at many Catholic schools, and far exceeded what many public districts received in per-capita funds from the state. Even families making more than that income threshold, which was $135,000 for a family of four, would qualify for some funding. “Every student in Ohio will be eligible for a scholarship worth at least 10% of the maximum scholarship, regardless of income,” Huffman’s office said.

    More than 30 years after Voinovich and the bishops proposed vouchers as a solution for underprivileged children in a single city, public subsidies for private ­school tuition were now universal in Ohio, covering tens of thousands of families. “We’re going to have the money to pay for it,” Huffman said afterward. “I hope more people take advantage of that if they want to.”

    C.J. Prentiss died last April at 82. She had spent her retirement with Charney in a cottage on Lake Erie, in Ashtabula County. In her final years, declining health kept her from engaging much in the battle over public education. But she did have a confrontation with Huffman when she returned to Columbus for a Senate reunion in 2022. Several speakers had been chosen for the event, and when Prentiss saw that they were all white she asked Huffman about it. According to Charney, Huffman responded that he didn’t have enough time to line up others. “Don’t lie to me,” Prentiss said, and walked away.

    That same year, a coalition of school districts, now numbering more than 200, filed suit against the voucher expansion. The suit alleged that the program exacerbated racial segregation, by essentially allowing private schools to select their own students; 90% of the new voucher recipients are white, in a state where only about two-thirds of students are. The suit also alleged that the vouchers violated two principles of the state constitution: a bar against religious control of public school funds and a promise of an adequate education for all. A judge denied the state’s motion to dismiss the case; a trial is expected in the coming months.

    Among the districts that joined the suit is the one in Lima, Huffman’s home town. Virtually all the students enrolled in Catholic schools there now receive vouchers. Enrollment at these and other parochial schools has not increased dramatically; as is true across the state, they have limited capacity, so they accept only those students they prefer. This undermines the narrative that vouchers allow families to escape their public school. But public schools still suffer. Kupferberg, the superintendent, estimates that in his county the voucher expansion is costing schools millions of dollars a year. Federal pandemic relief aid has helped mitigate the damage, but that is coming to an end. “We’re starting to feel the impact,” Kupferberg said.

    Meanwhile, some private schools are raising tuition, knowing that vouchers allow families to pay more. In Centerville, south of Columbus, the principal of Incarnation Catholic School told parents last year that it would no longer offer a discount for families that had multiple students enrolled there. “Our parishioner tuition rate is nowhere near the true cost to educate,” she wrote. “This increased revenue will allow us to increase teacher and staff salaries, address deferred maintenance, and hire additional staff.”

    Huffman and his allies are pushing for more. Huffman (who has now moved back to the House, and was recently elected speaker) inserted funding for new construction at private schools into the last state budget, with an eye toward creating private school options in rural areas. Also on the table is legislation to create education-savings accounts for families with children in unregulated private schools that now can’t receive vouchers.

    For these coming fights, the Center for Christian Virtue is stronger than ever. The organization has assembled a network of dozens of religious schools, which pay the center $5 per enrolled student, up to $3,000 per school, to lobby on their behalf. In effect, the state’s religious schools can now use some of the public money they receive to advocate for the flow of funding to increase.

    Between 2020 and 2022, the center’s revenue more than tripled, to $4.2 million. It used some of the money to purchase two buildings opposite the statehouse — one previously owned by the Dispatch — for a total of $2.35 million, giving it space to accommodate a staff that has grown to 20. (The Center for Christian Virtue did not respond to a request for comment.)

    In early October, the center held a policy conference, called the Essential Summit, at the Greater Columbus Convention Center. A main topic of discussion was Christian education, with sessions led by the executive director of the Center for Biblical Integration at Liberty University, the college founded by the Rev. Jerry Falwell. One session would address the question “How should we plan for teaching knowing that humans are inherently corrupt?” Another asked, “Why do Christian educators have the most dignifying approach to all humans?”

    Huffman was slated to join a discussion with the president of Hillsdale College, a small Christian school in ­Michigan that has become a powerful incubator of conservatism. Also in attendance was Kevin Roberts, the president of the Heritage Foundation, which produced the policy blueprint for the second Trump administration. The plan, called Project 2025, includes a strong endorsement of vouchers, and Roberts’ presence was an affirmation of Ohio’s role as a model for the school choice movement. In Florida, the number of voucher recipients approached half a million this school year, up 74%. (The state distributes the same voucher — about $8,000 — regardless of income.) In Texas, Gov. Greg Abbott helped to defeat nearly a dozen anti-­voucher Republicans in state legislative primaries last year. He had $10 million in campaign funding from Jeff Yass, a Pennsylvania hedge fund billionaire who has made expanding vouchers his central policy goal.

    At the convention center, conference staff turned me away, even though I had paid to register. I hung around as attendees emerged from the morning session, their tote bags filled with brochures for Christian schools, investing advice and health coverage. Many of the event’s discussions were aimed at religious schools that were now supported with public funds. But, as I was about to approach Roberts, security guards blocked the path and told me to leave.

    Help ProPublica Report on Education


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Alec MacGillis.

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    Two Families Sue After 11-Year-Old and 13-Year-Old Students Were Arrested Under Tennessee’s School Threat Law https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/13/two-families-sue-after-11-year-old-and-13-year-old-students-were-arrested-under-tennessees-school-threat-law/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/13/two-families-sue-after-11-year-old-and-13-year-old-students-were-arrested-under-tennessees-school-threat-law/#respond Mon, 13 Jan 2025 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/tennessee-school-threats-law-lawsuits by Aliyya Swaby, ProPublica, and Paige Pfleger, WPLN/Nashville Public Radio

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    Two families have sued an East Tennessee school district in federal court, arguing that school officials violated students’ rights when they called the police under a Tennessee law that seeks to severely punish threats of mass violence.

    One 11-year-old was arrested at a restaurant even though he denied making a threat. A 13-year-old with disabilities was handcuffed for saying his backpack would blow up, even though only a stuffed animal was inside.

    ProPublica and WPLN News wrote about both cases last year as part of a larger investigation into how new state laws result in children being kicked out of school and arrested on felony charges, sometimes because of rumors and misunderstandings. Our reporting in Hamilton County found that police were arresting, handcuffing and detaining kids, even though school officials labeled most of the incidents as “low level” with “no evidence of motive.” The students arrested were disproportionately Black and had disabilities, compared to those groups’ overall share of the district’s population.

    The lawsuits against Hamilton County’s school district, filed this month in federal court in Chattanooga, are two of several brought against school officials in Tennessee in response to the threats of mass violence law. Advocates hope to push for changes to the law in the legislative session that begins this month. But the law’s Republican sponsor, Tennessee House Speaker Cameron Sexton, told ProPublica and WPLN News that he is “not looking to make any changes to the law.”

    “The zero-tolerance policy for even uttering the words ‘shoot’ or ‘gun’ is an unconstitutional kneejerk reaction by the legislature, and has led school administrators to make rash decisions concerning student discipline,” states one of the lawsuits, filed Thursday on behalf of the 11-year-old autistic student arrested at the restaurant.

    When asked by another student last September if he was going to shoot up the school, the 11-year-old said, “Yeah,” according to the lawsuit. The school reported the comment to the police, who tracked him down and arrested him.

    The other federal lawsuit, filed Jan. 3, involves the 13-year-old student with “serious intellectual impairments,” who told his teacher last fall that the school would “blow up” if she looked inside his backpack. The teacher found just a stuffed animal in the backpack, but school officials reported the incident to police anyway.

    “Despite the clear absence of any true threat, and in the context of a student with Doe’s intellectual and emotional impairments, Doe was isolated, handcuffed by the [student resource officer], and transported to juvenile detention,” the lawsuit reads. (Both suits refer to the children involved as John Doe to keep them anonymous.) The school later determined that the student’s behavior was a manifestation of his autism, according to documentation included in the lawsuit.

    Both lawsuits allege that district officials violated state law by allowing students receiving special education services to be physically restrained and by failing to follow proper procedure before facilitating the students’ arrests. The school district “infringed on Doe’s First Amendment rights and did so with deliberate indifference,” both lawsuits read.

    The juvenile court cases against both students have been dismissed.

    The Hamilton County Schools superintendent referred a request for comment to the school board’s attorney, citing pending litigation. The attorney did not immediately respond to a subsequent request for comment. The district has not yet filed a response to either lawsuit.

    Disability rights advocates fought for a broader exception in the law that would have prevented police from charging kids who might, as a result of their disability, say or do something that could be construed as a threat.

    “What we’re seeing coming out with all of these lawsuits, it’s sort of exactly what we were trying to educate about last year,” said Zoe Jamail, the policy coordinator for Disability Rights Tennessee.

    Instead, lawmakers only excluded people with “intellectual disabilities,” failing to address students with other disabilities that affect their communication or behavior. The law does not state how police should determine whether a child has an intellectual disability before charging them. In fact, our reporting found that police arrested the 13-year-old in the lawsuit although school records showed he did have an intellectual disability.

    Disability Rights Tennessee and other organizations plan to push for an amendment to the law this legislative session to protect more students with disabilities, especially when the threat is not credible. “The question should really be how can we better support those young people in the school environment, and how can we handle these cases with compassion and reason, rather than reacting and interpreting the law in a way that is not really reasonable,” Jamail said.

    A federal judge allowed a lawsuit against a suburban Nashville school board to move forward in November. Two parents had sued Williamson County’s school board on behalf of their children, claiming they were wrongfully suspended and arrested after being accused of making threats of mass violence at school.

    The families, Judge Aleta Trauger ruled, had a “plausible claim” that the school board violated the students’ due process rights by suspending them.

    Part of the lawsuit involved a middle school student referred to as “H.M.” Teased by friends in a group chat about “looking Mexican,” she jokingly texted her friends, “On Thursday we kill all the Mexicos.” The school board argued in a legal filing that state law required officials to suspend the student and call the police, regardless of whether the threat was serious. In response to a request from ProPublica and WPLN, a school board official declined to comment further.

    Trauger questioned Williamson County school board’s analysis of the law, which she said “leads to absurdity.”

    “The implausibility of an action — here, a middle school student killing all Mexicans — ought to affect the threat analysis,” she wrote. “What if, for example, H.M. had threatened to cast a magical killing spell on a large group of people? What if H.M. had threatened to fly to the moon and shoot at people using a space laser?”

    She denied the Williamson County school board’s motion to completely dismiss the lawsuit. The suit is pending.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Aliyya Swaby, ProPublica, and Paige Pfleger, WPLN/Nashville Public Radio.

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    Why the Right Calls Mangione the ‘Ivy League’ Killer https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/08/why-the-right-calls-mangione-the-ivy-league-killer/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/08/why-the-right-calls-mangione-the-ivy-league-killer/#respond Wed, 08 Jan 2025 23:16:17 +0000 https://fair.org/?p=9043675  

    Fox News: Could Ivy League murder suspect Luigi Mangione face federal charges?

    Fox News (12/11/24) labels Luigi Mangione as a “CEO murder suspect and Ivy League graduate.”

    How do murder suspects get their media nicknames? Luigi Mangione, the 26-year-old accused of shooting and killing UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson, has been called the “CEO killer” or some variation by ABC (12/24/24) and some of its affiliates (KABC, 12/20/24; KGO, 12/24/24). The name makes sense, as the victim’s stature and the place of his murder—a hotel where a company-related meeting was to take place—was the aspect of the crime that made it sensational news. This is similar to how Theodore Kaczynski became the “Unabomber,” because his targets were universities and airlines.

    Yet right-wing media are using a seemingly mundane feature of Mangione’s life—his college degree from the Ivy League University of Pennsylvania—to call him some variation of the “Ivy League killer.”

    This label serves a few purposes for Republican-aligned media. Clearly, it is meant to deflate the sympathy for Mangione. Coding Mangione as an Ivy Leaguer also codes him as a leftist, occluding what appear to be his much more politically heterodox views; it paints him as an out-of-touch rich kid, rather than an anti-establishment renegade with whom Americans of all walks of economic life might relate.

    It would appear that the right-wing press are taken aback by the growing sympathy the American public has with Mangione (Forbes, 12/12/24; Washington Post, 12/18/24; Newsweek, 12/21/24), a result of widespread anger against health insurance companies who inflate their profits through denial of care, high premiums and delaying medical services with cumbersome administrative bloat (AP, 9/12/22; KFF, 3/1/24; Gallup, 12/9/24; Marketplace, 12/13/24).

    Focusing on Mangione’s education rather than the target of his attack, the “Ivy League” angle also seeks to turn the resulting policy discussion from one about the broken healthcare system to one about the education system. It promotes the right-wing narrative that academia is full of Marxist professors who indoctrinate vulnerable youngsters with revolutionary ideas, that Mangione is responding not to the objective reality about America’s healthcare crisis but to rhetoric that’s been wrongly instilled in him and many others—and that, therefore, the lesson of this shooting is that the US education system must be reformed by the incoming Trump administration.

    ‘Morally perverse positions’

    NY Post: Team Trump can stop ‘Socialist’ Ivy League profs from cheering Luigi Mangione by defunding endowments

    New York Post columnist Charles Gasparino (12/14/24) argues for using the IRS to punish private schools that tolerate views he disapproves of.

    Numerous articles in the New York Post (12/9/24, 12/10/24, 12/11/24, 12/12/24, 12/18/24, 12/23/24) make mention of Mangione’s “Ivy League” education. Columnist Charles Gasparino lamented in the Post (12/14/24) that a Penn professor posted on social media support of Mangione. Gasparino wrote that while students there pay “$85,000 a year to be brainwashed with leftism,” big school endowments are the primary “funding source of the progressive indoctrination we have in the college classroom.” The solution, then, is that Trump should go after university endowments’ tax breaks, so that they’re forced to lay off indoctrinating professors.

    Princeton undergraduate and pro-Israel activist Maximillian Meyer (New York Post, 12/19/24), who wrote that Thompson’s killing was “rationalized as resistance by a privileged young person with two Ivy League degrees,” likened the attacks on the health insurance industry on his campus to student sympathy with Gazans: “To far-left young Americans, on any given issue, the world is divided into two buckets: oppressor and oppressed,” he wrote.

    “The students who are celebrated as our nation’s most brilliant are often adopting the most morally perverse positions,” Meyer continued. He blamed the “moral equivocation” of educational institutions, and warned that “the reckoning, from elementary school on up, must begin now.”

    ‘Protect vulnerable young minds’

    Washington Times: College grad’s arrest shows elite education breeds hate, not tolerance

    Scott Walker (Washington Times, 12/12/24): Mangione “sadly personifies the problems in our country’s education system these days…an ardent anticapitalist, a hate-filled opponent of corporations and private healthcare and a proponent of climate change alarmism.”

    At the Washington Times  (12/12/24), former Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker made the same point under the headline “College Grad’s Arrest Shows Elite Education Breeds Hate, Not Tolerance”:

    The situation on most college campuses since the Covid-19 pandemic has gone from liberal bias to outright indoctrination. Students are not taught how to think critically, but to hate America and abhor those with views that are not 100% aligned with their left-wing agenda… We must hold educators and institutions accountable for pushing these dangerous ideologies on our children and grandchildren. We must also protect vulnerable young minds from anti-American narratives and teach them to respect the values that have made our nation great.

    UnHerd (12/10/24), a relative newcomer to Britain’s oversized world of pearl-clutching Tory media (Guardian, 10/28/23; Bloomberg, 9/10/24), attempted to situate Mangione in history, saying “members of the murderous Red Army Faction in Seventies Germany were almost all university graduates”; Weather Underground co-founder Bill Ayers “was the son of a CEO and graduate of the University of Michigan, a so-called ‘public Ivy.’”

    Fox News similarly hyped up Mangione’s “Ivy League” pedigree, regularly applying the label to him in its headlines (e.g., 12/11/24, 12/12/24, 12/16/24, 12/23/24). “Ivy League Murder Suspect Acted Superior, Did Not Expect to Be Caught: Body Language Expert” read one Fox headline (12/13/24), desperately signaling to its audience that Mangione is not a real man of the masses.

    ‘Spoiled rich kid’

    Newsweek: Luigi Mangione Hiring Private Lawyer Called Out by Former FBI Agent

    Former FBI agent Jennifer Coffindaffer told Newsweek (12/16/24) Mangione showed his “true colors” by hiring a lawyer. It’s not clear who Coffindaffer thinks Mangione should have used as a role model; Rosa Parks, Martin Luther King and Daniel Ellsberg all had private lawyers.

    This theme occasionally bled outside right-wing media borders. Newsweek (12/16/24) made an entire article out of a post on X (formerly known as Twitter) by a former FBI agent, Jennifer Coffindaffer, who called Mangione a “spoiled rich kid” because he hired a high-priced defense attorney. “If Luigi truly believed his rhetoric, he would have gone with the public defender,” Coffindaffer avered, and therefore he’s “a hypocrite, not a hero.”

    As FAIR (12/11/24, 12/17/24) has noted, centrist establishment papers like the Washington Post and New York Times, along with Murdoch outlets like the New York Post, Wall Street Journal and Fox News, have all used space to shame those with grievances against health insurance companies. They’ve told readers and viewers that, contrary to available evidence and a mountain of lived experience, the situation isn’t that bad, and we should simply accept the system for what it is.

    But the right-wing media’s focus on Mangione’s education and family background is an irrelevant ad hominem attack that is meant not only to distract their audience from the well-founded reasons why so many sympathize with the shooter, but to redirect their anger toward the country’s education system, which has for so long been in the right’s crosshairs.


    This content originally appeared on FAIR and was authored by Ari Paul.

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    Feds Fine Baker College $2.5 Million for Deceptive Marketing That Left Students With Debts and Regrets https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/07/feds-fine-baker-college-2-5-million-for-deceptive-marketing-that-left-students-with-debts-and-regrets/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/07/feds-fine-baker-college-2-5-million-for-deceptive-marketing-that-left-students-with-debts-and-regrets/#respond Tue, 07 Jan 2025 22:10:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/baker-college-michigan-fined-deceptive-marketing-education-department by Anna Clark, ProPublica, and David Jesse, The Chronicle of Higher Education

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    The U.S. Department of Education has fined a Michigan college $2.5 million for years of “substantial misrepresentation” of career outcomes.

    The department said in a news release on Tuesday that its investigation of Baker College found that the institution’s misrepresentations “could harm students, who may reasonably rely on this information when considering their higher education options and potential outcomes.”

    The federal review was launched following a joint investigation by ProPublica and the Detroit Free Press in 2022 that detailed the college’s low graduation rates and the heavy debt that many students shoulder. For decades, the college promoted a near-100% employment rate, which, the investigation found, was based on shaky, self-reported data. The nonprofit college regularly spent more on marketing than on financial aid, and experts identified conflicts of interest in its governance structure.

    In 2023, the news organizationsalong with The Chronicle of Higher Education — reported on growing financial problems at the institution.

    As part of a settlement, the college agreed to make no misrepresentations in the future, provide the department with its marketing materials for review over a period of three years and tell current students and employees about how they can submit complaints or information to the department about alleged misconduct.

    President Jacqui Spicer said in a statement that the college maintains that it did not commit any misrepresentations and that the settlement contains no admission of wrongdoing. The findings “did not assert the College provided false information, as part of our marketing and recruitment data,” she said, but rather instances “in which our materials had what the DOE viewed as insufficient background or explanation.”

    “Baker College is committed to continuous improvement and meeting and exceeding DOE’s expectations and has already taken steps consistent with that commitment,” Spicer said in the statement.

    Dan Nowaczyk, a 2016 graduate from Baker’s now-closed Flint campus, cheered news of the penalty and settlement.

    “I hope it’s something that can help their administration take a step back and analyze what went wrong and fix it,” Nowaczyk said in a text message. “Although they’re being fined for this, I wish that something more was done to help shield the people who were exploited by this false advertising. But I do think it’s a good step to show that the DoE takes these things seriously.”

    Nowaczyk was among the former students who previously told reporters about their troubling experiences at Baker, including some who said they didn’t realize they’d have to pay back their loans.

    Another former student said he wished the department had gone further.

    “My first thought is that I am honestly shocked they are allowed to remain open and accredited. If they were able to lie like this before, they will absolutely do it again,” Bart Bechtel said in a text message.

    A Baker graduate, Bechtel said he took out more than $40,000 in student loans for an online associate degree. “My second thought is that it sucks. I still owe $5,000 remaining on a $16,000 loan because of those liars.”

    Kevin, a graduate of Baker’s Flint campus who asked that his last name not be used, agreed. “This seems like a slap on the wrist,” he said.

    “From what I can see, there’s no restitution for students,” he added. “They should be losing accreditation. But that’s not up to the Department of Education. That’s up to the Higher Learning Commission, which may very well happen down the road.”

    The HLC is the private accreditation agency that monitors Baker. It was unable to be immediately reached for comment.

    The original investigation by the media organizations found that 10 years after enrolling, fewer than half of former Baker students made more than $28,000 a year, the lowest rate among colleges of its kind in Michigan, according to federal data.

    The settlement comes in the waning days of the Biden administration, which had promised to crack down on deceptive advertising by colleges, particularly around outcomes. Many experts have said they are worried these types of investigations will disappear under the incoming Trump administration.

    The investigation, conducted by the department’s Office of Federal Student Aid, found that:

    • Baker published misleading career outcome rates on its websites, which gave the false impression that all graduates were represented in the outcomes statistics when it was just a portion of them.
    • Baker advertised in emails that it had a 91% overall career outcomes rate and that its automotive program had a nearly 96% rate, but the college didn’t say how it reached those calculations or what career outcome meant.
    • Baker included a list of employers on its website that it claimed had hired the college’s graduates. But 14 of the more than 100 listed employers had hired those individuals before they started at Baker.
    • Baker misrepresented its graduates’ earnings, using national figures from the U.S. Department of Labor rather than data from its own graduates.
    • Baker published inaccurate data about employment outcomes for students in its culinary programs.

    “This settlement demonstrates the department’s ongoing commitment to enforcing higher education laws and regulations and protecting students and taxpayers,” the department said in its announcement.

    In a 2023 message to the campus community, responding to reporting by the news outlets, Baker noted that “numerous in-state and out-of-state colleges and universities engage in marketing activities in Michigan; Baker College is not unique.”

    Baker was founded as a for-profit business college in Flint, before converting to nonprofit status in 1977. It grew rapidly, becoming an early adopter of online learning and opening multiple campuses. It was once the largest private nonprofit college in Michigan.

    The growth made for a healthy balance sheet. At the end of the 2013-14 academic year, Baker was bringing in $219 million in revenue and had $226 million in expenses. But by the end of the 2022-23 year, revenue was $58 million and expenses were $93 million. From a high of about 45,000 students in 2011-12, enrollment is now about 4,000.

    Baker, however, still holds an endowment of about $362 million, according to its 2023 tax filing. Given that, Cleamon Moorer Jr., a former administrator and faculty member, wondered about the impact of the fine. “$2.5 million, out of a $300 million endowment — I’m not sure how punitive that is for an organization of its size,” he said.

    Baker is in the midst of a radical shift in its target market, closing campuses in historically industrial places like Flint and Allen Park and building a new one in the more well-off suburb of Royal Oak.

    But many students said Baker’s growth came from deceptive practices, and they filed complaints with several agencies, including the Department of Education. About 60 complaints were received by the Federal Trade Commission between 2016 and mid-2023, ProPublica and The Chronicle previously reported. Between January 2021 and June 2023, records from the Department of Education show that 500 borrower defense applications, claiming deceptive practices, were filed against Baker, an unusually high number for a nonprofit school.

    Among the complaints collected by the FTC in 2022 was one from a student who wrote: “Baker College is a supposed non-profit institution, but they have made false claims about their employability of graduates, finances, and programs.”

    Another wrote: “I was lured into a sense that I would be attending a college that valued their students, only to learn that they valued my financial asset to the college and not my education. I feel that I have been deceived and used for their financial gain.”


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Anna Clark, ProPublica, and David Jesse, The Chronicle of Higher Education.

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    Specialty coffee professional Nish Arthur on asking so-called stupid questions https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/03/specialty-coffee-professional-nish-arthur-on-asking-so-called-stupid-questions/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/03/specialty-coffee-professional-nish-arthur-on-asking-so-called-stupid-questions/#respond Fri, 03 Jan 2025 08:00:00 +0000 https://thecreativeindependent.com/people/specialty-coffee-professional-nish-arthur-on-asking-so-called-stupid-questions Can you walk me through your morning coffee ritual?

    When I’m brewing just for myself or with another person, I usually go for the V60, a manual pour-over method. It’s always been my favorite home brewing technique. It doesn’t yield the most coffee, so it’s not great for impressing a crowd, but it’s perfect for small batches. I use a bleached paper filter because it doesn’t leave any extra flavors behind. I find that metal filters can sometimes give the coffee a metallic taste, which can really throw off the brew, and unbleached filters can leave a slight papery flavor. For the setup, I use a temperature-controlled gooseneck kettle and my own grinder.

    Do you remember when you first had a “good” coffee?

    It was in Edmonton, Alberta. A couple of friends took me to Transcend at the original Garneau location. I think I had a cappuccino or something, and everyone I was with was like, “This is the spot; this is the best coffee.” I didn’t have a frame of reference then, but it completely rewired my brain. I applied for a job there during that visit because I had just moved to Edmonton and needed work. I was hired almost on the spot.

    How old were you?

    18 or 19.

    Would you say that was the beginning of your career?

    Definitely. I had just dropped out of university and it wasn’t until I had the 60 hours of one-on-one training that things really clicked. Once I started, I realized, Wow, I’m actually really good at this. I had a strong palate, my retro-nasal senses were on point, and I picked things up quickly.

    Does having a strong palate apply to anything else in your life?

    Nothing professional, but I’m a big perfume guy. Some people are better tasters and some people are better smellers.

    What does it mean to have a good palate?

    For me, a well-developed palate can isolate the different flavors, aromas, and textures at play. This can be tricky with coffee, especially if you’re not a regular drinker or not particularly intentional about it. In North America, many people tend to prefer coffee that tastes nutty or chocolatey, whereas something like a naturally processed Ethiopian coffee is very aromatic and bold—it can hit you with flavors like blackberries and Jolly Ranchers. If you build your palate without assumptions, you can sip the coffee and ask yourself, “What else am I tasting?” Often, it’s not immediately obvious. It’s about exploring what else you can detect in the cup.

    You work in coffee education. Can you explain what being a trainer entails?

    I work as a management consultant and educator for Variety Coffee Roasters in New York. Specifically, for education, I’m responsible for building and executing the coffee program for their retail staff across eight cafes. I redesigned their education program, breaking it into modules. The first module is all about assessing the individual’s experience with coffee. If someone is new to coffee, it will start with a basic PowerPoint covering the fundamentals, like how coffee is a seed inside a cherry, followed by a full menu cupping. The second module focuses on milk-based drinks, including milk steaming and latte art. No one can work in the cafes until they’ve passed the milk training session. The final two modules are all about espresso dialing from scratch.

    Before joining Variety, I had been working in coffee education on a consulting basis, helping small restaurants and cafes develop their own sustainable coffee programs. I designed an espresso training cheat sheet, a key part of my consulting. When I joined Variety, I adapted it to their program, and it worked so well that I eventually patented it. This method has allowed me to train people to dial in espresso to a high standard in just a few hours. When dialing espresso, I rely on instinct rather than a clear cause-and-effect process. I just know what to do, but teaching that kind of instinct to others has been one of the biggest challenges in my role as a trainer.

    You started your own company recently, Hot Stuff, and you work with Nordic light roast coffee. Can you explain what constitutes a light roast and how you achieve that flavor?

    A good way to compare roasts is through sugar: light roasts are like white sugar, medium roasts are like caramel, and dark roasts are like molasses. If you think of fruitier, more expressive coffees you’ve had, they’re likely light roasts. During roasting, after the drying phase and Maillard reaction, there’s a point called the first crack. The first crack is a chemical change when the green coffee stops absorbing heat, then expels it. At this stage, all the moisture is gone, and when the coffee expels the heat, it’s similar to popcorn popping. This is when the coffee’s pores open up, and the sugars inside begin to cook. Green coffee is full of sugar, gas, and oil. The oil and sugars carry the coffee’s natural flavor.

    Depending on the coffee’s origin, the flavor can vary widely. African coffees tend to be fruity and tea-like. In contrast, Latin American coffees often have notes of stone fruit, nuts, caramel, and chocolate—flavors that North Americans might associate with more traditional profiles, even though all coffee originates from Ethiopia. For lighter roasts, the goal is to preserve these flavors while ensuring the sugar is developed enough to avoid grassy or underdeveloped tastes. In a light roast, you aim to stop the process just after it has developed enough to avoid those underdeveloped qualities, before the flavors begin to neutralize as the sugars cook… You need to learn how to listen to the coffee and figure out what it wants.

    And you’re roasting the coffee yourself?

    Yes. It’s a one-person business, but I hired a consultant to help me get started. Coffee roasting is an exclusive field, especially if you’re not a dude, so I brought in a friend who had roasted for Stumptown Roasters for years. Though I had years of specialty experience, he was the only one willing to teach me to roast.

    We roast out of my workplace, Variety. I just asked the owner, “Hey, can Patrick and I rent the roastery on weekends for this project I’m working on?” and he said, “You do enough for me, just use it.” It was insanely generous because that saved me thousands and thousands of dollars. I can also store my green coffee there, which is crazy. The reason why most people don’t learn how to roast coffee is because it’s prohibitively expensive.

    It feels like there’s so much of you in this project. You’ve been pursuing this since your teenage years, co-owned a café in Montréal for years, worked at Variety, and now launched this Nordic-inspired business. Given that you’re Nordic yourself, it all feels incredibly personal and reflective of who you are. Was that intentional?

    I feel like with Hot Stuff, I realized I wanted to do my own thing, and I want to do it the way that I like to do it. I also want it to be less serious! I want someone to be able to walk into a cafe without being scared about asking a stupid question. I want someone trying a fruity espresso to be like, “Why does this taste like this?”

    Last year, I hosted a public coffee cupping in my hometown in Saskatchewan, and a huge crowd showed up. I encouraged everyone to dive deeper into tasting coffee. By the end, people were genuinely excited about what they had learned. Even my mom joined in. One coffee was on the table with a noticeable sour defect, and she immediately picked up on it, saying, “This tastes like when a peanut starts to go a little sour.” I was amazed at how quickly she identified it. It made me realize that people inherently know how to taste; they’ve just never been given the opportunity to engage with coffee beyond its typical, commodity-focused perspective.

    What do you feel you still have to learn?

    I want to deepen my understanding of coffee production and agronomy because they’re incredibly fascinating. With climate change, we’re seeing significant shifts in how and where coffee is grown. Some countries are experiencing frost for the first time, leading to increased defects and challenges in production. Their coffee economies are struggling as a result. Meanwhile, other regions are seeing hotter climates that, surprisingly, are yielding more unique and exciting coffees. It’s been fascinating to observe these changes over the years. In the 11 or 12 years I’ve been in the industry, I’ve noticed how much Kenyan coffee, for example, has evolved in flavor compared to a decade ago.

    At the same time, growing coffee is becoming increasingly difficult and costly, which impacts both producers and consumers. As coffee becomes more expensive, I believe it’s the roaster’s responsibility to educate consumers. It’s important to explain why their coffee costs $6—whether it’s due to climate challenges, labour conditions, or production costs—not simply because the roaster wants to charge a premium.

    We also can’t ignore the fact that the coffee industry has deep roots in exploitation and slavery. As a coffee company, there’s a responsibility not just to help people enjoy coffee more but also to share the stories behind it—highlighting the producers, the struggles their countries face, and the broader context of what’s happening in the industry.

    What does the future hold for Hot Stuff?

    When I eventually open a brick-and-mortar roastery, my goal is to establish a program to teach people how to roast coffee, specifically aiming to support marginalized communities. The biggest challenges in learning how to roast coffee are often access-related. First, finding someone willing to teach you the craft can be difficult. As an educator, I’m passionate about filling that gap. But beyond that, sourcing and purchasing green coffee is incredibly challenging, especially if you’re unfamiliar with the process. Then there’s the question of where to store it and where to roast. My vision for the roastery is to address these hurdles and create a supportive environment where people can learn and grow.

    I want to create a scholarship program based on a circular economy. The idea is to use still-fresh tasting, past-crop coffee to teach roasting. Participants—two or three at a time—would get meaningful, hands-on experience, not just a quick two-hour session. The coffee they roast would be bagged separately as “scholarship coffee” and sold at a lower price, with revenue reinvested into the program to buy more green coffee and support future participants. The goal is to make this education free and sustainable, reducing waste by repurposing coffee that might otherwise go unsold. There’s a huge demand for roasting education, especially among women and marginalized groups… I hope to create a space where aspiring roasters can learn without the financial burden or logistical challenges. We’ll see who shows up for it!

    Nish Arthur recommends:

    T.H.C.’s 1999 album Adagio

    Romy and Michele’s High School Reunion (1997)

    A staple turtleneck

    The Erewhon Hailey Bieber smoothie

    The L Word S6E3


    This content originally appeared on The Creative Independent and was authored by Lauren Spear.

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    Arizona Regulators Closed a Failing Charter School. It Reopened as a Private Religious School Funded by Taxpayers. https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/31/arizona-regulators-closed-a-failing-charter-school-it-reopened-as-a-private-religious-school-funded-by-taxpayers/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/31/arizona-regulators-closed-a-failing-charter-school-it-reopened-as-a-private-religious-school-funded-by-taxpayers/#respond Tue, 31 Dec 2024 11:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/arizona-private-school-vouchers-no-transparency by Eli Hager

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    One afternoon in September, parents started arriving for pickup at Title of Liberty Academy, a private Mormon K-8 school in Mesa, Arizona, on the eastern outskirts of Phoenix.

    Individually, the moms and dads were called in to speak to the principal. That’s when they were told that the school, still just a few months old, was closing due to financial problems.

    There would be no more school at Title of Liberty.

    Over the course of that week, more parents were given the news, as well as their options for the remainder of the school year: They could transfer their children to another private or charter school, or they could put them in a microschool that the principal said she’d soon be setting up in her living room. Or there was always homeschooling. Or even public school.

    These families had, until this moment, embodied Arizona’s “school choice” ideal. Many of them had been disappointed by their local public schools, which some felt were indoctrinating kids in subjects like race and sex and, of course, were lacking in religious instruction. So they’d shopped for other educational options on the free market, eventually leading them to Title of Liberty.

    One mom had even discovered the school by window shopping: It was in the same strip mall as her orthodontist’s office, next to a China Palace, and she’d noticed the flags outside with Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints imagery. (The school was not formally affiliated with the church.)

    An LDS member herself, she was soon ready to start paying tuition to the school from her son’s Empowerment Scholarship Account — a type of school voucher pioneered in Arizona and now spreading in various forms to more than a dozen other states. ESAs give parents an average of over $7,000 a year in taxpayer funds, per child, to spend on any private school, tutoring service or other educational expense of their choice.

    A sign for Title of Liberty is still standing. The abandoned school can be seen in the background. (Adriana Zehbrauskas for ProPublica)

    Yet Arizona’s ESA program provides zero transparency as to private schools’ financial sustainability or academic performance to help parents make informed school choices.

    For instance, the state never informed parents who were new to Title of Liberty and were planning to spend their voucher money there that it had previously been a charter school called ARCHES Academy — which had had its charter revoked last school year due to severe financial issues. Nor that, as a charter, it had a record of dismal academic performance, with just 13% of its students proficient in English and 0% in math in 2023.

    When it was a charter (which is a type of public school), these things could be known. There was some oversight. The Arizona State Board for Charter Schools had monitored the school’s finances and academics, unanimously coming to the conclusion that it should be shut down.

    Yet just a month after the board’s decision, ARCHES was re-creating itself as a renamed, newly religious private school, simply by pivoting to accept voucher dollars.

    In other words, it was closed down by a public governing body but found a way to keep existing and being funded by the public anyway, just without the standards and accountability that would normally come with taxpayer money.

    Arizona does no vetting of new voucher schools. Not even if the school or the online school “provider” has already failed, or was founded yesterday, or is operating out of a strip mall or a living room or a garage, or offers just a half hour of instruction per morning. (If you’re an individual tutor in Arizona, all you need in order to register to start accepting voucher cash is a high school diploma.)

    There is “nothing” required, said Michelle Edwards, the founder and principal of ARCHES and then of Title of Liberty, in an interview with ProPublica. It was “shocking how little oversight” the state was going to provide of her ESA-funded private school, Edwards said.

    Materials and books were left behind by Title of Liberty staff after the school closed. (Adriana Zehbrauskas for ProPublica)

    According to charter board members as well as parents and family members of her former students, Edwards is a well-intentioned career educator who cares deeply about children. But she has repeatedly struggled to effectively or sustainably run a school.

    She said that when she first transformed her charter school into a private school, she and her team called up “every agency under the sun” asking what standards the new school would have to meet, including in order to accept voucher funds. For example, what about special education students and other vulnerable children — would there be any oversight of how her school taught those kids? Or instructional time — any required number of minutes to spend on reading, writing, math, science?

    State agencies, she said, each responded with versions of a question: “Why are you asking us? We don’t do that for private schools.”

    “If you’re gonna call yourself a school,” Edwards told ProPublica, “there should be at least some reporting that has to be done about your numbers, about how you’re achieving. … You love the freedom of it, but it was scary.”

    This school year, ProPublica has been examining Arizona’s first-of-its-kind “universal” education savings account program. We are doing so both because other states have been modeling their own new ESA initiatives after this one, and also because President-elect Donald Trump has prioritized the issue, most recently by nominating for secretary of education someone whose top priority appears to be expanding school choice efforts nationwide. (And Betsy DeVos, his first education secretary, was and remains a leading school voucher proponent.)

    These programs are where the U.S. education system is headed.

    In our stories, we’ve reported that Arizona making vouchers available even to the wealthiest parents — many of whom were already paying tuition for their kids to go to private school and didn’t need the government assistance — helped contribute to a state budget meltdown. We’ve also reported that low-income families in the Phoenix area, by contrast, are largely not being helped by vouchers, in part because high-quality private schools don’t exist in their neighborhoods.

    But the lack of any transparency or accountability measures in Arizona’s ESA model is perhaps the most important issue for other states to consider as they follow this one’s path, even some school choice supporters say.

    “If you’re a private school that gets most of its money now from the public, which has happened in Arizona, at that point there should be accountability for you as there is for public schools,” said Michael J. Petrilli, president of the Thomas B. Fordham Institute, a center-right and pro-voucher education reform think tank. “If the public is paying your bills, I don’t see what the argument is for there not to be.”

    To illustrate this double standard: Private school parents can speak at public school board meetings, and they vote in school board elections. But public school parents can’t freely attend, let alone request the minutes of, a private school governing body’s meetings, even if that school is now being funded with taxpayer dollars.

    Arizona’s School Transparency Rules Don’t Apply to Private Schools, Even if They Get Public Funding

    Public schools include regular neighborhood schools as well as charter schools.

    Note: ESL stands for English as a second language.

    Defenders of universal voucher programs counter that the goal of American education should be a free market of educational options for families to choose from, unburdened by excessive state regulations and paperwork. The Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank associated with Trump, has maintained that in such a system, schools would have “a strong incentive to meet the needs of their students since unsatisfied parents can take their children and education dollars elsewhere,” which the group says would create “direct accountability to parents.”

    Yet in a truly free market, opponents say, consumers would have information, including about vendors’ past performance, to make purchasing decisions in their own best interests.

    And if the product fails and has had a history of similar problems — as Title of Liberty did — there would be recourse, as with “lemon laws” that protect consumers who’ve unknowingly bought a defective car.

    Abandoned reading and spelling materials are scattered on the floor of what was once Title of Liberty. (Adriana Zehbrauskas for ProPublica)

    Several ESA parents across the Phoenix area said in interviews that they absolutely want educational choice and flexibility, but that they also want the sort of quality assurance that only government can provide. Most said that the Arizona Department of Education should provide at least some information as to the background and credentials of private schools and other educational providers that accept voucher money, and also that the department should do something to protect families from badly unqualified providers.

    Rebekah Cross, a mother of five in the northwest Phoenix suburb of Peoria, said that the ESA program, overall, has been “life-changing” for her family; she is also an administrator of multiple Facebook groups of ESA parents. Still, she said, it’s “on you” to check the credentials and the criminal history of every private school founder and provider to whom you’re considering paying your ESA dollars, because in Arizona, “anybody can start a private school, you have no idea.” There are mostly “just rumors to rely on,” she said.

    Cross pointed out that many local private schools and other educational vendors have started advertising on Facebook and elsewhere that they are “ESA certified,” even though there’s no state “certification” beyond simply signing up to receive the voucher payments. “There’s no criteria; that’s not a thing,” she said.

    “You’re putting your kid in [a school], hoping it’s going to work,” Cross said. “If it closes midyear, you’re kind of screwed.”

    Doug Nick, spokesperson for the Arizona Department of Education, responded that state law “makes it clear that we have no authority to oversee private schools,” even ones receiving public dollars.

    Regarding publicly funded private schools closing midyear, he said that parents “have the wherewithal” to find another schooling option “regardless of the time of year,” and that the law “does not contemplate the department making recommendations to parents” at all.

    Asked if the department knew how much public money had gone to Title of Liberty, Nick responded, “We don’t track that information since there’s no business reason to do so.”

    The main entrance of the now-shuttered Title of Liberty. Its founder previously ran a failed charter school, ARCHES Academy. (Adriana Zehbrauskas for ProPublica)

    Edwards, the Title of Liberty founder, first had the idea for her own school more than a decade ago. She’d long been an educator; she even ran a tutoring business in high school, she told me. At the beginning of her career, she taught Head Start and kindergarten in public and charter schools.

    Through that experience and also seeing her own six kids not always having their individual needs met in Arizona’s K-12 system, she came to the conclusion that “to try to teach every child the same is ridiculous.”

    Edwards began pitching the state charter board on a concept for a school that would meld principles of hands-on learning, borrowed from the Boy Scouts of America, with a proposal that students be grouped by learning level — “novice,” “apprentice” and so on — rather than into standard grade levels.

    The board ultimately allowed her to open this school, ARCHES, in 2018. But it kept a close eye on her finances, in no small part to try to prevent a damaging outcome for students like a midyear closure. While giving her room to innovate, which is a chief goal of charter schools, the board monitored her enrollment numbers and staffing.

    As it turned out, Edwards had persistent problems not just with low state test scores but also with unsustainably low enrollment, which would later plague Title of Liberty.

    In our interview, she attributed those issues to the transience of many students during the pandemic and post-pandemic period as well as her business managers not being as experienced “as they probably should have been.”

    This March, the charter board issued a notice of its intent to revoke ARCHES’ charter contract — a rare, serious move, according to ProPublica’s interviews with board members. (Edwards later reached an agreement with the board to surrender the charter.)

    At that hearing, one of the board members commented to Edwards that “I love the fact that you have, you know, ideas and plans and things. … [But] I’m concerned about the kids. I’m concerned about the staff. I’m concerned about the families.”

    Another added: “Don’t let that take away personally, on your end, the value of your intent.”

    She didn’t. Edwards wanted to keep helping kids, she told me, including several ARCHES students whose families decided to stick with her.

    She had the private school idea almost immediately. A post appeared on ARCHES’ Facebook page: “Hey parents! Interested in joining us next year at Title of Liberty Academy?” This was accompanied by an invitation to an “ESA workshop” to help them fill out voucher applications.

    Meanwhile, Jason Mow, an ARCHES board member who was helping with its transition to Title of Liberty, tried to recruit new students: “Get your kids out of the government run schools,” he posted, adding, somewhat paradoxically: “The state ESA program will pay for tuition!!!!”

    At one point, a parent asked him whether — if state money was going to be funding the school — it would be required to take part in state testing.

    “As a private school using ESA, we have a great deal of latitude and not mandated to,” Mow answered.

    He also said, “This is how we save the Republic.”

    A banner found folded on the floor of the vacated Title of Liberty reads “Students can learn — no excuses!” (Eli Hager/ProPublica)

    This last comment was part of a larger move that Edwards’ school was making: not just from charter to private and from some public accountability to none, but also from secular to religious with a right-wing bent, which was fully allowed even though it would be bankrolled by taxpayers. So, where ARCHES had touted an “American Revolutionary Classical Holistic Educational System,” Title of Liberty would simply be a “private faith-based school focused on the values of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.”

    Meanwhile, Edwards had already been planning to move the school into a new space: a series of storefronts in a strip mall that another charter school had previously occupied.

    Over the summer, largely through sheer force of personality, she enrolled about two dozen students.

    But Title of Liberty was ultimately even more disorganized than ARCHES had been. For one, Edwards told me, “We didn’t yet have [enough] students enrolled to be able to afford teachers. … But we had to have teachers in order to be able to get students.” She ended up hiring mostly her own family members, both for teaching positions and to do much of the school’s financial paperwork.

    She also blamed difficulties with the ESA process, like some parents being told that they hadn’t submitted their email addresses or signatures in the right format. She made clear that none of this involved the state actually scrutinizing her school; still, she wasn’t able to obtain ESA funding as quickly as she had expected to.

    The landlord, waiting on unpaid rent, finally asked Edwards to pack up the school and leave. According to one of the property managers, “She just left the space for us to deal with this shit,” which he said amounted to six large dumpsters’ worth.

    Edwards responded that she couldn’t afford moving vehicles or storage space for all of those desks, bookshelves, books and files. She said that she’d provided the landlord with information about another school that could have moved in and used the furniture and supplies. (A representative of the owner of the building said that they were done with questionably funded schools by that point, and that they gave Edwards time to clear out.)

    “It all depends on how you define success,” Edwards told me. “I feel like the time that our kids had with us was valuable and they learned a lot and took a lot with them from that.”

    “We did try to hold to a super high standard,” she added, noting that there’s no one at the state level checking on all the other private schools out there that might not care to meet that standard.

    Michelle Edwards, Title of Liberty’s founder, said that she couldn’t afford moving vehicles or storage space for all of her school’s desks, bookshelves, books and files, and that she had believed another school might be moving in. (Adriana Zehbrauskas for ProPublica)

    Calls for school transparency and accountability used to be a feature of the center-right education reform movement. No Child Left Behind, one of President George W. Bush’s signature legislative achievements, mandated that public school students in certain grades undergo standardized testing in core subjects, on the grounds that schools should have to prove that they’re educating kids up to state standards and, if they’re not, to improve or else risk losing funding.

    That testing was often rote, providing incomplete information as to the varied lives of students and pressuring many teachers to “teach to the test,” critics alleged. But it did offer a window into school performance — which, in turn, gave the voucher movement ammunition to criticize failing public schools.

    Still, early voucher efforts too included basic transparency and accountability measures. When vouchers were first proposed in Arizona, for instance, a state task force said that “private schools must also participate in the same accountability process as public schools in order to qualify for state funding.” Louisiana’s voucher program, similarly, required participating private schools to administer state student achievement tests just like public schools did.

    But voucher advocates changed course between 2017 and 2020. By that time, several academic studies had found that larger voucher programs had produced severe declines in student performance, especially in math.

    Asked about a set of particularly negative findings out of Louisiana, DeVos, Trump’s secretary of education, blamed the state’s voucher program for being “not very well conceived.” Part of the problem was that it was overregulated, she and other advocates said.

    In the years since, fully unregulated universal ESA programs have become the favored program design of many school choice supporters.

    The result is a situation in which, on the one hand, the Arizona Department of Education annually publishes detailed report cards on all public schools in the state, including charter schools. You can look up any Arizona public school’s overall letter grade (ARCHES had a D when it was still a charter school); the academic performance and progress of that school’s students, including by demographic categories; the experience levels of its teachers, and so on.

    On the other hand, Arizona private schools receiving public funding have to do no public reporting at all. If they want, they can self-report their enrollment and performance numbers to be published on websites like Niche.com, but they are free to exaggerate.

    In other words, it’s not that this newer ESA model has been a clear academic success or failure. It’s just that the public, and more specifically parents, can’t know.

    Not all states keep information as hidden as Arizona. At least five, for example, require schools that accept voucher money to be accredited or to provide evidence that they don’t have financial troubles.

    Yet even these minimal efforts at transparency and accountability have been opposed by big-money voucher supporters.

    Walmart heir Jim Walton, for instance, gave $500,000 this year to defeat a proposed Arkansas state constitutional amendment that would have required private schools receiving state funds to meet the same educational standards that public schools do. At the Ohio Legislature, provisions of a proposed bill that would’ve made voucher schools submit an annual report showing how they’re using state funding were recently removed under pressure from voucher advocates.

    And in Arizona, Republicans in the Legislature have opposed every effort by Democratic Gov. Katie Hobbs to increase oversight of private schools that receive ESA money — except for one reform: They decided that such schools must fingerprint their teachers.

    But the new law doesn’t require the ESA schools to run those fingerprints through any database or to use them in any way.

    A hallway separates abandoned classrooms at Title of Liberty. A ProPublica reporter and a photographer went inside the space this month. (Adriana Zehbrauskas for ProPublica)

    About a month ago, I asked parents if they could still pay Title of Liberty from their taxpayer-funded voucher accounts. I was curious not because I thought Edwards was collecting voucher money for a closed school but because it remained listed in ClassWallet, the Arizona Department of Education’s privately owned payment interface for ESA schools and vendors.

    One mom sent me screenshots showing that she could indeed still pay the shuttered school from her ESA account, though she would need to produce an invoice.

    What’s more, when she’d clicked on it in ClassWallet, “ARCHES Academy” was what had popped up — the name of the failed charter school that was repurposed into Title of Liberty.

    The school, whatever it was called, was still open, as far as the state of Arizona was concerned. (It was only disabled in ClassWallet after recent inquiries from ProPublica.)

    Title of Liberty was still an active vendor in ClassWallet, where Arizona parents can use their voucher money to pay private school tuition, long after the school had closed. The website also conflated Title of Liberty with its failed predecessor, ARCHES.

    Wanting to make triple-sure that I wasn’t missing something, I drove over to the strip mall a few weeks ago to see if anything was still going on there.

    What I found inside was a scene of school choice in its endstage. A sort of zombie voucher school, with dozens or possibly hundreds of books and papers scattered across the floor. Student records, containing confidential information, had been left out. There was food in the cafeteria area, molding.

    Under quotes from the Book of Mormon painted on the walls and a banner proclaiming that Title of Liberty would strive to be a “celestial stronghold of learing [sic],” a document was sitting on a table. It offered guidance for parents on how to select the right school for their little ones, including this line: “You might be surprised how many schools are just flying by the seat of their pants.”

    And on top of a file cabinet next to that was a stack of postcard-sized flyers that had been printed off at Walmart, reading, “Sign up your student for ESA.”

    Help ProPublica Report on Education

    Mollie Simon contributed research.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Eli Hager.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/31/arizona-regulators-closed-a-failing-charter-school-it-reopened-as-a-private-religious-school-funded-by-taxpayers/feed/ 0 508002
    NZ govt plans to make ‘heavy handed’ change to free speech rules for universities https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/21/nz-govt-plans-to-make-heavy-handed-change-to-free-speech-rules-for-universities/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/21/nz-govt-plans-to-make-heavy-handed-change-to-free-speech-rules-for-universities/#respond Sat, 21 Dec 2024 07:19:05 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=108547 By John Gerritsen, RNZ News education correspondent

    The New Zealand government coalition is tweaking university regulations to curb what it says is an increasingly “risk-averse approach” to free speech.

    The proposed changes will set clear expectations on how universities should approach freedom of speech issues.

    Each university will then have to adopt a “freedom of speech statement” consistent with the central government’s expectations.

    The changes will also prohibit tertiary institutions from adopting positions on issues that do not relate to their core functions.

    Associate Education Minister David Seymour said fostering students’ ability to debate ideas is an essential part of universities’ educational mission.

    “Despite being required by the Education Act and the Bill of Rights Act to uphold academic freedom and freedom of expression, there is a growing trend of universities deplatforming speakers and cancelling events where they might be perceived as controversial or offensive,” he said.

    “That’s why the National/ACT coalition agreement committed to introduce protections for academic freedom and freedom of speech to ensure universities perform their role as the critic and conscience of society.”

    Minister for Tertiary Education and Skills Penny Simmonds said freedom of speech was fundamental to the concept of academic freedom.

    “Universities should promote diversity of opinion and encourage students to explore new ideas and perspectives. This includes enabling them to hear from invited speakers with a range of viewpoints.”

    It is expected the changes will take effect by the end of next year, after which universities will have six months to develop a statement and get it approved.

    Te Herenga Waka-Victoria University of Wellington said the important issue of free speech had been a dominant topic throughout the year.

    It believed a policy it had come up with would align with the intent of the criteria laid out by the government today.

    However, the Greens are among critics, saying the government’s changes will add fuel to the political fires of disinformation, and put teachers and students in the firing line.

    Labour says universities should be left to make decisions on free speech themselves.

    ‘A heavy-handed approach’
    The Tertiary Education Union (TEU) said proposed rules could do more harm than good.

    They have been been welcomed by the Free Speech Union, which said academic freedom was “under threat”, but the TEU said there was no problem to solve.

    TEU president Sandra Grey said the move seemed to be aimed at ensuring people could spread disinformation on university campuses.

    “I think one of the major concerns is that you might get universities opening up the space that is for academic and rigorous debate and saying it’s okay we can have climate deniers, we can have people who believe in creationism coming into our campuses and speaking about it as though it were scientific, as though it was rigorously defendable when in fact we know some of these questions . . .  have been settled,” she said.

    Grey said academics who expressed views on campus could expect them to be debated, but that was part and parcel of working at a university and not an attack on their freedom of speech.

    “There isn’t actually a problem. I do think universities, all the staff who work there, the students, understand that they’re covered by all of their requirements for freedom of speech that other citizens are.

    “So it feels like we’ve got a heavy-handed approach from a government that apparently is anti-regulation but is now going to put in place the whole lot of requirements on a community that just doesn’t need it.”

    Some topics ‘suppressed’

    Jonathan Ayling of the Free Speech Union submits to Parliament's Economic Development, Science and Innovation select committee regarding the Fair Digital News Bargaining Bill, 15 February 2024.
    Free Speech Union chief executive Jonathan Ayling . . . some academics are afraid to express their views and there is also a problem with “compelled speech”. Image: VNP/Phil Smith/RNZ News

    Free Speech Union chief executive Jonathan Ayling said freedom of speech was under threat in universities.

    “We’ve supported academics . . .  where they feel that they have been unfairly disadvantaged simply for holding a different opinion to some of their peers. Of course, that is also an addition to the explicit calls for people to be cancelled, to be unemployed,” he said.

    Ayling said some academics were afraid to express their views and there was also a problem with “compelled speech”.

    “Forcing certain references on particularly ideological issues. There’s questions around race, gender, international conflicts, covid-19, these are all questions that we’ve found have been suppressed and also there’s the aspect of self-censorship,” he said.

    “As we have and alongside partners looked into this more and more, it seems that many people in the academy exist in a culture of fear.”

    University committed to differing viewpoints
    Te Herenga Waka-Victoria University of Wellington is committed to hearing a range of different viewpoints on its campuses, vice-chancellor Professor Nic Smith says.

    Free speech had been an important issue during 2024, and the university had arrived at a policy that covered both freedom of speech and academic freedom.

    By consulting widely, there was now a shared understanding of “foundational principles”, and its policy would be in place early in the new year.

    “We believe this policy aligns with the intent of the criteria [from the government] as we understand them. It recognises the strength of our diverse university community and affirms that this diversity makes us stronger,” Professor Smith said.

    “At the same time, it acknowledges that within any diverse community, individuals will inevitably encounter ideas they disagree with-sometimes strongly.

    “Finding value in these disagreements is something universities are very good at: listening to different points of view in the spirit of advancing understanding and learning that can ultimately help us live and work better together.”

    The university believed in hearing a range of views from staff, rather than adopting a single institutional position.

    “The only exception to this principle is on matters that directly affect our core functions as a university.”

    ‘Stoking fear and division’

    Francisco Hernandez delivers his maiden statement.
    The Green Party’s spokesperson for Tertiary Education, Francisco Hernadez . . . this new policy has nothing to do with free speech. Image: VNP/Phil Smith/RNZ News

    Green Party’s spokesperson for Tertiary Education, Francisco Hernadez, said the new policy had nothing to do with free speech.

    “This is about polluting our public discourse for political gain.”

    Universities played a critical role, providing a platform for informed and reasoned debate.

    “Our universities should be able to decide who is given a platform on their campuses, not David Seymour. These changes risk turning our universities into hostile environments unsafe for marginalised communities.

    “Misinformation, disinformation, and rhetoric that inflames hatred towards certain groups has no place in our society, let alone our universities. Freedom of speech is fundamental, but it is not a licence to harm.”

    Hernandez said universities should be trusted to ensure the balance was struck between academic freedom and a duty of care.

    “Today’s announcement has also come with a high dose of unintended irony.

    “David Seymour is speaking out of both sides of his mouth by on the one hand claiming to support freedom of speech, but on the other looking to limit the ability universities have to take stances on issues, like the war in Gaza for example.

    “This is an Orwellian attempt to limit discourse to the confines of the government’s agenda. This is about stoking fear and division for political gain.”

    Labour’s Associate Education (Tertiary) spokesperson Deborah Russell responded: “One of the core legislated functions of universities in this country is to be a critic and conscience of society. That means continuing to speak truth to power, even if those in power don’t like it.”

    “Nowhere should be a platform for hate speech. I am certain universities can make these decisions themselves.”

    ‘Expectations clarified’ – university
    The University of Auckland said in a statement the announcement of planned legislation changes would help “to clarify government expectations in this area”.

    “The university has a longstanding commitment to maintaining freedom of expression and academic freedom on our campuses, and in recent years has worked closely with [the university’s] senate and council to review, revise and consult on an updated Freedom of Expression and Academic Freedom Policy.

    “This is expected to return to senate and council for further discussion in early 2025 and will take into account the proposed new legislation.”

    The university described the nature of the work as “complex”.

    “While New Zealand universities have obligations under law to protect freedom of expression, academic freedom and their role as ‘critic and conscience of society’, as the proposed legislation appreciates, this is balanced against other important policies and codes.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    The Story of One Mississippi County Shows How Private Schools Are Exacerbating Segregation https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/19/the-story-of-one-mississippi-county-shows-how-private-schools-are-exacerbating-segregation/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/19/the-story-of-one-mississippi-county-shows-how-private-schools-are-exacerbating-segregation/#respond Thu, 19 Dec 2024 11:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/segregation-academies-public-schools-amite-county-mississippi by Jennifer Berry Hawes, data analysis by Nat Lash, with additional reporting by Mollie Simon

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    The scoreboard glowed with the promise of another Friday night football game in Liberty, Mississippi, a small town near the Louisiana border. The Trojans, in black and gold, sprinted onto the field to hollers from friends and families who filled barely half the bleachers.

    The fans were almost all Black, as is the student body at the county’s lone public high school. Scanning the field and the stands would give you little indication that more than half the county’s residents are white.

    In some swaths of the South, a big event like high school football unites people. But not in Amite County.

    Just beyond the Trojans’ scoreboard, past a stand of trees, another scoreboard lit up. At Amite School Center, a small Christian private school, cars and pickup trucks crammed every inch of space on the front lawn and in its parking lots. A charter bus for the visiting team, another private school, rumbled near the entrance to the field.

    A good 500 people, nearly all of them white, filled the bleachers and flowed across the hill overlooking the field. They cheered from lawn chairs and waggled cowbells as cheerleaders in red-and-white uniforms performed a daring pyramid routine.

    A child waved a handmade white poster that read, “Go Rebels.”

    Amite School Center, like many private schools across the Deep South, opened during desegregation to serve families fleeing the arrival of Black children at the once all-white public schools. ProPublica has been examining how these schools, called “segregation academies,” often continue to act as divisive forces in their communities even now, five decades later.

    In Amite County, about 900 children attend the local public schools — which, as of 2021, were 16% white. More than 600 children attend two private schools — which were 96% white. Other, mostly white students go to a larger segregation academy in a neighboring county.

    “It’s staggering,” said Warren Eyster, principal of Amite County High until this school year. “It does create a divide.”

    The difference between those figures, 80 percentage points, is one way to understand the segregating effect of private schools — it shows how much more racially isolated students are when they attend these schools.

    Considerable research has examined public school segregation. Academics have found that everything from school attendance zones to the presence of charter schools can worsen segregation in local public schools.

    But the ways in which private schools exacerbate segregation are tough to measure. Unlike their public brethren, they don’t have to release much information about themselves. That means few people on the outside know many details about these schools, including the racial makeup of their student bodies — at a time when legislatures across the South are rapidly expanding voucher-style programs that will send private schools hundreds of millions more taxpayer dollars.

    Very White Private Schools in Majority-Black Districts

    ProPublica looked at majority-Black public school districts where private schools also operated. A wide swath of districts across the South exhibited the same pattern: Student populations in private schools are far whiter than in the surrounding public schools.

    Includes only districts that had within their boundaries at least one private school that reported to the National Center for Education Statistics’ Private School Universe Survey at least once since 2015. Source: Private School Universe Survey. (Nat Lash, ProPublica)

    But a new ProPublica analysis shows the extent to which private schools segregate students. We dug into decades of private and public school data kept by the U.S. Department of Education, including a survey of the nation’s private schools conducted every other year by its National Center for Education Statistics. Outside of academia, few people know about this data.

    The surveys are imperfect measures. Schools self-report their information, and about 1 in 4 didn’t respond to the most recent round in 2021. But the surveys are the only national measure of this kind. ProPublica used them to determine how often students attended schools with peers of the same race in tens of thousands of private schools nationwide and compared that to public schools.

    A stark pattern emerged across states in the Deep South — Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, South Carolina and North Carolina — where about 200 majority-Black school districts educate 1.3 million students. Alongside those districts, a separate web of schools operates: private academies filled almost entirely with white students. Across the majority-Black districts in those states, private schools are 72% white and public schools are 19% white.

    Many of those districts are home to segregation academies, which siphon off large numbers of white students. In many areas, particularly rural ones, these academies are the reason that public school districts scarcely resemble their communities — and the reason that public schools are more Black than the population of children in the surrounding county.

    Which county has the largest chasm? Amite.

    Amite School Center’s football team, the Rebels, and fans during a home game in September 2024. (Edmund D. Fountain, special to ProPublica)

    Along the two-lane country roads through Amite County, fear still mingles with the red clay. Civil rights violence scarred the place just a few generations ago. At least 14 lynchings and other terrifying acts of racist violence took place here, including one of the nation’s most infamous unsolved civil rights murders. In neighboring Pike County, the town of McComb became known as the “bombing capital of the world” for its violent resistance to civil rights.

    “You can’t forget things like that,” said Jackie Robinson, chair of the Amite County Democratic Committee. A Black woman, she remembers going to the neighborhood store with her grandmother and being called a racial slur. Her mother told stories of crosses burning.

    Robinson said she encounters Black residents who won’t put campaign signs for Black candidates in their yards. They fear that white residents, who own most of the local businesses, might shut them out if they do.

    Liberty, Mississippi, is the county seat of Amite County, which has a long history of racial segregation and civil rights violence. (Edmund D. Fountain, special to ProPublica)

    White adults outnumber Black ones, and white elected officials control the school district that educates mostly Black children.

    Only one school trustee is Black. She sent her children to the local public schools, but few, if any, of the white trustees did. One longtime white board member, whose children attended Amite School Center, has as his Facebook profile picture a photo of the private school’s football team. ProPublica reached out to all of the school board members multiple times, but none responded.

    That school board hired a superintendent who is white. It selected high school and middle school principals who are white. And all of the people collecting $7 cash from each spectator at the football game appeared to be white.

    Janice Jackson-Lyons, a Black woman, ran for a school board seat in 2020 against the white incumbent with the private school Facebook photo. She described her campaign message as: “I’m reaching for all children. I’d love to see all the kids go to school together because all the kids in Amite County are going to compete for jobs with people from all over the world.” She lost by 60 votes.

    Woran Griffin lost a race for an Amite County School Board seat in November. (Edmund D. Fountain, special to ProPublica)

    Woran Griffin, who volunteers with Amite County High School’s football team, ran for a board seat in November. He and another Black resident, an educator in a neighboring school district, both lost to white candidates. “There are too many whites running kids they don’t know nothing about,” he said.

    They are among the Black residents who wonder: Why do white people who never sent their kids to the public schools keep challenging Black candidates who have? Many Black residents figure it comes down to control — over property tax rates, district spending contracts and hiring.

    “I call that a plantation-style school,” said local resident Bettie Patterson, a Black woman who served on the school board years ago.

    Amite County has one of the lowest property tax rates for funding schools in Mississippi. And when the board consolidated schools in 2010, it shuttered the elementary school in Gloster, a mostly Black town in the county, and moved all students to Liberty, a mostly white one. The only school left in Gloster is a Head Start for preschoolers.

    The grounds of the abandoned Gloster Community Center, which also served as an elementary school. The school closed_ _in 2010, after budget reductions and decreases in state funding. (Edmund D. Fountain, special to ProPublica)

    Superintendent Don Cuevas wouldn’t comment on the racial dynamic of the board. “We have a good school system,” he said. “We have a safe school system. Everybody’s treated equal.”

    Several Amite public school teachers and parents described watching the PTA, the booster club and a parent liaison position disappear. They said they don’t feel their input is welcome. But Cuevas said the district wants to be selective about when it asks for money from its families, many of whom have very low incomes, when the district doesn’t need it.

    “Financially, we’re set,” Cuevas said. “We handle money very well.” He pointed to renovations at the elementary school, including improvements to the parking lot and plumbing, a new iron fence around the entire property and a guard shack. The superintendent said it was to ensure safety and order, but Griffin said the fence felt “like a prison wall.”

    Multiple Black educators told ProPublica that the district had passed over qualified Black teachers with local roots for jobs and promotions.

    Jeffery Gibson, who grew up in Gloster, was a PE teacher and Amite County High School’s head football and a track coach last year when, he said, he applied for two open administrative positions. Given he had coached multiple state championship teams, received his administrator license and worked as a lead teacher, he figured he’d be a strong candidate.

    “I know the kids,” Gibson said. “I can motivate them. I can get them to do what I ask. I can get them to reach their full potential. I’m from there.” But he said the district didn’t respond to his applications, so he took a job as the athletic director of a larger district.

    Former Amite County High School head football coach Jeffery Gibson greets players at halftime in September 2024. (Edmund D. Fountain, special to ProPublica)

    ProPublica identified 155 counties across the Deep South with private schools that likely opened as segregation academies. Roughly three dozen of those schools are in Mississippi. One in Amite County has never — over nearly 30 years of responding to a federal survey — reported enrolling more than one Black student at a time.

    The other, Amite School Center, began reporting enrollment of Black students in the past decade, but not enough to come close to reflecting the population of children in Amite County, where almost half of school-age kids are Black. In the 2021 federal survey, Amite School Center reported student enrollment was 3.5% Black. It employs no Black teachers.

    When asked if his school still creates divisions in the community, ASC’s Head of School Jay Watts said no: “I haven’t seen it here.” The school has a policy that says it doesn’t discriminate based on race.

    The nonprofit Christian academy, home of the Rebels, opened hastily in 1970 “in the wake of court ordered all-out racial desegregation of the Amite County Schools,” a local Enterprise-Journal story said a few months beforehand.

    Back then, A.R. Lee Jr., a doctor and congressional candidate from Liberty, was president of the nonprofit Amite School Corp. As violence erupted in other Southern towns, Lee told a Mississippi newspaper reporter, “The fact that we have a private school here is the reason everything is calm. If we didn’t have it, it wouldn’t be calm in Amite County.”

    In the front office of the modest one-story school, which educates just over 300 students across all grade levels, a Confederate flag with “ASC” emblazoned in the center is tacked to a cabinet. Down a hallway, Watts sat at a desk beneath an impressive deer mount, a wooden paddle perched against the office’s doorframe. He welcomed questions from a reporter who showed up without an appointment.

    Watts seemed eager to share what his school offers: a Christian-based education that eschews government interference.

    “We are charged with educating academically, physically, spiritually, emotionally,” Watts said. “I’m not sure that that’s the mission of the public schools. They’re there to educate academically. I think our mission is broader.”

    Because ASC is private, it can operate without the government dictating whether teachers can lead prayer, what tests they administer — and whether or not that paddle gets used. Watts said many of its families think the broader culture is changing in ways they don’t agree with.

    “We don’t have to let a girl go to the boys’ bathroom or a boy go to the girls’ bathroom,” he said.

    Josh Bass, the school’s athletic director and basketball coach, worked at public schools earlier in his career, then came to ASC from a larger academy in neighboring Pike County. He said he and his wife enrolled their three children at ASC primarily due to their Christian faith: “If it’s not biblical leadership, then I don’t want it for my child.”

    He insisted that racial segregation isn’t the school’s goal today. “That might have been at one time, 100 years ago, and some people hang on to that,” Bass said. “We want all to have an opportunity to go to these schools and be a part of what we’re trying to lead them to be.”

    Amite School Center’s athletic director Josh Bass watches the football team. Bass said he enrolled his children in the private school because of its focus on Christian education. (Edmund D. Fountain, special to ProPublica)

    The men also recognized that even though ASC’s tuition is relatively low compared to many other private schools — under $6,000 a year per child — disparities in resources still create barriers. The median white household income in Amite County is $54,688, compared to $21,680 for a Black household, the U.S. Census Bureau estimates.

    ASC has received $459,000 in donations over the past three years through a state tax credit program for certain educational charities, including private schools. But Watts said the school still lacks the money to offer financial aid.

    Across the tree line at the public school’s district office, Cuevas said in terse tones that he had no comment about anything related to the private schools or the parents who choose them. He knew nothing about what ASC offers and therefore could not — and would not — compare the public schools to it.

    “I don’t even know those answers,” Cuevas said. “I don’t know anything about the private schools. I don’t ask.”

    He said he didn’t go out into the community to promote the schools he leads. Instead, he opened the schools’ doors and tried to educate whoever walked in. He’s unclear why so many white students don’t come.

    “We don’t know why. We offer a good education,” Cuevas said.

    Gibson, the public school’s former football coach, turned his pickup truck onto ASC’s jam-packed campus and found a slip of empty grass on the front lawn where he could park amid the football crowd. He had never set foot on this property even though he had worked and attended the nearby public schools.

    Halftime approached as he headed toward the football field. A peal of parents’ yells — “Way to go!” and “Keep pushing!” — burst from the entrance. Once inside, Gibson scanned a sea of white people who filled the bleachers and packed together in lawn chairs, most of them strangers to him except for a few who worked at the public school district. The public schools pay more and offer better benefits.

    Gibson had come to see one of his favorite players, a gifted senior who was on his team last year — and who was now the only Black player he saw on ASC’s team. It wasn’t hard to find the teen’s father. Nobody said anything unfriendly to him, but Gibson felt hundreds of eyes watching as he strolled over to the man, who stood front and center against the fence.

    The player he came to see had transferred to ASC after Gibson left the public high school. Gibson had barely said hello to the teen’s father before the player scored a touchdown. Cheers cascaded from the crowd, and Gibson joined them.

    But it felt strange standing there with so many white people at the “white school.” Back when he was growing up, he couldn’t have imagined such a thing. In college and after, while coaching in Oklahoma, Gibson made good friends who are white. As he cheered with the crowd at ASC, he wondered how many white friends he might have made here in Amite had the local kids all gone to school together.

    He found an empty seat in the front row of the metal bleachers and took in the manicured field before him. It was so close to the one where he’d been a student and coach. Yet it felt like stepping into another world.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by .

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    West and media are ‘erasing’ Palestinian history, say critics https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/19/west-and-media-are-erasing-palestinian-history-say-critics/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/19/west-and-media-are-erasing-palestinian-history-say-critics/#respond Thu, 19 Dec 2024 07:00:16 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=108464 Asia Pacific Report

    Palestinian history is “deliberately ignored” and is being effectively “erased” as part of Western news media narratives, while establishment forces work to shut down anyone speaking out against Israel’s slaughter in Gaza, academics have told a university conference of legal and Middle East experts.

    A two-day online summit Erasure and Defiance: the Politics of Silence and Voice on Palestine, hosted by the University of Technology Sydney (UTS) Diversities and Social Inclusion Research Centre, also heard the type of reporting in the mainstream media “normalised violence” against Palestinians, reports the UTS Central News.

    Also, the murder of Palestinians and resistance by them had been routinely mischaracterised as “loss and failure” on their part as though it was their own fault.

    Although the conference took place over one and-a-half days in July and brought together Arab, Muslim, Jewish and Indigenous speakers from Palestine, Australia, Germany, Japan, the United States and the United Kingdom, details have only just been released.

    The release of the conference proceedings comes more than one year on from the start of the Israeli War on Gaza, now extended into Lebanon, Syria and Yemen, with arrest warrants issued by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defence Minister Yoav Gallant, and an Amnesty International investigation concluding Israel is committing genocide against Palestinians in Gaza.

    The western media has ranged from selective reporting of facts… and publishing outright lies that justify the murder of Palestinians.

    According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) at least 45,097 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza, including over 17,492 children, with more than 107,244 people injured and in excess of 10,000 people missing under the rubble of collapsed buildings.

    Israeli forces, meanwhile, have killed journalists at a faster rate than any conflict on record, with estimates varying between 137, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists, 188 documented by Turkish news agency Anadolu Ajansi, and the 196 killed as reported by the Gaza Government Media Office.

    By comparison 63 journalists were killed in 20 years of the Vietnam War.

    Posed war crime questions
    The conference posed major questions regarding the erasing of Palestinian history, how it enables present-day war crimes and how defiance has resonated and inspired ongoing resistance by:

    • Palestinians fighting to defend their lives and their land, or as seen around the world, in civic protests;
    • the BDS (Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions) movement;
    • human rights advocacy;
    • alternative social media production; and
    • legal challenges in the highest of our international institutions, the ICC and the International Court of Justice.

    The conference was officially opened with the Welcome to Country, from Uncle Greg Simms, Gadigal elder of the Dharug Nation.

    Uncle Greg spoke about the importance of land and country to the survival of Australia’s Indigenous people, the role of ancestral ties and connections, the importance of history and allies in the face of genocide, and the need to empathise with the people of Palestine at this time.


    Dr Janine Hourani’s address.    Video: UTS

    Janine Hourani from the University of Exeter and Palestinian Youth Movement, in her keynote speech detailed the history of Palestinian resistance to Zionist occupation, addressing how the recording of history, privileged by a select few, served to stifle narratives, as well as erase key figures and moments in time, “reproducing a particular version of Palestinian history that focuses on defeat and loss, rather than resistance and rebellion”.

    “The Western media has ranged from selective reporting of facts, reporting Palestinians as ‘died’ and Israeli settlers as ‘murdered’ and publishing outright lies that justify the murder of Palestinians,” said Hourani.

    “Since October we’ve heard multiple political interventions being made about the Western media’s complicity in the current genocide in Palestine.”

    Souheir Edalbi, a law lecturer at Western Sydney University, convened the session that followed, featuring four speakers.

    Anti-Palestinian racism
    Randa Abdelfattah, an author, lawyer and academic, addressed anti-Palestinian racism which serves to disarm criticism of Israel and Zionism.

    Udi Raz, an academic and activist based in Germany, presented a case study of Mizrahi or Arab Jews in Germany, interrogating the definition of semitism and otherness in that context, the culturally pervasive racism towards Arabs, and German anxieties about what constitutes a non-European identity.

    Annie Pfingst, an author and academic, listed 11 different types of “erasure” by Israel, from the confiscation, possession and renaming of Palestinian villages through to the holding of Palestinian bodies killed by the Israeli forces, not returned to their families, or buried in the “cemetery of numbers”.

    She described a “necrological regime” that turns dead bodies into prisoners of the state, penalising and torturing the community, serving “to further evict the native in line with the structure of the settler colonial imperative of elimination”.

    We have seen many instances of pro-Palestinian voices who have been sacked from their work places.

    Jessica Holland, a researcher, curator and archivist, discussed how the history of archiving of Palestinian material is “deeply embedded within a legacy of coloniality”, and the importance of Palestinian social history and archiving projects, in redressing and countering hegemonic understandings and organisation of materials.

    “Journalists, teachers, doctors, health care workers, public servants, lawyers, artists, food hospitality workers. Across every profession and industry [showing] solidarity with Palestine has been met with a repertoire of repressive tactics, disciplinary employment processes, cancelled contracts, lawfare, police brutality, parliamentary scrutiny, coordinated complaints and harassment campaigns, media coverage, doxxing, harassment, attempts at law reform and policy amendments,” said Abdelfattah.

    “We have seen in the past few days the treatment of [Senator] Fatima Payman and the intimidation, bullying and silencing she has endured.

    “We have also seen many instances of pro-Palestinian voices who have been sacked from their work places.”

    On day two of the conference Aunty Glendra Stubbs gave the Acknowledgement of Country, which was followed by the keynote speaker Jeff Halper, anthropologist, author, lecturer, political activist and director of the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions.

    Normalising violence
    Halper addressed how Israel as a Zionist settler colonial state normalises violence, erasure and apartheid against Palestinians, where physical and cultural genocide are built in, necessitating indigenous resistance.

    A second panel, “Social Movements, in Defiance”, convened by Alison Harwood, a social change practitioner, included speakers Nasser Mashni from the Australia Palestine Advocacy Network (APAN), Sarah Schwartz from the Jewish Council of Australia, and Latoya Rule from UTS Jumbunna Institute for Indigenous Education and Research.

    Speakers shared insights on how social movements mobilise from within their diverse communities, to reach and potentially impact the Australian and international social and political stage.

    Interdisciplinary storyteller and media producer Daz Chandler presented a series of pre-recorded interviews and a live discussion with participants involved in University campus encampments from around the world including activists from Birzeit University in the Occupied West Bank, Mexico, Trinity College in Dublin, UCLA, the University of Melbourne, University of Tokyo, University of Sydney and Monash University.

    Two further sessions focused on responses “From the Field”, with a third panel convened by Paula Abboud, a cultural worker, educator, writer and creative producer, featuring The Age journalist Maher Moghrabi, author and human rights lawyer Sara Saleh, Lena Mozayani from NSW Teachers for Palestine, and Dr Sana Pathan from ANZ Doctors for Palestine.

    Each reflected on their work and the challenges they encountered in their respective professional fields. Obstructions they faced ranged from hindering and silencing the expression of ideas, through to the prevention of carrying out critical on-the-ground work to save lives.

    Hometown of Nablus
    The final panel of the conference was moderated by Derek Halawa, a Palestinian living in the diaspora, who shared his experience of travelling to his hometown of Nablus.

    He followed virtual footsteps from his cousin’s video, through the alley ways, to reach the home of his great grandfather, a journey which culminated in reaching the steps of Al Aqsa Mosque, with both spaces symbolising belonging and hope.

    Cathy Peters, media worker and co-founder of BDS Australia described a diverse range of disruption movements calling for the end of ties with Israeli companies, since the war on Gaza.

    This was followed by RIta Jabri Markwell, solicitor and adviser to the Australian Muslim Advocacy Network, addressing specific points of Australian law dealing with terrorism, freedom of speech, and racial discrimination.

    The conference, which was was co-convened by Barbara Bloch, Wafa Chafic, James Goodman, Derek Halawa and Christina Ho, concluded with UTS Sociology Professor James Goodman giving an overview of the proceedings and potential actions post-conference.

    One post-conference outcome is an additional series of interviews produced by Daz Chandler exploring the power of creative practices utilised within the Palestinian resistance movement.

    It features renowned Palestinian contemporary artist Khaled Hourani, Ben Rivers: co-founder of the Palestinian Freedom Bus, Yazan al-Saadi: co-founder of Cartoonists for Palestine, Taouba Yacoubi: Sew 4 Palestine, Birkbeck University of London; and artist and activist from Naarm Melbourne, Margaret Mayhew.

    Republished from the UTS Central News.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Superpower rivalry makes Pacific aid a bargaining chip – vulnerable nations still lose out https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/17/superpower-rivalry-makes-pacific-aid-a-bargaining-chip-vulnerable-nations-still-lose-out/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/17/superpower-rivalry-makes-pacific-aid-a-bargaining-chip-vulnerable-nations-still-lose-out/#respond Tue, 17 Dec 2024 05:09:11 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=108348 ANALYSIS: By Sione Tekiteki, Auckland University of Technology

    The A$140 million aid agreement between Australia and Nauru signed last week is a prime example of the geopolitical tightrope vulnerable Pacific nations are walking in the 21st century.

    The deal provides Nauru with direct budgetary support, stable banking services, and policing and security resources. In return, Australia will have the right to veto any pact Nauru might make with other countries — namely China.

    The veto terms are similar to the “Falepili Union” between Australia and Tuvalu signed late last year, which granted Tuvaluans access to Australian residency and climate mitigation support, in exchange for security guarantees.

    And just last week, more details emerged about a defence deal between the United States and Papua New Guinea, now revealed to be worth US$864 million.

    In exchange for investment in military infrastructure development, training and equipment, the US gains unrestricted access to six ports and airports.

    Also last week, PNG signed a 10-year, A$600 million deal to fund its own team in Australia’s NRL competition. In return, “PNG will not sign a security deal that could allow Chinese police or military forces to be based in the Pacific nation”.

    These arrangements are all emblematic of the geopolitical tussle playing out in the Pacific between China and the US and its allies.

    This strategic competition is often framed in mainstream media and political commentary as an extension of “the great game” played by rival powers. From a traditional security perspective, Pacific nations can be depicted as seeking advantage to leverage their own development priorities.

    But this assumption that Pacific governments are “diplomatic price setters”, able to play China and the US off against each other, overlooks the very real power imbalances involved.

    The risk, as the authors of one recent study argued, is that the “China threat” narrative becomes the justification for “greater Western militarisation and economic dominance”. In other words, Pacific nations become diplomatic price takers.

    Defence diplomacy
    Pacific nations are vulnerable on several fronts: most have a low economic base and many are facing a debt crisis. At the same time, they are on the front line of climate change and rising sea levels.

    The costs of recovering from more frequent extreme weather events create a vicious cycle of more debt and greater vulnerability. As was reported at this year’s United Nations COP29 summit, climate financing in the Pacific is mostly in the form of concessional loans.

    The Pacific is already one of the world’s most aid-reliant regions. But considerable doubt has been expressed about the effectiveness of that aid when recipient countries still struggle to meet development goals.

    At the country level, government systems often lack the capacity to manage increasing aid packages, and struggle with the diplomatic engagement and other obligations demanded by the new geopolitical conditions.

    In August, Kiribati even closed its borders to diplomats until 2025 to allow the new government “breathing space” to attend to domestic affairs.

    In the past, Australia championed governance and institutional support as part of its financial aid. But a lot of development assistance is now skewed towards policing and defence.

    Australia recently committed A$400 million to the Pacific Policing Initiative, on top of a host of other security-related initiatives. This is all part of an overall rise in so-called “defence diplomacy”, leading some observers to criticise the politicisation of aid at the expense of the Pacific’s most vulnerable people.

    Kiribati: threatened by sea level rise
    Kiribati: threatened by sea level rise, the nation closed its borders to foreign diplomats until 2025. Image: Getty Images/The Conversation

    Lack of good faith
    At the same time, many political parties in Pacific nations operate quite informally and lack comprehensive policy manifestos. Most governments lack a parliamentary subcommittee that scrutinises foreign policy.

    The upshot is that foreign policy and security arrangements can be driven by personalities rather than policy priorities, with little scrutiny. Pacific nations are also susceptible to corruption, as highlighted in Transparency International’s 2024 Annual Corruption Report.

    Writing about the consequences of the geopolitical rivalry in the Solomon Islands, Transparency Solomon Islands executive director Ruth Liloqula wrote:

    Since 2019, my country has become a hotbed for diplomatic tensions and foreign interference, and undue influence.

    Similarly, Pacific affairs expert Distinguished Professor Steven Ratuva has argued the Australia–Tuvalu agreement was one-sided and showed a “lack of good faith”.

    Behind these developments, of course, lies the evolving AUKUS security pact between Australia, the US and United Kingdom, a response to growing Chinese presence and influence in the “Indo-Pacific” region.

    The response from Pacific nations has been diplomatic, perhaps from a sense they cannot “rock the submarine” too much, given their ties to the big powers involved. But former Pacific Islands Forum Secretary-General Meg Taylor has warned:

    Pacific leaders were being sidelined in major geopolitical decisions affecting their region and they need to start raising their voices for the sake of their citizens.

    While there are obvious advantages that come with strategic alliances, the tangible impacts for Pacific nations remain negligible. As the UN’s Asia and the Pacific progress report on sustainable development goals states, not a single goal is on track to be achieved by 2030.

    Unless these partnerships are grounded in good faith and genuine sustainable development, the grassroots consequences of geopolitics-as-usual will not change.The Conversation

    Dr Sione Tekiteki, Senior Lecturer, Faculty of Law, Auckland University of Technology. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    In divided Myanmar, graduates of a parallel education system struggle for recognition https://rfa.org/english/myanmar/2024/12/12/myanmar-nug-university-12122024/ https://rfa.org/english/myanmar/2024/12/12/myanmar-nug-university-12122024/#respond Thu, 12 Dec 2024 02:46:30 +0000 https://rfa.org/english/myanmar/2024/12/12/myanmar-nug-university-12122024/ MAE SOT, Thailand – A 2021 coup d’etat drove a wedge through Myanmar, setting the military and its opponents at bloody odds and dividing society in many walks of life, including education.

    University students have been at the forefront of opposition to rule by the generals for generations and young people were out on the streets again after the military overthrew a government led by Aung San Suu Kyi in 2021.

    After the military largely crushed a civil disobedience movement, many angry young people have refused education under its auspices. Instead, they look to independent institutions including ones run by a parallel government in exile, the National Unity Government, or NUG.

    The NUG supports numerous independent institutions in cities under junta control, teaching subjects such as nursing and medicine, teacher training and technology to thousands of students. It also provides online courses.

    In addition, social organizations, often those supporting ethnic minority causes, have set up colleges independent of both the junta and the NUG.

    But the independent schools are not recognized by Myanmar’s junta and young people graduating from them lack recognized certificates, posing problems when they pursue further studies abroad in places like Thailand.

    “It’s very difficult for them to study in Thailand,” said Ponnya Mon, the chancellor of Mon National College in southern Myanmar, referring to some students who have studied in colleges affiliated with the NUG.

    “It’s not because they’re not qualified, it’s because of politics,” he said.

    Keen to maintain relations with Myanmar’s military rulers, Thailand does not recognize the NUG and Thai educational institutions are mandated to work only with accredited institutions. So they usually decline to recognize qualifications issued by independent Myanmar colleges.

    “The Thai government has to make a very difficult choice. Even though they would like to accept it, sometimes it’s the politics, right? If you accept a student from the NUG, that means you recognize the NUG,” said Ponnya Mon.

    But change is afoot.

    Thailand’s Payap University has set up a partnership with the Mon National College to offer a joint bachelor’s degree, said Michael Meallem, director of the International Relations Office at the Thai university.

    “What we did differently, maybe to other universities, is now the Thai government is actually a little more lenient in terms of the recognition that universities can offer to prior learning,” Meallem said.

    Students taking a class at Mon National College in Ye Township, Mon state, Myanmar.
    Students taking a class at Mon National College in Ye Township, Mon state, Myanmar.

    Kaung Khant, a student representative at an NUG-affiliated medical school, said he knew of one person who was accepted by Thailand’s prestigious Chulalongkorn University with credentials issued by the NUG. But the person in question had graduated before the coup, though he had not been issued with a degree so had to rely on an NUG-issued certificate.

    “He explained to the university the current situation and how he finished his studies. He hasn’t received a graduation certificate but he was accepted,”

    he said.

    ‘Fake and illegal’

    But others have landed in trouble.

    Chulalongkorn University contacted Myanmar authorities in November to check on degrees issued by an NUG-affiliated university to two students applying to study there, alerting military authorities to their bid.

    The junta’s Office of the Commander-in-Chief of Defense Services said in a statement the students’ degrees were fake and illegal and their applications had been rejected.

    The two students “will be blacklisted, identified and arrested,” the military office said, adding that the notaries and translators who helped them with their applications had been arrested.

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    The NUG said the students’ degrees were valid and it denounced the junta for its attempt to block education for those who reject military rule.

    “They are trying to destroy the future of young people who are free of their control,” said Kyaw Zaw, spokesperson for the NUG’s Office of the President, adding that the students had been able to continue their studies at the Thai university.

    Chulalongkorn University did not respond to calls from Radio Free Asia seeking comment.

    A Myanmar student studying at Chulalongkorn, asking to be identified as Lincoln, said the affair could put off some students from independent colleges thinking of studying abroad.

    “The security risk has been raised. Students will be worried about applying for master’s or Ph.D.s abroad this way because of what happened, if the same thing might happen to them,” he said, adding that students should be prepared to handle the application process diplomatically.

    “Not every university, not every country, is very well aware of our situation,” Lincoln said, referring to Myanmar’s turmoil since the 2021 coup.

    “So whether or not they accept our degree certificates or academic transcripts depends on a case by case basis.”

    Edited by Taejun Kang.

    RFA Burmese contributed to this report.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Kiana Duncan for RFA.

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    How media could help social cohesion and unite people – a Fiji journalism educator’s view https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/11/how-media-could-help-social-cohesion-and-unite-people-a-fiji-journalism-educators-view/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/11/how-media-could-help-social-cohesion-and-unite-people-a-fiji-journalism-educators-view/#respond Wed, 11 Dec 2024 22:05:54 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=108126 By Alifereti Sakiasi in Suva

    Social cohesion is a national responsibility, and everyone, including the media, should support government’s efforts, according to Dr Shailendra Singh, associate professor in Pacific Journalism at the University of the South Pacific.

    While the news media are often accused of exacerbating conflict by amplifying ethnic tensions through biased narratives, media could also assist social cohesion and unite people by promoting dialogue and mutual understanding, said Dr Singh.

    He was the lead trainer at a two-day conflict-sensitive reporting workshop for journalists, student journalists, and civil society on reporting in ethically tense environments.

    The training, organised by Dialogue Fiji at the Suva Holiday Inn on November 12–13, included reporting techniques, understanding Fiji’s political and media landscape, and building trust with audiences.

    Head of USP Journalism Associate Professor Shailendra Singh . . .  media plays an important public interest role as “society’s watchdog”. Image: The Fiji Times/Wansolwara

    Watchdog journalism
    Dr Singh said media played an important public interest role as ‘society’s watchdog’. The two main strengths of Watchdog Journalism are that it seeks to promote greater accountability and transparency from those in power.

    However, he cautioned reporters not to get too caught up in covering negative issues all the time. He said ideally, media should strive for a healthy mix of positive and what might be termed “negative” news.

    Dr Singh’s doctoral thesis, from the University of Queensland, was on “Rethinking journalism for supporting social cohesion and democracy: case study of media performance in Fiji”.

    He discussed the concepts of “media hyper-adversarialism” and “attack dog journalism”, which denote an increasingly aggressive form of political journalism, usually underpinned by commercial motives.

    This trend was a concern even in developed Western countries, including Australia, where former Labour Minister Lindsay Tanner wrote a book about it: Sideshow, Dumbing Down Democracy.

    Dr Singh said it had been pointed out that media hyper-adversarialism was even more dangerous in fragile, conflict-affected and vulnerable settings, as it harms fledgling democracies by nurturing intolerance and diminishing faith in democratically-elected leaders.

    “Excessive criticism and emphasis on failure and wrongdoings will foster an attitude of distrust towards institutions and leaders,” he said.

    Conflict-sensitive reporting
    According to Dr Singh, examples around the world show that unrestrained reporting in conflict-prone zones could further escalate tensions and eventually result in violence.

    The number one aim of conflict-sensitive reporting is to ensure that journalists, are aware of their national context, and shape their reporting accordingly, rather than apply the “watchdog” framework indiscriminately in all situations, because a “one-size-fits-all” approach could be risky and counterproductive.

    Journalists who adopt the conflict-sensitive reporting approach in their coverage of national issues could become facilitators for peaceful solutions rather than a catalyst for conflict.

    “The goal of a journalist within a conflict-prone environment should be to build an informed and engaged community by promoting understanding and reconciliation through contextualised coverage of complex issues,” he said.

    A rethink was all the more necessary because of social media proliferation, and the spread of misinformation and hate speech on these platforms.

    Participants of the workshop included Ashlyn Vilash (from left) and USP student journalists Nilufa Buksh and Riya Bhagwan. Image: The Fiji Times/Wansolwara

    Challenges in maintaining transparency and accountability in journalism
    According to Dr Singh, in many Pacific newsrooms today journalists who are at the forefront of reporting breaking news and complex issues are mostly young and relatively inexperienced.

    He said the Pacific media sector suffered from a high turnover rate, with many journalists moving to the private sector, regional and international organisations, and government ministries after a brief stint in the mainstream.

    “There is a lot of focus on alleged media bias,” said Dr Singh.

    “However, young, inexperienced, and under-trained journalists can unknowingly inflame grievances and promote stereotypes by how they report contentious issues, even though their intentions are not malicious,” he said.

    Dr Singh emphasised that in such cases, journalists often become a danger unto themselves because they provide governments with the justification or excuse for the need for stronger legislation to maintain communal harmony.

    “As was the case in 2010 when the Media Industry Development Act was imposed in the name of professionalising standards,” said Dr Singh.

    “However, it only led to a decline in standards because of the practice of self-censorship, as well as the victimisation of journalists.”

    Legislation alone not the answer
    Dr Singh added that legislation alone was not the answer since it did not address training and development, or the high rate of newsroom staff turnover.

    He said the media were often attacked, but what was also needed was assistance, rather than criticism alone. This included training in specific areas, rather than assume that journalists are experts in every field.

    Because Fiji is still a transitional democracy and given our ethnic diversity, Dr Singh believes that it makes for a strong case for conflict-sensitive reporting practices to mitigate against the risks of societal divisions.

    “Because the media act as a bridge between people and institutions, it is essential that they work on building a relationship of trust by promoting peace and stability, while reporting critically when required.”

    This article was first published by The Fiji Times on 24 November, 2024 and is being republished from USP Journalism’s Wansolwara and The Fiji Times under a collaborative agreement.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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    Author and illustrator Linda Liukas on building a career out of curiosity https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/11/author-and-illustrator-linda-liukas-on-building-a-career-out-of-curiosity/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/11/author-and-illustrator-linda-liukas-on-building-a-career-out-of-curiosity/#respond Wed, 11 Dec 2024 08:00:00 +0000 https://thecreativeindependent.com/people/author-and-illustrator-linda-liukas-on-building-a-career-out-of-curiosity What was your career like before Hello Ruby? Where did your interest in the different strands that came together in the book—coding, illustration, and writing—start for you?

    I’m a kid of the 1990s, so computers have always been in my life. My father brought home what was then called a “laptop computer,” but really it was a draggable computer, something you had to push around. He said, “There’s nothing you can do with the computer that can’t be fixed or undone.” Which meant that we grew up with a very fearless attitude towards computers. I always loved creating little worlds with computers. It was like an evolution from Polly Pocket to Sim City to Hello Ruby — the idea that I can control an entire universe with my hands.

    When it came time to think about what I would do when I grew up, I never for a moment considered computer science. For some reason, the world of technology or programming never clicked for me. I felt it was dull. It was removed from the world. It was intensely mathematical. It was the early 2000s in Finland, which was known for Nokia and the mobile phone boom, and I went to business school thinking that that’s what I would become: a middle manager, a business person at Nokia.

    Then I was lucky enough to do an exchange at Stanford University. I did this mechanical engineering course that is legendary over there. It’s about getting gritty and building something with your hands. And I discovered this world of technology and startups, and this very optimistic Bay Area culture of the early 2010s. I started a nonprofit that taught women programming, because at the time I was rediscovering my childhood passion for creating things with computers. And then I ended up working in New York for a company that was democratizing coding education. So all of these trends came together.

    How did you make space for drawing and writing while you were in business school, or thinking about integrating it into this career that might have been less creative?

    I think we all have these curiosities that keep coming back to us. Often, ideas nag me for years before they actually become anything. It was the same with the Hello Ruby book series. It was something that I started when I was in Stanford, doing little doodles in the margins of my computer science books, and then it just gathered more ideas, like a snowball. It kept growing and growing and growing.

    In very practical terms, in New York the Codecademy day started at around 10 A.M., so I would put an alarm clock on and use an hour in the morning to carve out time to do something new. It’s a learning curve every time you try out a new medium, so there needs to be enough time reserved for exploration and wondering and trying out new things. You need to have these folders in your head and gather a lot of ideas from a lot of different industries. With Hello Ruby, I spent a lot of time reading children’s books and looking at programming curriculums before jumping into illustrating it and making the book happen.

    What gave you the desire, or even the confidence, to take it from an idea that was just for you and make it into a children’s book?

    Sometimes I wished someone else would have done it. But the idea just kept coming back to me and saying, “No, wake up, you need to make it happen.”

    I think the confidence came from the fact that I had a very unique perspective. Every single project I’ve been good at has been a very niche thing where my personal, subjective experience has been the thing that makes it work. I would be terrible at writing a K–12 curriculum for computer science, or writing a research paper on how to do urban planning for playgrounds. I’m always going for projects where it’s an asset that I have a single, curious viewpoint into the world. That’s where my confidence comes from — that no one else will have this same exact taste or the same exact view.

     rRLJr5dTACG9m6pn4R6w

    Hello Ruby is so whimsical. Everything in the world of computer science has a character, from GPUs and CPUs to the computer mouse. Did that idea arrive fully formed in your mind, or was it a more painstaking process of creating a narrative?

    The character-driven idea came immediately. I’ve always had this very animistic sense of the world, where a lot of the things around me have a sense of agency and character—this almost Japanese sense that there are souls in the rocks and so forth. So in that sense it was very easy for me to anthropomorphize the concepts and ideas.

    But even before the characters came to be, I started to think about how to make computer science more tactile. How can we make it more understandable with our fingers? That’s the way I explore new ideas. The little girl character, Ruby, was born because Ruby was the first programming language that I felt very comfortable expressing myself in, and every time I would run into a problem, like what is object-oriented programming or what is a linked list, I would do a little doodle of the Ruby character. But I think the most profound part of Hello Ruby is the fact that all these storybooks also have activities that help you explore computation for play or crafting or narration. That also came quite early on, because that’s the way I would have preferred to learn.

    It seems like the playful or self-expressive side of technology is rarely part of computer science education. Why do you think that’s missing?

    I think computer scientists love to stay in their heads, whereas when we are four years old, we explore the world with our fingers. Touch is missing from a lot of computer science curriculum, and touch is profound when we are learning.

    We are so in love with the idea that you can just transfer knowledge from one person’s brain to another—this Matrix-like downloadable idea—that we forget that a lot of our learning happens through narrative, through context, through great educators. It’s not as linear a process as some technologists want to make it seem, especially in early childhood.

    The final thing that is often missing in computer science education is reciprocity. Knowledge happens not in a transfer but together. As much as the educator is there to teach, the child is also there to teach.

    There’s very little open-endedness in computer science curriculums. There’s project-based learning, but still, there are often rubrics that say that this is right or this is wrong, and there’s only one way of solving a problem. Whereas for me, the whole beauty and joy of computer science and programming is the fact that there are multiple ways of solving a problem and expressing yourself. Some of them are more elegant than others. But the teacher doesn’t need to be the person who transfers the knowledge. The student can bring their own experiences and ideas, and there’s constant reciprocity between the one who teaches and the one who learns.

    So much of your work has centered around early childhood education. What drew you to that field?

    I suppose the age I associate with most is four years old. Four is the pinnacle of life, when children are like philosopher kings. You can’t have a mundane conversation with a four-year-old or a six-year-old.

    A lot of our foundations are laid in early childhood. I used to talk about a study that said that around the age of 12, people start to have these self-limiting ideas, for example whether they are math people or non-math people. But actually, there are more studies that say it happens even earlier. It’s around the age of six that kids start to say, “No, I’m not a person who can learn coding.” It’s such a pity, because kids around the age of six can be anything, but they start to self-define at that age already.

    Hello Ruby was a real inflection point in your career. It’s been published around the world and translated into dozens of languages. How did things change for you after it was published? Did it set you on a new trajectory?

    Absolutely. I wasn’t trained as a children’s book author. I didn’t belong in the industry. I still don’t think I do. But at least I have the credibility to be working on this now. I also recognize that it’s a huge privilege that I’ve been able to fund this work throughout the years. I know a lot of children’s book authors need to have a lot of different strategies to make a living.

    Coming from this background of Silicon Valley and Stanford, I put a lot of pressure on myself. What does success look like? What do the next steps look like? Should I open a school? Should this be a big company that employs a lot of people? One of the choices I’m most proud of is that early on, I realized that what success looks like for me is freedom and curiosity and the ability to follow whatever path I take. A lot of the time, that’s not what building scalable companies looks like. For me, the past decade has been a very curiosity-led decade.

    I don’t play a lot of video games, but I play Zelda and I only do the side quests. I’m not at all interested in completing the game. I just like meandering in the world and doing silly, mundane things, like collecting apples and learning to make all the recipes in the cooking side quest.

    That sounds like the Platonic ideal of a creative life, being able to have a career that lets you go on those creative side quests.

    A big part of it is that I’ve been able to talk about all of this. The way I funded a lot of my work is by doing speaking gigs. Books definitely don’t pay enough to sustain everything. I’ve been lucky in that technology companies are curious and interested in this. That’s something no one could have predicted in advance — that you can become a children’s book author who speaks about these topics for leadership at change management companies. Maybe that’s part of the curiosity: keeping your eyes open and mixing and matching things.

    You’re now involved in playground design. The first one you helped design just opened in Finland. Tell me about your role in this project, and what you were aiming to bring to it.

    The idea for the playground started with the second Hello Ruby book in 2016. I wanted to do an Alice in Wonderland-like book where Ruby falls inside the computer while trying to help the mouse find the missing cursor. The Computer History Museum had an exhibition where you could go inside this gigantic computer and learn how it works, and I thought it would be so cool to do something like that for a museum. I applied for funding but nothing really clicked.

    Then, in 2020, early in the pandemic, playgrounds were the only thing that was open in Helsinki, and they became such a lifeline. I noticed that kids on the playground were doing these behaviors that I had always connected with the ideal school environment. They were self-directed, they were doing project-based learning, they were solving problems on their own. Grownups were there, but we were not on a podium telling them what they should be learning. That’s where the idea for the playground started.

    There’s a long lineage of artists working with playgrounds. There’s Yinka Llori, a Nigerian-British artist, who created a playground in London. There’s Aldo van Eyck, who was also an architect, who created these very striking abstract playgrounds in postwar Amsterdam. There’s Isamu Noguchi, a Japanese-American artist, who created these intense and whimsical and abstract playgrounds. It’s an interesting place between public space and public art, and also very physical and very educational.

    In Finland, we have another layer around playgrounds that is underutilized globally. We have the play structures, the actual physical things, and we put a lot of effort into thinking about how those play structures could mimic the ideas of computer science. That’s the “hardware” side of it. But then there’s the “software” side of playgrounds, which in Finland are run by playground instructors. They are often university-educated people whose sole task is to think about programs and educational content, for example for first-time mothers with small kids or for afterschool programs for nearby schools. That gave us a huge opportunity to think about pedagogical content and materials we could create for the park. I hope we start to see more pedagogical content being created around everyday neighborhood playgrounds.

    You’ve found ways to write and draw as part of what you do for a living, but is there any creative outlet that you keep that’s just for you, that you do just for the joy of it?

    Cooking, I think. It’s meditative. It happens on a daily basis. It creates a sense of community of familiarity. And it’s intensely creative. The best kind of cooking is when you have a fridge with five different things, and then you make something out of that — it’s the constraints.

    I would never want to be a food influencer or turn that into something that influences my work publicly in any way. But almost everything else goes into those folders of ideas.

    You’ve lived in Helsinki, New York, and now Paris. How did the cultures of those places influence your work, or the way you think about your work?

    I absolutely think that place influences the way we see the world. When I was a young student in post-Nokia Helsinki, my options looked very different from when I was a student at Stanford or when I was an early-stage employee at a startup in New York. Helsinki gave me my personality and the unique vision of what I want to do and how I want to do things. Then New York gave me the permission to put those things together. I remember hearing people saying, “I’m a barista slash actress slash dog sitter,” and I’m like, “Oh, you can do that!” You can conjugate and add new ideas and identities to one another. In Finland, you’re allowed to be one thing — you’re either a teacher or a children’s book author or a playground maker.

    I’m still figuring Paris out. But I think because Paris is such a historic city, and computer science and technology as a field is very uninterested in history, I’ve noticed myself being interested in where ideas come from and how they grow. Paris is a wonderful place to observe those ideas, because it’s so full of art and history. An engineering mindset clashes with the culture, which is more about thinking about things over the very long term, valuing art and taste, and being able to converse in many different disciplines as opposed to being narrowly very good at what you do.

    What advice would you give to someone who would like a similar career to yours, or any career where they can translate all their different passions into something sustainable?

    Pay attention to unlikely niches and unlikely combinations, and choose topics that accrue over time. There are certain disciplines where you need to be young or you need to be in a certain geographic location in order to succeed. It takes time to change education or write books, and I think my secret has been that I’ve always chosen projects that benefit from time as opposed to requiring a very fast execution. And the combinations can be very weird.

    Philip Glass said that the legacy is not important, it’s the lineage. Who are the people who came before you? There’s no one who did exactly what I did, but there’s Björk, who combined nature and technology together, and there’s Tove Jansson from my native Finland, who built a beloved children’s brand around Moomins. There’s David Hockney, who has a deep curiosity around technology and perception. There are countless examples of people who have taken a certain path. Have a little hall of fame of those people. Thinking of your work as a continuation or a lineage of those people helps sustain you on the days when it gets tough.

    Linda Liukas recommends:

    Cooking in Zelda: Tears of the Kingdom: I love the almost meditative experience of gathering herbs, fish, and wild truffles in the game, with zero interest in finishing the actual quests.

    Björk’s Biophilia: Biophilia remains, for me, one of the most imaginative ways to combine science and art. Each song explores natural phenomena like gravity, tectonic shifts, or crystal formations, paired with musical ideas such as rhythm, arpeggios, or chords. Björk even made an app (in 2011!) and a pedagogical curriculum to accompany the album. Her approach—allowing students to experience something profound without explicitly telling them they’re learning—has inspired me greatly.

    Books for the curious: Every scientific discipline should have at least one writer who presents the field in a literary, experimental way. I want to understand the beauty before the formulas and equations. My current favorites include Carlo Rovelli’s Seven Brief Lessons on Physics for physics, Hannu Rajaniemi’s Darkome for synthetic biology, Benjamin Labatut’s Maniac for the history of physics, and Robin Wall Kimmerer’s Gathering Moss: A Natural and Cultural History of Mosses for botany.

    Playgrounds to visit: Few things are as satisfying as meticulously curated, obscure Google spreadsheets or maps. My current favorite is this map of Monstrum-designed playgrounds around the world.


    This content originally appeared on The Creative Independent and was authored by Rebecca Hiscott.

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    Tonga’s PM Hu’akavameiliku throws in the towel – behind the timeline https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/11/tongas-pm-huakavameiliku-throws-in-the-towel-behind-the-timeline/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/11/tongas-pm-huakavameiliku-throws-in-the-towel-behind-the-timeline/#respond Wed, 11 Dec 2024 02:13:34 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=108069 COMMENTARY: By Lopeti Senituli in Nuku’alofa

    In a highly anticipated session of the Tongan Parliament to debate and vote on the second vote of no confidence (VONC) scheduled for last Monday, December 9, in Prime Minister Siaosi Sovaleni Hu’akavameiliku and the Cabinet, Hu’akavameiliku surprised everyone by announcing his resignation — even before the actual debate had begun.

    The session began with the Speaker, Lord Fakafanua, announcing the procedure for the day which was to have each of the seven grounds of the VONC read out, followed by the Cabinet’s responses, after which each member of Parliament would be allowed 10 minutes to make a statement for or against.

    Before parliamentary staff started reading out the documents, Deputy Prime Minister (DPM) Samiu Vaipulu moved that the VONC be declared null and void as it did not have the 10 valid signatures that the house rules stipulated.

    He claimed that two of the 10 signatures were added on October 10, whereas an event included in VONC did not begin until October 21, thus making those signatures invalid. That event was the 2024 Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting which was held in Samoa, October 21-26, and the VONC cited it in relation to alleged Cabinet overspending on overseas travel.

    After an hour and half of debate on the DPM’s motion, the Speaker ruled that despite the technical shortcoming, he would proceed with the VONC at 2pm after the lunch break. Hu’akavameiliku immediately asked for a break, as only 10 minutes remained before the lunch break, but the Speaker sided with VONC supporters and ruled that the debate begin straight away.

    That is when Hu’akavameiliku asked for the floor and proceeded to thank everyone from the King to the nobles and his Cabinet members and the movers of the VONC before announcing his resignation.

    The second VONC had been tabled on November 25. The Speaker instructed the parliamentary committee responsible to scrutinise it for compliance with parliamentary rules and determine whether additional information was needed before making it available to the Prime Minister and Cabinet by November 29.

    More time request granted
    Hu’akavameiliku was initially required to submit his response by December 3 for debate and ballot. But on November 28 the Speaker granted his request for more time, rescheduling the debate to December 9. The movers of the VONC were not happy, particularly given that the first one submitted in August 2023 had contained 46 grounds (compared with seven in the second), to which the Prime Minister and Cabinet had responded to in detail within five days.

    There is reason to suspect that there was more to the request for extension than meets the eye. The inaugural graduation ceremony for the Tonga National University, which opened in January 2023, was held over three days beginning December 4, with the University’s Chancellor, King Tupou VI, officiating. Hu’akavameiliku, as Pro-Chancellor and chair of the University Council and Minister for Education and Training, facilitated the first day’s ceremony.

    That date, December 4, marked the 1845 coronation of King Siaosi Tupou I, the founder of modern Tonga. Notably, King Tupou VI was absent on the second and third days, with Lord Fakafanua and Hu’akavameiliku stepping in to play the Chancellor’s role.

    In a media conference on November 25 after the VONC was tabled, Hu’akavameiliku defended the VONC movers’ constitutional right to introduce it, but also said that since he only had a year left of his four-year term, he would have preferred a dialogue about their concerns.

    He gave the impression to the media that he had the numbers to defeat this second VONC. However, his numbers were tight.

    As of November 10, his Cabinet had nine members, reduced from 10 after his Minister for Lands and Survey, Lord Tu’i’afitu, resigned after receiving a letter from the Palace Office saying King Tupou VI had withdrawn his confidence and trust in him as minister.

    Of the nine remaining members, four were People’s Representatives (PRs), including the Prime Minister, two were Nobles’ Representatives (NRs) and three were Non-Elected Representatives who could not vote on the VONC.

    Question mark over allegiance
    o, with six votes in hand, Hu’akavameiliku needed eight more to beat the VONC. He could usually count on five PRs — Tevita Puloka, Dulcie Tei, Sione Taione, Veivosa Taka and Mo’ale ‘Otunuku — and possibly three NRs that could have sided with him, Lord Tuiha’angana, Lord Fakafanua and Prince Kalaniuvalu.

    But there was a question mark over Prince Kalaniavalu’s allegiance as he had voted in favour of the first VONC in September 2023.

    The movers of the second VONC were confident they had the numbers this time round. Lord Tu’ilakepa, who had voted against the VONC in 2023, was one of the signatories this time around. Previously, Lord Tu’ileakepa had almost always voted with the Prime Minister and was loathe to be associated with members of Parliament who had any pro-democracy inclinations.

    The seven PR signatories were Dr Langi Fasi, Mateni Tapueleuelu, Dr ‘Aisake Eke, Piveni Piukala, Kapeli Lanumata, Mo’ale Finau and Vatau Hui. They were also guaranteed the vote of Dr Tanieta Fusmalohi, still making his way back from COP29.

    So, they had 11 guaranteed votes, and 13 if the recently resigned Minister, Lord Tu’I’afitu, and Prince Kalaniuvalu sided with them. As with the first VONC, the NRs would play a crucial role, controlling nine of the 26 seats (more than 33 percent of the Parliament) despite representing less than 1 percent of the country’s population.

    Since King Tupou VI withdrew his confidence and trust in Hu’akavameiliku as Minister for Defence and Fekita ‘Utoikamanu as Minister for Foreign Affairs early in 2024, the Prime Minister continued as Acting Minister in those two portfolios.

    There was hope that substantive Ministers would have been appointed (from the Royal Family) by the time of the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) Leaders Meeting in Nuku’alofa in August 24, but it was not to be.

    Relations remained strained
    In spite of the hulouifi (traditional reconciliation ceremony) performed in February, relations between the King and Hu’akavameiliku remained strained. One cannot help but think that the Palace Office was at least supportive of the VONC, if not among the instigators.

    As PIF chair until next year’s leaders’ summit in Solomon Islands, Hu’akavameiliku reportedly felt let down by King Tupou VI’s absence from the country during the Leaders’ Meeting — not least because his father, King Taufa’ahau Tupou IV, and his brother, Prince Tuipelehake, were instrumental in setting up the PIF (South Pacific Forum, at that time) in 1972.

    Together with Fiji’s Ratu Kamisese Mara, Cook Islands’ Sir Albert Henry, Nauru’s Hammer De Roburt, Samoa’s Malietoa and Niue’s Robert Rex, they walked out of the then South Pacific Commission (SPC) when they could no longer stand being treated like children by the colonial powers (US, France, UK, the Netherlands, Australia, and NZ) at the annual SPC meetings and their refusal to include decolonisation and nuclear testing on SPC’s agenda.

    The Speaker immediately recessed parliament after Hu’akavameiliku’s announcement. By the time it reconvened at 2pm he had a letter from the Palace Office saying they had received the PM’s resignation in writing.

    In spite of vociferous opposition from some of the VONC movers, he announced that, under section 18 of the Government Act, DPM Samiu Vaipulu would be Acting Prime Minister (in an interim Cabinet of existing members) until December 24, when Parliament is scheduled to elect a new Prime Minister from its existing membership of the house.

    Lopeti Senituli is a law practitioner in Tonga and is the immediate past president of the Tonga Law Society. He was Political and Media Adviser to Prime Ministers Dr Feleti Vaka’uta Sevele (2006-2010) and Samuela ‘Akilisi Pohiva (2018-2019). This article was first published by Devpolicy Blog and is republished with the author’s permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Alumni group slams USP’s failure to release council meeting outcomes https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/07/alumni-group-slams-usps-failure-to-release-council-meeting-outcomes/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/07/alumni-group-slams-usps-failure-to-release-council-meeting-outcomes/#respond Sat, 07 Dec 2024 06:31:25 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=107899 RNZ Pacific

    A group of concerned alumni of the University of the South Pacific has called the regional institution’s delay in releasing the outcomes of the 98th USP Council meeting held in Rarotonga late last month “totally unacceptable”.

    The group released a statement on Thursday, stating that the regional university’s main decision-making body and support staff’s failure to provide a timely update “to keep the Pacific Islands taxpayers and fee-paying students fully informed about important decisions . . . is becoming totally unacceptable”.

    “This is particularly so as the USP unions’ strike action mandate is active,” the statement read.

    Earlier this week, there was speculation that the USP vice-chancellor and president, Professor Pal Ahluwalia, who has fallen out of favour with the staff unions, had stepped down from his role at the Rarotonga meeting.

    However, the USP told RNZ Pacific that information about Professor Ahluwalia resigning was “inaccurate”.

    The university did not respond to RNZ Pacific’s specific question on whether the vice-chancellor had resigned.

    “The University of the South Pacific wishes to clarify that the allegations regarding events at the 98th Council meeting are inaccurate,” a USP spokesperson said.

    “The USP Council will issue an official statement on the outcomes of the meeting in due course.”

    But the USP alumni statement included a “summary of the major council decisions”, including the appointment of a new VCP as one of seven main outcomes of the two-day meeting in the Cook Islands.

    University of the South Pacific (USP) vice-chancellor and president, professor Pal Ahluwalia.
    Professor Pal Ahluwalia . . . reported to have resigned at the council meeting, but a USP spokesperson said this report was “inaccurate”. Image: USP/RNZ Pacific

    But the USP alumni statement included a “summary of the major council decisions”, including the appointment of a new VCP as one of seven main outcomes of the two-day meeting in the Cook Islands.

    “A new USP visitor has also been appointed. He is Mr Daniel Fatiaki, former Chief Justice of Fiji and Vanuatu. He is an alumnus and Preliminary 2 graduate in the early 1970s.

    “On the first day, VCP [Ahluwalia] indicated he would be stepping down from the VCP position.”

    The USP is jointly owned by 12 Pacific Island nations.

    New Zealand and Australia have been major development partners of the institution since its inception in in 1968, providing core funding for the university.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Howard Gardner on Education Today https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/04/howard-gardner-on-education-today/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/04/howard-gardner-on-education-today/#respond Wed, 04 Dec 2024 21:38:16 +0000 https://progressive.org/public-schools-advocate/howard-gardner-on-education-today-bader-20241204/
    This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Eleanor J. Bader.

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    #23. Hospital School Programs Support Students’ Mental Health and Education https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/03/23-hospital-school-programs-support-students-mental-health-and-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/03/23-hospital-school-programs-support-students-mental-health-and-education/#respond Tue, 03 Dec 2024 17:28:06 +0000 https://www.projectcensored.org/?p=45471 In-hospital schools are developing groundbreaking means to address the mental health crisis among young people, Rebecca Redelmeier reported in August 2023 for The Hechinger Report. Amidst a surge of in-patient mental health hospitalizations, original programs such as the University of North Carolina’s Hospital School are providing transformative educational support for…

    The post #23. Hospital School Programs Support Students’ Mental Health and Education appeared first on Project Censored.


    This content originally appeared on Project Censored and was authored by Kate Horgan.

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    #21. California’s Groundbreaking Investment in Education for Incarcerated Youth https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/03/21-californias-groundbreaking-investment-in-education-for-incarcerated-youth/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/03/21-californias-groundbreaking-investment-in-education-for-incarcerated-youth/#respond Tue, 03 Dec 2024 17:26:09 +0000 https://www.projectcensored.org/?p=45465 Genuine education reform is based on the premise that every young person deserves access to high-quality education. Although federal law guarantees the right to education to all, incarcerated youth are often disregarded. However, efforts to build robust education programs for young people in California juvenile detention facilities have received a…

    The post #21. California’s Groundbreaking Investment in Education for Incarcerated Youth appeared first on Project Censored.


    This content originally appeared on Project Censored and was authored by Kate Horgan.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/03/21-californias-groundbreaking-investment-in-education-for-incarcerated-youth/feed/ 0 504596
    New course planned to help Pacific media professionals counter disinformation https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/03/new-course-planned-to-help-pacific-media-professionals-counter-disinformation/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/03/new-course-planned-to-help-pacific-media-professionals-counter-disinformation/#respond Tue, 03 Dec 2024 08:41:54 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=107714 Pacific Media Watch

    An Aotearoa New Zealand-based community education provider is preparing a new course aimed to help media professionals in the Pacific region understand and respond to the complex issue of disinformation.

    The eight-week course “A Bit Sus (Pacific)”, developed by the Dark Times Academy, will be offered free to journalists, editors, programme directors and others involved in running media organisations across the Pacific, beginning in February 2025.

    “Our course will help participants recognise common tactics used by disinformation agents and support them to deploy proven educational and communications techniques including lateral reading and ‘pre-bunking’,” says Dark Times Academy co-founder Mandy Henk.

    DARK TIMES ACADEMY

    As well as teaching participants how to recognise and respond to disinformation, the course offers an understanding of how technology, including generative AI, influences the spread of disinformation.

    The course is an expanded and regionalised adaption of the “A Bit Sus” education programme which was developed by Henk in her former role as CEO of Tohatoha Aotearoa Commons.

    “As the Pacific Islands have experienced accelerated growth in digital connectivity over the past few years — thanks to new submarine cable networks and satellite technology — the region has also seen a surge in harmful rumours and disinformation that is increasingly disrupting the ability to share accurate and truthful information across Pacific communities,” Henk says.

    “By taking a skills-based approach to countering disinformation, our programme can help to spread the techniques needed to mitigate the risks posed by digital technologies.”

    Evidence-based counter disinformation
    Henk says delivering evidence-based counter disinformation education to Pacific Island media professionals requires a depth of expertise in both counter-disinformation programming and the range of Pacific cultures and political contexts.

    “We are delighted to have several renowned academics advising the programme, including Asia Pacific Media Network’s Dr David Robie, editor of Asia Pacific Report and founder of the Pacific Media Centre, and Professor Chad Briggs from the Asian Institute of Management.

    “Their expertise will help us to deliver a world class programme informed by the best evidence available.”

    Dark Times Academy's Mandy Henk
    Dark Times Academy’s Mandy Henk . . . “The region has seen a surge in harmful rumours and disinformation that is increasingly disrupting the ability to share accurate and truthful information across Pacific communities.” Image: Newsroom

    The programme will be co-taught by Henk, as well as American journalist and counter disinformation expert Brooke Binkowski, and New Zealand-based extremism expert Byron Clark, who is also a co-founder of the Dark Times Academy.

    “Countering disinformation and preventing the harm it causes in the Pacific Islands is crucially important to communities who wish to maintain and strengthen existing democratic institutions and expand their reach,” says Clark.

    Binkowski says: “With disinformation narratives on the rise globally, this course is a timely and eye-opening look at its existence, its purveyors and their goals, and how to effectively combat it.

    “I look forward to sharing what I have learned in my years in the field during this course.”

    The course is being offered by Dark Times Academy using funds awarded in a public competitive grant offered by the US Embassy in New Zealand.

    While it is funded by the US, it is a completely independent programme overseen by Dark Times Academy and its academic consultants.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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    ICJ to begin hearings in landmark Pacific climate change case started by students https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/02/icj-to-begin-hearings-in-landmark-pacific-climate-change-case-started-by-students/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/02/icj-to-begin-hearings-in-landmark-pacific-climate-change-case-started-by-students/#respond Mon, 02 Dec 2024 04:04:26 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=107659

    SPECIAL REPORT: By Doug Dingwall of ABC Pacific

    A landmark case that began in a Pacific classroom and could change the course of future climate talks is about to be heard in the International Court of Justice (ICJ).

    The court will begin hearings involving a record number of countries in The Hague, in the Netherlands, today.

    Its 15 judges have been asked, for the first time, to give an opinion about the obligations of nations to prevent climate change — and the consequences for them if they fail.

    The court’s findings could bolster the cases of nations taking legal action against big polluters failing to reduce emissions, experts say.

    They could also strengthen the hand of Pacific Island nations in future climate change negotiations like COP.

    Vanuatu, one of the world’s most natural disaster-prone nations, is leading the charge in the international court.

    The road to the ICJ — nicknamed the “World Court” — started five years ago when a group of University of the South Pacific law students studying in Vanuatu began discussing how they could help bring about climate action.

    “This case is really another example of Pacific Island countries being global leaders on the climate crisis,” Dr Wesley Morgan, a research associate with UNSW’s Institute for Climate Risk and Response, said.

    “It’s an amazing David and Goliath moment.”

    The UN's top court, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), is housed in the Peace Palace in The Hague, Netherlands.
    Environmental advocates and lawyers from around the world will come to the International Court of Justice for the court case. Image: CC BY-SA 4.0/ Velvet

    Meanwhile, experts say the Pacific will be watching Australia’s testimony today closely.

    So what is the court case about exactly, and how did it get to this point?

    From classroom to World Court
    Cynthia Houniuhi, from Solomon Islands, remembers clearly the class discussion where it all began.

    Students at the University of the South Pacific’s campus in Vanuatu’s capital, Port Vila, turned their minds to the biggest issue faced by their home countries.

    While their communities were dealing with sea level rise and intense cyclones, there was an apparent international “deadlock” on climate change action, Houniuhi said.

    And each new report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change painted a bleak picture of their futures.

    “These things are real to us,” Hounhiuhi said. “And we cannot accept that . . .  fate in the IPCC report.

    “[We’re] not accepting that there’s nothing we can do.”

    Their lecturer tasked them with finding a legal avenue for action. He challenged them to be ambitious. And he told them to take it out of their classroom to their national leaders.

    So the students settled on an idea: Ask the World Court to issue an advisory opinion on the obligations of states to protect the climate against greenhouse gas emissions.

    “That’s what resonated to us,” Houniuhi, now president of Pacific Islands Students Fighting Climate Change, said.

    Ngadeli village in Temotu Province, Solomon Islands, is threatened by sea level rise.
    Students were motivated to take action after seeing how sea level rise had affected communities across the Pacific. Image: Britt Basel/RNZ Pacific

    They sent out letters to Pacific Island governments asking for support and Vanuatu’s then-Foreign Minister Ralph Regenvanu agreed to meet with the students.

    Vanuatu took up the cause and built a coalition of countries pushing the UN General Assembly to send the matter to its main judicial body, the International Court of Justice, for an advisory opinion.

    In March last year, they succeeded when the UN nations unanimously adopted the resolution to refer the case — a historic first for the UN General Assembly.

    World leaders, activists and other influential voices have gathered at UNHQ for the 78th session of the UN General Assembly.
    Speakers at the UN General Assembly hailed the decision to send the case to the International Court of Justice as a milestone in a decades-long struggle for climate justice. Image: X/@UN

    It was a decision celebrated with a parade on the streets of Port Vila.

    Australian National University professor in international law Dr Donald Rothwell said Pacific nations had already overcome their biggest challenge in building enough support for the case to be heard.

    “From the perspective of Vanuatu and the small island and other states who brought these proceedings, this is quite a momentous occasion, if only because these states rarely have appeared before the International Court of Justice,” he said.

    “This is the first occasion where they’ve really had the ability to raise these issues in the World Court, and that in itself will attract an enormous amount of global attention and raise awareness.”

    Dr Sue Farran, a professor of comparative law at Newcastle University in the United Kingdom, said getting the case before the ICJ was also part of achieving climate justice.

    “It’s recognition that certain peoples have suffered more than others as a result of climate change,” she said.

    “And justice means addressing wrongs where people have been harmed.”

    A game changer on climate?
    Nearly 100 countries will speak over two weeks of hearings — an unprecedented number, Professor Rothwell said.

    Each has only a short, 30-minute slot to make their argument.

    The court will decide on two questions: What are the obligations of states under international law to protect the climate and environment from greenhouse gas emissions?

    And, what are the legal consequences for states that have caused significant harm to the climate and environment?

    Vanuatu will open the hearings with its testimony.

    Regenvanu, now Vanuatu’s special envoy on climate change, said the case was timely in light of the last COP meeting, where financial commitments from rich, polluting nations fell short of the mark for Pacific Islands that needed funding to deal with climate change.

    Ralph Regenvanu, leader of the opposition in Vanuatu.
    Vanuatu’s climate change envoy Ralph Regenvanu said the ICJ case was about climate justice. Image: Hilaire Bule/RNZ Pacific

    For a nation hit with three cyclones last year — and where natural disaster-struck schools have spent months teaching primary students in hot UNICEF tents – the stakes are high in climate negotiations.

    “We just graduated from being a least-developed country a few years ago,” Regenvanu said.

    “We don’t have the financial capacity to build back better, build back quicker, respond and recover quicker.

    “We need the resources that other countries were able to attain and become rich through fossil fuel development that caused this crisis we are now facing.

    “That’s why we’re appearing before the ICJ. We want justice in terms of allowing us to have the same capacity to respond quickly after catastrophic events.”

    He said the advisory opinion would stop unnecessary debates that bog down climate negotiations, by offering legal clarity on the obligations of states on climate change.

    Cyclone Lola damage West Ambrym, on Ambrym island in Vanuatu
    Three cyclones struck Vanuatu in 2023, including Tropical Cyclone Lola, which damaged buildings on Ambrym Island. Image: Sam Tasso/RNZ Pacific

    It will also help define controversial terms, such as “climate finance” — which developing nations argue should not include loans.

    And while the court’s advisory opinion will be non-binding, it also has the potential to influence climate change litigation around the world.

    Dr Rothwell said much would depend on how the court answered the case’s second question – on the consequences for states that failed to take climate action.

    He said an opinion that favoured small island nations, like in the Pacific Islands, would let them pursue legal action with more certainty.

    “That could possibly open up a battleground for major international litigation into the future, subject to how the [International Court of Justice] answers that question,” he said.

    Regenvanu said Vanuatu was already looking at options it could take once the court issues its advisory opinion.

    “Basically all options are on the table from litigation on one extreme, to much clearer negotiation tactics, based on what the advisory opinion says, at the forthcoming couple of COPs.”

    ‘This is hope’
    Vanuatu brought the case to the ICJ with the support of a core group of 18 countries, including New Zealand, Germany, Bangladesh and Singapore.

    Australia, which co-sponsored the UN resolution sending the case to the ICJ, will also speak at today’s hearings.

    “Many will be watching closely, but Vanuatu will be watching more closely than anyone, having led this process,” Dr Morgan said.

    A Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade spokesperson said Australia had engaged consistently with the court proceedings, reflecting its support for the Pacific’s commitment to strengthening global climate action.

    Some countries have expressed misgivings about taking the case to the ICJ.

    The United States’ representative at the General Assembly last year argued diplomacy was a better way to address climate change.

    And over the two weeks of court hearings this month, it’s expected nations contributing most to greenhouse gases will argue for a narrow reading of their responsibilities to address climate change under international law — one that minimises their obligations.

    Other nations will argue that human rights laws and other international agreements — like the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights — give these nations larger obligations to prevent climate change.

    Professor Rothwell said it was hard to predict what conclusion the World Court would reach — and he expected the advisory opinion would not arrive until as late as October next year.

    “When we’re looking at 15 judges, when we’re looking at a wide range of legal treaties and conventions upon which the court is being asked to address these questions, it’s really difficult to speculate at this point,” he said.

    “We’ll very much just have to wait and see what the outcome is.”

    There’s the chance the judges will be split, or they will not issue a strong advisory opinion.

    But Regenvanu is drawing hope from a recent finding in a similar case at the International Tribunal of the Law of the Sea, which found countries are obliged to protect the oceans from climate change impacts.

    “It’s given us a great deal of validation that what we will get out of the ICJ will be favourable,” he said.

    For Houniuhi, the long journey from the Port Vila classroom five years ago is about to lead finally to the Peace Palace in The Hague, where the ICJ will have its hearings.

    Houniuhi said the case would let her and her fellow students have their experiences of climate change reflected at the highest level.

    But for her, the court case has another important role.

    “This is hope for our people.”

    Republished from ABC Pacific with permission and RNZ Pacific under a community partnership.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Midwest Dispatch: Wrestlemania Comes for Public Education https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/25/midwest-dispatch-wrestlemania-comes-for-public-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/25/midwest-dispatch-wrestlemania-comes-for-public-education/#respond Mon, 25 Nov 2024 18:31:56 +0000 https://progressive.org/public-schools-advocate/wrestlemania-comes-for-public-education-lahm-20241125/
    This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Sarah Lahm.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/25/midwest-dispatch-wrestlemania-comes-for-public-education/feed/ 0 503496
    2 out 3 of Fiji women experience domestic violence, says Reverend Bhagwan https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/25/2-out-3-of-fiji-women-experience-domestic-violence-says-reverend-bhagwan/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/25/2-out-3-of-fiji-women-experience-domestic-violence-says-reverend-bhagwan/#respond Mon, 25 Nov 2024 10:29:23 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=107408

    By Mosese Raqio in Suva

    Two out of three women in every church in Fiji experience physical or sexual violence in their lifetime — and there are “uncomfortable truths” that need to be heard and talked about, says a Pacific church leader.

    This was highlighted by Pacific Conference of Churches (PCC) general secretary Reverend James Bhagwan while delivering his sermon during the “Break the Silence” Sunday at Suva’s Butt Street Wesley Church.

    Reverend Bhagwan said in this sacred and safe space, “we have to hear about the brokenness of our world and our people which includes both the victims and the perpetrators”.

    He said that if parishioners had a hard time talking about sexual violence perpetrated against mere human beings, then understandably it might be hard thinking about the sexualised connotations of the crucifixion of Jesus Christ.

    Reverend Bhagwan said if people could break the silence about what was happening in their communities, and if they could break the silence about what had happened to Jesus, then they could start to talk about these issues in their faith communitie

    Reverend Bhagwan said he hoped that people not only talked about Jesus Christ in their prayer breakfast but also “talk about these issues”.

    He talked about how men and women were crucified back in Jesus Christ’s time.

    Humiliation of execution
    He added that they were made to carry their cross to their place of execution as a further humiliation, and then they were hung naked on the cross in public.

    Reverend Bhagwan said that enforced public nakedness was a sexual assault and it still was today.

    He said the humiliation of Jesus Christ was on clear display and he was able to walk without shame among people, even though he knew they had seen his naked shame.

    Reverend Bhagwan said it is in God’s promise that people were urged to break the silence, remove the gags of shame that were placed on victims of violence, and instead “echo their call for justice”.

    He added that hope and healing could only be offered if  people were willing to hear and bear the burden of wounds of trauma and abuse.

    Today marks the beginning of what is known as 16 Days of Activism Against Gender-Based Violence, an international campaign used by activists around the world as an organising strategy to call for the elimination of all forms of gender-based violence.

    ‘Break the Silence’
    While Christian communities have supported the “16 Days of Activism” in various ways, it was not until 2013 that churches began to observe Break the Silence Sunday in Fiji and around the Pacific.

    This was an initiative of the Christian Network Talanoa.

    It is a Fiji-based ecumenical network of organised women and Christian women’s units seeking to remove the culture of silence and shame around violence against women, especially in faith-based settings.

    In 2016, the Fiji Council of Churches committed to observing Break the Silence Sunday.

    The Pacific Conference of Churches is rolling out this campaign to all its 35 member churches and 11 National Councils of churches.

    Republished from Fiji Village with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Illinois’ AG Said It’s Illegal for Schools to Use Police to Ticket Students. But His Office Told Only One District. https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/25/illinois-ag-said-its-illegal-for-schools-to-use-police-to-ticket-students-but-his-office-told-only-one-district/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/25/illinois-ag-said-its-illegal-for-schools-to-use-police-to-ticket-students-but-his-office-told-only-one-district/#respond Mon, 25 Nov 2024 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/illinois-attorney-general-schools-police-ticketing-students-illegal by Jodi S. Cohen and Jennifer Smith Richards

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    In the strongest rebuke yet of Illinois school districts that ask police to ticket misbehaving students, the state attorney general has declared that the practice — still being used across the state — is illegal and should stop.

    The attorney general’s office, which had been investigating student ticketing in one of Illinois’ largest high school districts, found that Township High School District 211 in Palatine broke the law when administrators directed police to fine its students for school-based conduct, and that the practice had an “unjustified disparate impact” on Black and Latino students.

    “We strongly encourage other districts and police departments to review their policies and practices,” the office told ProPublica.

    But the attorney general’s office did not alert other districts of its findings, which came in July, and did not issue guidance that the common practice violates the law. That means its findings against the suburban Chicago district could have a narrow effect.

    The office also said that it is not investigating other districts for similar civil rights violations.

    In 2022, a ProPublica and Chicago Tribune investigation, “The Price Kids Pay,” revealed how local police officers were writing students tickets that resulted in fines of up to $750. The tickets, for violating local ordinances, are considered noncriminal offenses and can be punishable only by a fine. The misbehavior included having vape pens, missing class, and participating in verbal or minor physical altercations.

    In response, Gov. JB Pritzker and two state superintendents of education said schools should not rely on police to handle student misconduct.

    State lawmakers have tried several times to pass legislation intended to stop the practice by specifically prohibiting schools from involving police in minor disciplinary matters. But the bills have stalled. School officials have argued ticketing is a necessary tool to manage student behavior, and some lawmakers worried that limiting officers’ role in schools could lead to unsafe conditions.

    Rep. La Shawn Ford, a Democrat from Chicago, told ProPublica this month that he plans to try again next year. “We don’t want police doing schools’ work,” Ford said.

    He said revised legislation will aim to address school officials’ concerns and will make clear that school employees can still involve police in criminal matters.

    “What will really address this is a state law that would have an impact on all Illinois schools. That is the only possible way I see because it is so pervasive across Illinois,” said Angie Jiménez, an attorney at the National Center for Youth Law, which has pushed for reforms in Illinois law.

    Jimenez said fining students as discipline should have stopped more than nine years ago when state law banned doing so. “It is really shocking to me to see that less than a decade later, you are having this issue and we are still trying to come to the table to reach an agreement,” she said. “Meanwhile, our students and families are the ones that are being sacrificed in this process.”

    Illinois State Board of Education spokesperson Lindsay Record said the agency continues to oppose the practice of issuing tickets to students. “ISBE is evaluating potential policy solutions for the issue,” Record said, though she did not elaborate on what those might be. Pritzker’s office did not respond to questions from ProPublica.

    The attorney general’s office decided to focus its investigation on District 211 after officials reviewed a first-of-its-kind database published by ProPublica and the Tribune. The database documented nearly 12,000 tickets issued in dozens of districts over three school years, the reasons police ticketed students and, when available, the racial breakdown of students who received tickets.

    The state investigation of District 211, which lasted two years, focused on the district’s two high schools in Palatine, a suburb northwest of Chicago. From 2018 through 2022, Palatine police ticketed students nearly 400 times, mostly at Palatine High School. Black and Latino students sometimes received tickets when white students were given lesser punishments or even offered help to cope with substance use, the investigation found. Palatine police ticketed Fremd High School students, too, but much less frequently.

    “Police reports show that, typically, District administrators conducted the initial investigation, then called the school resource officer for service and directed the officer to issue a ticket to the student,” according to a letter Attorney General Kwame Raoul sent to the district in late July after his office concluded its investigation. Officers ticketed students even when police hadn’t witnessed the alleged misconduct, investigators found.

    The attorney general’s office told District 211 that it should make it clear in school handbooks and agreements with local police that school administrators are prohibited from directing or asking police to issue tickets to students as a form of discipline, including for disorderly conduct or having tobacco or vaping products. District policies also should make clear that the preference is for alternative approaches, such as a substance abuse program.

    Raoul’s letter noted that since the 2022-23 school year, the district and police department have “drastically reduced” the use of school-based ticketing.

    The district, which enrolls nearly 12,000 students across three suburbs, has denied wrongdoing since the investigation began. A district spokesperson declined to answer questions from ProPublica and instead provided a letter an attorney for the district wrote to the attorney general’s office criticizing the findings.

    “None of the administrators interviewed indicated that they ‘directed’ the School Resource Officers or other police officials to issue tickets or make arrests,” the attorney wrote, adding that only police have the authority to issue tickets. The letter said that school officials are required to report to law enforcement certain offenses, such as those involving weapons or drugs. In those serious matters, however, police can and do arrest students — not ticket them. The district’s response letter says it will review its student handbooks and policies. However, current high school handbooks still state that students can be sent to police for having vaping products.

    The district’s records cited in the attorney general’s findings showed that in the 2021-22 school year, Black and Hispanic students received about 68% of the tickets issued at school, even though they accounted for only about 33% of district enrollment. White students made up 42% of district enrollment, but they received only 24% of the tickets.

    The state investigators attributed that, in part, to school administrators choosing not to involve police in white students’ behavioral issues, offering them therapies instead of punishment.

    The mother of a student ticketed in 2022 said that while she hopes district officials stop involving police in school conduct, she also thinks there should be a remedy for students ticketed in the past. Her son, who is Black, was a 16-year-old sophomore at Palatine High School when he received a $200 ticket for damaging a fence near the school. ProPublica reporters met the family when the teen and his mother attended a hearing to fight the ticket; it was dismissed after another student acknowledged he had caused the damage.

    “I would hope that if they know they were doing it illegally, they would wipe all the tickets out. That is what they should do. If anyone had to pay fines, they should be reimbursed,” said the mother, who asked not to be identified to protect the privacy of her son, who graduated from high school in the spring and is now in college.

    The attorney general’s office also focused on the village of Palatine, and investigators found that it, too, had violated the law. Palatine police issued truancy tickets to students for missing a single day of school or less, even though state law prohibits that as punishment. The village also set the fine at $200, even though the maximum amount permitted by state law is $100, investigators found.

    The attorney general’s office recommended that the village change or repeal its ordinance. The village manager and the chief of the Palatine Police Department did not respond to questions from reporters.

    While some schools have stopped involving police in minor student discipline matters in recent years, others have continued. ProPublica obtained new records from several districts in different parts of the state that had been spotlighted in “The Price Kids Pay.”

    At Bradley-Bourbonnais Community High School southwest of Chicago, police have issued more than 60 tickets to students since the start of the 2023-24 school year for disorderly conduct, possession of tobacco or cannabis, and consumption of alcohol. The fines are as much as $175, and the school superintendent said the district is focused on providing a safe environment.

    Officers in northwest suburban Carpentersville wrote dozens of tickets last school year at Dundee-Crown High School and at Carpentersville Middle School and have ticketed this year, too. A district spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment.

    At East Peoria Community High School, in central Illinois, students continue to get tickets that cost from $75 to $450 for fighting and possession of tobacco or cannabis. Students as young as 12 at the nearby junior high school also have been issued tickets.

    East Peoria High School Superintendent Marjorie Greuter said students no longer are ticketed for truancy and officers based at the school decide when to ticket students for other misconduct. She wrote in an email that if students could be ticketed outside of school for violating a local ordinance, “it is still our opinion that not doing so inside the building presents a safety concern.”


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jodi S. Cohen and Jennifer Smith Richards.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/25/illinois-ag-said-its-illegal-for-schools-to-use-police-to-ticket-students-but-his-office-told-only-one-district/feed/ 0 503421
    The Brutalization of Education and the Closing of the American Mind https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/22/the-brutalization-of-education-and-the-closing-of-the-american-mind/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/22/the-brutalization-of-education-and-the-closing-of-the-american-mind/#respond Fri, 22 Nov 2024 15:50:39 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=155070 Even in our sleep, pain which cannot forget falls drop by drop upon the heart until, in our own despair, against our will, comes wisdom through the awful grace of God. ― Aeschylus, Agamemnon One of the most disturbing trends I have witnessed over the course of my forty-nine years is the hijacking of American […]

    The post The Brutalization of Education and the Closing of the American Mind first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
    Even in our sleep, pain which cannot forget
    falls drop by drop upon the heart
    until, in our own despair, against our will,
    comes wisdom through the awful grace of God.

    ― Aeschylus, Agamemnon

    One of the most disturbing trends I have witnessed over the course of my forty-nine years is the hijacking of American education by unholy anti-democratic forces, and its transformation into a battering ram used to assault solidarity, literacy, and reason without which democracy cannot survive. In any reasonably humane society, school is a sanctuary where students read great books and learn to distinguish right from wrong, and yet in 21st century America it has become a place where the ruling establishment foments a war of all against all while forging the class of “deplorables,” along with an army of ruthlessly ambitious careerists.

    American public schools in impoverished communities consistently dumb down to the lowest possible level, and the vast majority of these students typically graduate high school with a terribly primitive knowledge of American letters and classics of Western civilization. On the other side of the coin are the more competitive schools which often inculcate their students with skills that have significant pre-professional value yet churn out vast numbers of unscrupulous, overspecialized, and profoundly amoral creatures.

    When I taught English and English as a Second language at Kingsborough Community College in Brooklyn, NY, I was able to get away with saying certain blasphemous things which would have landed me in hot water had I been teaching at a more competitive institution, but this is because the majority of my students didn’t have any idea what I was talking about. At the competitive universities it is far less likely that students will be exposed to ideas that in any way challenge the status quo, as the professors at these schools tend to be constrained by a shorter ideological leash. Suffice it to say, this is very intellectually unhealthy, and serves to perpetuate the many lies and myths promulgated by the ruling establishment while ensuring that the next generation of leaders share their values.

    As the humanities are increasingly debased due to their infiltration by identity politics dogma, college students increasingly read jargon rather than great literature, biographies, memoirs, or works of history and intellectual history. The dangers of jargon were understood all to well by George Orwell who realized that its purpose was not to liberate the mind and cultivate critical thinking but to cognitively straitjacket the citizenry, and through the inculcation of a mind-numbing conformity, facilitate their transformation into subjects. In fact, jargon is neither meant to communicate nor to even be intelligible and explicitly seeks to confuse, obfuscate, and induce apathy. Academically, students are taught to regurgitate ready-made phrases which they seldom understand and are encouraged to look to their golden-tongued professors to read and interpret these arcane texts for them. As Orwell so presciently observed in 1984, jargon can play a role in subconsciously and perniciously molding people’s thoughts: “But if thought corrupts language, language can also corrupt thought.”

    Academic jargon, and its journalistic equivalent, euphemistic language, anesthetize the brain rendering contradictory concepts, such as the idea that the Russian military is performing poorly while simultaneously threatening to take over all of Europe, somehow compatible with one another. Another example of this paradoxical thinking is the nonsensical notion that the Putin and Assad governments were slaughtering Syrian civilians who were yearning to be free, while the Pentagon was nobly liberating Syrians from ISIS and Al Qaeda – the very jihadists that the Russians and Syrians were actually fighting.

    In fact, the very word “education” has become a euphemism for highly specialized job training and indoctrination into the cults of Zionism, unfettered capitalism, biofascism, humanitarian interventionism and identity politics. There are also instances where job training and indoctrination overlap to such a degree that they become synonymous with one another, such as the indoctrination that routinely occurs in military academies and in the academic departments of business, finance, economics, medicine, political science, identity studies, psychology, or any field in the humanities or social sciences which has been contaminated by identity politics dogma.

    During the early Covid lockdown days I had a disturbing conversation with a formerly bright friend of mine who is enrolled in a biomedical PhD research program, and was startled to see that she had become a fanatical Branch Covidian, as all the professors in her department were reinforcing precisely the same nefarious talking points as the legacy media and “the public health agencies.” When I think back on this exasperating quarrel, what stands out the most to me is not even the brazen immorality of what she was espousing, but her unmitigated arrogance, as she was talking to me as if she were a senior lecturer in astrophysics at MIT while I was reading about UFOs in the National Enquirer. I also couldn’t fail to notice how much smarter she used to be as a junior and senior in high school – both morally, and with regards to critical thinking skills. This is a perfect example of the sinister merger that regularly takes place between job training and indoctrination.

    (This fallen spirit is currently jockeying for a position in the pharmaceutical industry while dating a guy that works in the military industrial complex, indeed proving that “the more you learn, the more you earn.”)

    As things presently stand, it is virtually impossible to get tenure or a tenure-track position at an American university if one contradicts any of the unhallowed tenets of neoliberalism: the vilification of the latest imaginary Hitler, multiculturalism (inextricably linked with unfettered capitalism and ghettoization), and the wonders of neo-Nazi medicine. Until recently there was a tinge of ideological room to maneuver with regards to the issue of Zionism; and provided the professor is using copious amounts of Marxist jargon, there is a little leeway offered on the issue of unfettered privatization. But with regards to biofascism, Putin bashing, uncontrolled immigration and identity politics no dissent is tolerated by university administrators. Consequently, students are often trapped in an echo chamber where their professors fail to challenge the lies of the legacy media, and more disconcerting, these degenerate ideas have become imbued and intertwined with a sense of prestige.

    The myth of the meritocracy is ceaselessly invoked in American academia, inculcating young people with the notion that the best and the brightest always get the best jobs, and that one should always “trust the experts,” a problem glaringly on display with the Branch Covidians who would believe that two plus two equaled five if FDA, CDC, and the WHO said it did. Regarding Washington’s destruction of Libya, most of Syria, Ukraine, Afghanistan, Yugoslavia, Iraq, etc., the “smartest people” (New York Times, New Yorker, NPR, Wall Street Journal, Foreign Affairs, The Economist, political science and economics departments at Ivy League schools) are saying we’re nobly battling evil dictators, hence we must be battling evil dictators. How could all these geniuses be wrong? John Kerry’s recent remark at the World Economic Forum that the ruling elites should be allowed to determine “what’s a fact and what isn’t a fact” could be the motto of virtually every educational institution in America.

    The inimitable Palestinian journalist Bisan Owda asked random Palestinians in Gaza what they thought of the recent American election, and they said it didn’t matter as both candidates supported Zionism, revealing a better understanding of Beltway devilry than all American presstitutes and the majority of American political science professors put together. This unrelenting emphasis on blind obedience and the false meritocratic paradigm fosters a deep-seated infantilization amongst college students. Alas, legacy media acolytes remain as children all their lives.

    Imagine a scenario where a political science or Russian studies professor in an American university stands before a class and informs their students that the Russian invasion of Ukraine was not unprovoked, that post-Euromaidan Ukraine is not a democracy, and that Moscow intervened in a regional civil war to protect the Russian speaking Ukrainian population from Banderite fascists and to prevent NATO from establishing a permanent foothold in the country which would pose an existential threat to the Russian Federation. Assuming they were untenured, such a professor would be fired immediately.

    And the saddest part is that their own students would likely be the ones who would go to the department demanding such an outcome. Most professors are adjuncts and can be dismissed as easily as turning a key in a lock. Even if a professor should utter such heresies and be tenured, there are ways that the university can retaliate against the heathen by subjecting them to a toxic work environment and by preventing them from teaching classes which could allow for such intellectual discourse to occur in the first place.

    In conjunction with this pitiable state of affairs, students that wish to pursue a field in the humanities are routinely mocked and ridiculed by their peers, yet these are the very subjects that constitute the foundational pillars of knowledge, enlightenment, and civilization itself. As popular Nazi writer Hanns Johst wrote in his 1933 play Schlageter, “Whenever I hear the word culture…I release the safety-catch of my Browning.” (Also sometimes translated as, “Whenever I hear the word culture I reach for my revolver.”)

    By enforcing ideological taboos set forth by presstitute puppeteers, academia has violated its sacred duty to uphold academic freedom and betrayed its historical, cultural, and moral purpose.  For colleges that pursue an open admissions posture and which warehouse students that typically hail from economically disadvantaged backgrounds, the humanities are often completely nonexistent, with these schools sometimes only offering majors in exanimate fields such as human resources, marketing, hospitality management, sports management, and criminal justice – essentially anti-subjects from which zero intellectual growth can emerge.

    Urban public school students in particular are growing up in a post-nation state world where their level of dehumanization goes beyond mere illiteracy, as they are increasingly raised in an anti-society, a nihilistic void that has obliterated its past. This fate can befall not only immigrant youth and hyphenated Americans but Americans themselves (vividly on display in the dark film Martha Marcy May Marlene), who have likewise been given a terribly poor knowledge of the humanities, are raised in an economically ravaged post-industrial wasteland with neither communities, nor heroes nor canon, and who have lost any semblance of who they are and what their heritage is.

    Academia’s penchant for sculpting international students into particularly compliant and docile workers, which is done by deliberately confining their English language instruction to the specialized jargon of their field making it almost impossible for them to understand anything in the US outside of their area of study, is likewise significant. When undergraduate international students that hail from high schools where English is not the language of instruction take writing-intensive classes in an American university to fulfill a liberal arts requirement they are invariably given easy A’s and B’s, and passed on with inflated marks when their papers are littered with grammatical errors and they are seldom able to understand the assigned readings. In this way, they are deceived into believing that they have learned English when their “education” is confined to learning the specialized English language lexicon of their major. Add to this the fact that many of these students will be on a guest worker visa upon graduation which ties them to a specific employer, and this further exacerbates their extremely vulnerable and exploitable position.

    If a ski instructor gives his/her blessing for a student to do something which is known to be beyond the student’s abilities and a disastrous accident ensues, is the teacher not responsible? This happens countless times every day in American education, except the wounds are more difficult to see, as they are not physical injuries but injuries to the soul.

    The biggest problem in the US is not that trillions are spent on unnecessary wars and maintaining a system of hundreds of bases around the world while millions of Americans suffer from poverty and indentured servitude, a lack of education, joblessness, broken families and communities, mass incarceration, and the absence of a single-payer health care system that upholds the informed consent ethic, but rather, that a vast swath of the population fails to see this as a problem. This pervasive moral and intellectual bankruptcy is American education’s grisly legacy.

    Unlike with lower income students who are frequently denied any knowledge of the past, the ruling establishment wants the more selective mills to churn out students that are capable of writing grammatically correct sentences and possess at least a basic liberal arts education. However, the knowledge they are inculcated with is carefully scaffolded so as to rob them of logic and ethics, and any book, lecture, or field of study that could potentially cultivate these things will be identified as a threat and treated accordingly.

    Setting fire to the humanities and teaching students to identify themselves by their ethnicity, sexual orientation, and occupation greatly advances the ruling establishment’s goals of alienation, tribalism, philistinism and illiteratization. Imaginary identities breed blindness and delusion, and the oligarchy deems peasants who have rejected ties to American history and the Western canon as well-trained pets. A population that has fallen into a morass of such extreme atomization that it is no longer bound together by a shared heritage and common language with which to discuss cataclysmic political and socio-economic problems and which is wallowing in the most abject political ignorance is on a runaway train to slavery.

    This rabid anti-intellectualism is a pox on American society and allows the plutocrats to distract the masses from grave domestic problems while engaging in endless orgies of sadism and brutality, of which the wars in Eastern Europe and the Middle East are quintessential examples.

    Long discarded amongst the ranks of worthless white guys, Benjamin Franklin understood the vital importance of freedom of speech and its inextricable connection to liberty. Writing in The New-England Courant in July, 1722, he underscored the connection between democracy and what would later become the First Amendment:

    “That Men ought to speak well of their Governours is true, while their Governours deserve to be well spoken of; but to do publick Mischief, without hearing of it, is only the Prerogative and Felicity of Tyranny: A free People will be shewing that they are so, by their Freedom of Speech.”

    Furthermore, Franklin understood that freedom of speech could not survive without an educated and informed population – a population that could think:

    “Without Freedom of Thought, there can be no such Thing as Wisdom; and no such Thing as publick Liberty, without Freedom of Speech….”

    Regrettably, it is not that one periodically encounters Americans with the most advanced degrees who have a kindergartner’s understanding of politics and the world in which we live, but that this has in fact become normalized. In actuality, these creatures are not so much educated as they are credentialed.

    In conjunction with this pathological compulsion to destroy human cultures starting with one’s own, our education system presently exists to not only dismantle liberty of thought but to destroy the very capacity to think.

    Just as American education is crying out for a restoration of a proper humanities syllabus that will inculcate the younger generation with a reverence for art, literature, a knowledge of the past, and a rejection of segregation, militarism, and materialism there are politicians in the Kremlin who would define victory in Ukraine, not as a destruction of the nationalist army per se, but as a new curriculum; i.e., the establishment of a new Ukrainian education system where the Russian and Ukrainian languages are taught side by side and which is devoid of Russophobia and Banderite indoctrination.

    Insensate man – sometimes illiterate, frequently aliterate – is a being devoid of common sense, empathy, and the ability to methodically analyze extremely serious political and socio-economic problems – in a word, man devoid of consciousness. Relentlessly bombarded by a ruthless and omnipresent propaganda apparatus while simultaneously enveloped by an education system whose raison d’être is brainwashing and increasingly specialized vocational training, millions of impressionable minds are being severed from reason and the realm of human morality. Subsumed under a nihilistic oblivion and trained to mindlessly trust their leaders and do what is best for their careers, these hapless souls are molded into unthinking malleable shells in the hands of an oligarchy that has grown weary of democracy.

    The post The Brutalization of Education and the Closing of the American Mind first appeared on Dissident Voice.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by David Penner.

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    Segregation Academies in Mississippi Are Benefiting From Public Dollars, as They Did in the 1960s https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/22/segregation-academies-in-mississippi-are-benefiting-from-public-dollars-as-they-did-in-the-1960s/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/22/segregation-academies-in-mississippi-are-benefiting-from-public-dollars-as-they-did-in-the-1960s/#respond Fri, 22 Nov 2024 11:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/mississippi-segregation-academies-taxpayer-dollars-1960s by Jennifer Berry Hawes and Mollie Simon

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    On May 14, the final day for submitting new bills in the Mississippi Legislature, a bold new package of them landed on the desks of Mississippi lawmakers. The plans called for the creation of a voucher program that paid for students to attend private schools.

    A few weeks later, in the heat of mid-June, the governor urged lawmakers to support the $40 million program, promising it “will bear the sound fruit of progress for a hundred years after this generation is gone.” Public school support would continue, he assured. But vouchers would “strengthen the total educational effort” by giving children “the right to choose the educational environment they desire.”

    It was 1964.

    Key backers of the move included a group of white segregationists that had formed after the U.S. Supreme Court ruled state-mandated public school segregation unconstitutional.

    Across the South, courts had already rejected or limited similar voucher plans in Alabama, Louisiana, Virginia and Arkansas. But Mississippi lawmakers plowed forward anyway and adopted the program. For several years, the state funneled money to white families eager for their children to attend new private academies opening as the first Black children arrived in previously all-white public schools.

    Now, 60 years later, ProPublica has found that many of these private schools, known as “segregation academies,” still operate across the South — and many are once again benefiting from public dollars. Earlier this week, ProPublica reported that in North Carolina alone, 39 of them have received tens of millions in voucher money. In Mississippi, we identified 20 schools that likely opened as segregation academies and have received almost $10 million over the past six years from the state’s tax credit donation program.

    At least eight of the 20 schools opened with an early boost from vouchers in the 1960s.

    “The origins of private schools receiving public funds were with the segregation academies,” said Steve Suitts, a historian and the author of “Overturning Brown: The Segregationist Legacy of the Modern School Choice Movement.”

    Most private schools receiving money from the voucher-style programs exploding across the country aren’t segregation academies. But where the academies operate, especially in rural areas, they often foster racial separation in schools and, as a result, across entire communities.

    Despite the passage of decades, most segregation academies across Mississippi remain vastly white — far more so than the counties where they operate, federal private school surveys show. Mississippi is the state with the highest percentage of Black residents.

    At 15 of the 20 academies benefiting from the tax credit program, student bodies were at least 85% white as of the last federal private school survey, for the 2021-22 school year. And among the 20, enrollments at five were more than 60 percentage points whiter than their communities. Another 11 were at least 30 percentage points whiter.

    In 1964, the White Citizens’ Council was among those pushing for the voucher plan. The pro-segregation group was founded in the Mississippi Delta town of Indianola in the 1950s by Robert “Tut” Patterson, who sought to “save our schools if possible” from integration and “if that failed, to develop a system of private schools for our children.”

    For Patterson, it was personal. His family, including a young daughter who would start school that fall, lived on what he called a “plantation” with 35 Black families. As he later told an interviewer, “We took care of them. We practically lived with them. We loved them. We tended to them, but I didn’t want to mingle my children with them.”

    The state’s voucher program provided $185 to each student to help pay private school tuition — about $1,876 in today’s dollars. It aimed to give each child “individual freedom in choosing public or private schooling,” the bill’s preamble said.

    Shortly after lawmakers adopted the plan, the Citizens’ Councils of America used its monthly journal to follow up with advice about “How To Start A Private School” and a “Sample Charter Of Incorporation.” Private schools sprouted up, particularly in public school districts under court desegregation orders or that had submitted voluntary desegregation plans to the federal government, court records show.

    Over the voucher program’s first four years, the number of new segregation academies that received public dollars snowballed from two to 49. Among them, 48 enrolled no Black students. One did admit Black children — but only Black children.

    John Giggie, a historian at the University of Alabama, directs its Summersell Center for the Study of the South and has studied the birth of these private schools. These days, people often “have no idea why these segregation academies opened,” he said. “It was one of the most aggressive moves that Southern governors took after the passage of the Brown case. That movement accelerated as the Civil Rights movement accelerated. It ripped across the region.”

    As white families rushed to open academies, vouchers provided critical seed money. In the 1965-66 school year, vouchers covered more than a third of the total operating costs for at least 17 new academies.

    One of the early takers was Central Holmes Academy, now Central Holmes Christian School. Vouchers paid more than 78% of the fledgling academy’s tuition bills for 210 students that school year. The school’s directors made their feelings about integration clear in a letter later cited in federal court in which they described “other schools” as “intolerable and repugnant.”

    In 1968, Mississippi lawmakers increased each voucher to $240. The following January, Black families in Mississippi prevailed in a federal class-action lawsuit against the state challenging the vouchers’ constitutionality. A panel of federal judges found that the program supported “the establishment of a system of private schools operated on a racially segregated basis as an alternative available to white students seeking to avoid desegregated public schools.”

    The program violated the Constitution, the judges ruled. Parents could choose segregated private schools for their children — but the voucher program involved the state in that discrimination.

    In a way, it was too late. The academies were up and running.

    “Clearly, the schools could not have survived as even semblances of educational institutions without these contributions,” the U.S. Department of Justice found after examining the academies’ finances as part of the federal lawsuit.

    By then, state taxpayers had funded more than 5,000 vouchers.

    The segregation academies continued for a time to receive other forms of public aid, including state-financed textbooks, deals on property and donations of public school equipment. But vouchers were dead.

    Then, five decades after the court tossed its early voucher program, Mississippi’s Legislature found a way to reestablish private school funding.

    In 2019, the state launched its Children’s Promise Act, which provides incentives to businesses to participate in a state-funded program for private schools. The program gives businesses a dollar-for-dollar tax credit — up to 50% of their total tax liability — for donations to certain educational charities, including private schools. The act aims to help children who are low income, living in foster care or diagnosed with chronic illnesses or disabilities.

    But there is no public disclosure of how much the schools focus on any of these things. Their requests with the state to qualify for the donations — and therefore claims they make about how many students they serve in these categories — are not made public. But it is clear that the donations, refunded with tax dollars, are flowing into segregation academies.

    In its latest annual report, the Midsouth Association of Independent Schools, founded in 1968 by a group of segregation academies, said the Mississippi tax credits are now a “crucial source of funding.” (The association’s ethics guidelines state any member school “shall not discriminate on the basis of race, sex, color, national, or ethnic origin in the administration of its admission practices.”)

    ProPublica found that segregation academies represent at least a fifth of all schools benefiting from the tax credits.

    Central Holmes is one. The school has received $812,150 from the tax credit-fueled donations since 2020. Those resources help it improve academic programs, update technology and facilitate professional development, said the school’s headmaster, Chris Terry.

    As of the last federal private school survey, Central Holmes reported a student body that was 82% white — a shift from 95% white a decade ago but far from representative of the community around it. Holmes County is barely more than 15% white.

    Terry, who’s been headmaster since 2022, noted that during that time, the school has had Asian, Hispanic and Black students “enjoying success.” Among them were a Black valedictorian and homecoming queen. “To me, this shows our school’s desire to move past the past and forge a new future for our students and families,” Terry said in an email.

    He added that he couldn’t comment on the school’s origin because he wasn’t alive at the time.

    Those who were alive when it opened in 1965 voiced differing visions for the future. In 1970, a Black legislator who represented Central Holmes’ district predicted that white students would return to public schools in “two or three years.” But Central Holmes’ board chair, a former legislator, disagreed. He predicted the school would “go on indefinitely.”


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jennifer Berry Hawes and Mollie Simon.

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    Trump’s Pick for Education Secretary Faces Lawsuit Over Alleged Mishandling Child Sexual Abuse While Poised to Overhaul Title IX https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/21/trumps-pick-for-education-secretary-faces-lawsuit-over-alleged-mishandling-child-sexual-abuse-while-poised-to-overhaul-title-ix/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/21/trumps-pick-for-education-secretary-faces-lawsuit-over-alleged-mishandling-child-sexual-abuse-while-poised-to-overhaul-title-ix/#respond Thu, 21 Nov 2024 17:21:03 +0000 https://www.commondreams.org/newswire/trumps-pick-for-education-secretary-faces-lawsuit-over-alleged-mishandling-child-sexual-abuse-while-poised-to-overhaul-title-ix Today, Accountable.US issued a sharp rebuke of President-elect Donald Trump’s nomination of Linda McMahon for Secretary of Education. McMahon, who is being sued by former WWE employees for allegedly knowing sexual abuse was occurring under her leadership, is poised to oversee reforms to Title IX—a federal law critical for preventing sexual violence and discrimination in schools—and will spearhead the Trump administration’s efforts to dismantle the Department of Education as outlined in Project 2025. “

    Donald Trump’s nomination of Linda McMahon to lead the Department of Education is indefensible,” said Caroline Ciccone, president of Accountable.US. “This is someone accused of ignoring rampant sexual abuse under her watch. Putting her in charge of Title IX protections is like handing keys to an arsonist to run the fire department—it’s an insult to survivors and a blatant attack on the safety of students nationwide.”

    The lawsuit, filed in October 2024, alleges that McMahon and other WWE executives knowingly allowed a ringside announcer, Mel Phillips, to groom and sexually abuse boys as young as 12. The plaintiffs, all survivors of this abuse, claim WWE leadership failed to intervene despite being aware of Phillips’s actions. The suit describes the abuse as “open and rampant,” facilitated by promises of access to wrestling stars.

    “McMahon and her colleagues were reportedly aware of abuse happening right under their noses—and they did nothing,” Ciccone added. “Now she’s been chosen to oversee, and likely overhaul, the very protections designed to stop this kind of harm? The Senate must put an end to this sham of a nomination. She lacks the experience, the judgment, and the track record to protect students from harm. Our students need a champion who will uphold Title IX—not someone who has allegedly turned a blind eye to abuse”

    McMahon’s nomination also threatens the progress made under the Biden administration, which expanded Title IX protections to include sexual orientation and gender identity. Trump’s agenda would roll back these vital safeguards, leaving LGBTQ+ students and survivors of campus sexual violence even more vulnerable.

    In addition to her troubling record on abuse, McMahon has little experience in education. Her short tenure on Connecticut’s State Board of Education was marked by criticism over her lack of qualifications, and she resigned after less than a year to pursue an unsuccessful Senate campaign.

    Accountable.US is calling on senators to reject McMahon’s confirmation and demand a nominee who will prioritize the safety and well-being of America’s students.


    This content originally appeared on Common Dreams and was authored by Newswire Editor.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/21/trumps-pick-for-education-secretary-faces-lawsuit-over-alleged-mishandling-child-sexual-abuse-while-poised-to-overhaul-title-ix/feed/ 0 503146
    Linda McMahon & Dr. Oz: Trump’s Picks Could Help Him Destroy Education Dept., Privatize Medicare https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/20/linda-mcmahon-dr-oz-trumps-picks-could-help-him-destroy-education-dept-privatize-medicare/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/20/linda-mcmahon-dr-oz-trumps-picks-could-help-him-destroy-education-dept-privatize-medicare/#respond Wed, 20 Nov 2024 15:53:54 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=a228b9a0390f50980556a8010f80031c
    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/20/linda-mcmahon-dr-oz-trumps-picks-could-help-him-destroy-education-dept-privatize-medicare/feed/ 0 502784
    Trump Nominates Wrestling CEO Linda McMahon as Education Secretary Amid Push to Abolish Dept. of Ed. https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/20/trump-nominates-wrestling-ceo-linda-mcmahon-as-education-secretary-amid-push-to-abolish-dept-of-ed/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/20/trump-nominates-wrestling-ceo-linda-mcmahon-as-education-secretary-amid-push-to-abolish-dept-of-ed/#respond Wed, 20 Nov 2024 13:49:51 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=6d961c6e7c6d3ec9a082754c917bffdc Seg4 linda

    President-elect Trump has announced his nomination of billionaire Linda McMahon to head the Department of Education, which Trump has pledged to shut down. McMahon is the former CEO of World Wrestling Entertainment and also headed the Small Business Administration during Trump’s first term. “President-elect Trump has a habit of choosing people who have either a desire to destroy the department or who have no experience. She falls into the latter category: She does not have any experience in education,” says education historian Diane Ravitch, who served as assistant secretary of education under President George H.W. Bush.


    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/20/trump-nominates-wrestling-ceo-linda-mcmahon-as-education-secretary-amid-push-to-abolish-dept-of-ed/feed/ 0 502806
    Why NZ is protesting over colonial-era treaty bill – a global perspective https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/20/why-nz-is-protesting-over-colonial-era-treaty-bill-a-global-perspective/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/20/why-nz-is-protesting-over-colonial-era-treaty-bill-a-global-perspective/#respond Wed, 20 Nov 2024 05:40:35 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=107201 An overview for our international readers of Asia Pacific Report.

    BACKGROUNDER: By Sarah Shamim

    A fight for Māori indigenous rights drew more than 50,000 protesters to the New Zealand Parliament in the capital Wellington yesterday.

    A nine-day-long Hīkoi, or peaceful march — a Māori tradition — was undertaken in protest against a bill that seeks to “reinterpret” the country’s 184-year-old founding Treaty of Waitangi, which was signed between British imperial colonisers and the Indigenous Māori tangata whenua (people).

    Some had also been peacefully demonstrating outside the Parliament building for nine days before the protest concluded yesterday.

    On November 14, the controversial Treaty Principles Bill was introduced in Parliament for a preliminary first reading vote. Māori parliamentarians staged a haka (a traditional ceremonial dance) to disrupt the vote, temporarily halting parliamentary proceedings.

    So, what was the Treaty of Waitangi, what are the proposals for altering it, and why has it become a flashpoint for protests in New Zealand?

    Maori protest
    Thousands of marchers protesting government policies that affect the Māori cross the Auckland Harbour Bridge on day three of the nine-day journey to Wellington. Image: AJ

    Who are the Māori?
    The Māori people are the original residents of the two large main islands now known as New Zealand, having lived there for several centuries.

    The Māori came to the uninhabited islands of New Zealand from East Polynesia on canoe voyages betweemn 1200 and 1300. Over hundreds of years of isolation, they developed their own distinct culture and language. Māori people speak te reo Māori and have different tribes, or iwi, spread throughout the country.

    The two islands were originally called Aotearoa by the Māori. The name New Zealand was adopted by the colonisers who took control under the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840.

    While Dutch explorer Abel Tasman was the first European to “discover” New Zealand in 1642, calling it Staten Land, three years later Dutch cartographers renamed the land Nova Zeelandia after the Dutch province of Zeeland.

    British explorer James Cook later anglicised the name to New Zealand.

    New Zealand became a “dominion” under the British crown in 1907 after being a colony.

    It gained full independence from Britain in 1947 when it adopted the Statute of Westminster.

    However, for a century the Māori people had suffered mass killings, land grabs and cultural erasure at the hands of colonial settlers.

    There are currently 978,246 Māori in New Zealand, constituting around 19 percent of the country’s population of 5.3 million. They are partially represented by Te Pāti Māori — the Māori Party — which currently holds six of the 123 seats in Parliament.

    INTERACTIVE - New Zealand Indigenous Maori-1732000986
    New Zaland Māori demographics. Graphic: AJLabs/Al Jazeera/CC

    What was the Treaty of Waitangi?
    On February 6, 1840, the Treaty of Waitangi, also called Te Tiriti o Waitangi or just Te Tiriti in te reo, was signed between the British Crown and around 500 Māori chiefs, or rangatira. The treaty was the founding document of New Zealand and officially made New Zealand a British colony.

    While the treaty was presented as a measure to resolve differences between the Māori and the British, the English and te reo versions of the treaty actually feature some stark differences.

    The te reo Māori version guarantees “rangatiratanga” to the Māori chiefs. This translates to “self-determination” and guarantees the Māori people the right to govern themselves.

    However, the English translation says that the Maori chiefs “cede to Her Majesty the Queen of England absolutely and without reservation all the rights and powers of Sovereignty”, making no mention of self-rule for the Maori.

    The English translation does guarantee the Māori “full exclusive and undisturbed possession of their Lands and Estates Forests Fisheries”.

    “The English draft talks about the British settlers having full authority and control over Māori in the whole country,” Kassie Hartendorp, a Māori community organiser and director at community campaigning organisation ActionStation Aotearoa, told Al Jazeera.

    Hartendorp explained that the te reo version includes the term “kawanatanga”, which in historical and linguistic context “gives British settlers the opportunity to set up their own government structure to govern their own people but they would not limit the sovereignty of Indigenous people”.

    “We never ceded sovereignty, we never handed it over. We gave a generous invitation to new settlers to create their own government because they were unruly and lawless at the time,” said Hartendorp.

    In the decades after 1840, however, 90 percent of Māori land was taken by the British Crown. Both versions of the treaty have been repeatedly breached and Māori people have continued to suffer injustice in New Zealand even after independence.

    In 1975, the Waitangi Tribunal was established as a permanent body to adjudicate treaty matters. The tribunal attempts to remedy treaty breaches and navigate differences between the treaty’s two texts.

    Over time, billions of dollars have been negotiated in settlements over breaches of the treaty, particularly relating to the widespread seizure of Māori land.

    However, other injustices have also occurred. Between 1950 and 2019, about 200,000 children, young people and vulnerable adults were subjected to physical and sexual abuse in state and church care, and a commission found Māori children were more vulnerable to the abuse than others.

    On November 12 this year, Prime Minister Christopher Luxon issued an apology to these victims, but it was criticised by Māori survivors for being inadequate. One criticism was that the apology did not take the treaty into account.

    While the treaty’s principles are not set in stone and are flexible, it is a significant historical document that upholds Māori rights.

    Generation Kohanga Reo
    Generation Kohanga Reo . . . making a difference at the Hīkoi. Image: David Robie/APR

    What does the Treaty Principles Bill propose?
    The Treaty Principles Bill was introduced by Member of Parliament David Seymour, leader of the libertarian ACT Party, a minor partner in New Zealand’s rightwing coalition government. Seymour himself is of Māori heritage.

    The party launched a public information campaign about the bill on February 7 this year.

    The ACT Party asserts that the treaty has been misinterpreted over the decades and that this has led to the formation of a dual system for New Zealanders, where Māori and pākehā (white) New Zealanders have different political and legal rights. Seymour says that misinterpretations of the treaty’s meaning have effectively given Māori people special treatment.

    The bill calls for an end to “division by race”.

    Seymour said that the principle of “ethnic quotas in public institutions”, for example, is contrary to the principle of equality.

    The bill seeks to set specific definitions of the treaty’s principles, which are currently flexible and open to interpretation. These principles would then apply to all New Zealanders equally, whether they are Māori or not.

    According to Together for Te Tiriti, an initiative led by ActionStation Aotearoa, the bill will allow the New Zealand government to govern all New Zealanders and consider all New Zealanders equal under the law.

    Activists say this will effectively disadvantage indigenous Māori people because they have been historically oppressed.

    Many, including the Waitangi Tribunal, say this will lead to the erosion of Māori rights. A statement by ActionStation Aotearoa says that the bill’s principles “do not at all reflect the meaning” of the Treaty of Waitangi.

    Why is the bill so controversial?
    The bill is strongly opposed by political parties in New Zealand on both the left and the right, and Maori people have criticised it on the basis that it undermines the treaty and its interpretation.

    Gideon Porter, a Maori journalist from New Zealand, told Al Jazeera that most Maori, as well as historians and legal experts, agree that the bill is an “attempt to redefine decades of exhaustive research and negotiated understandings of what constitute ‘principles’ of the treaty”.

    Porter added that those critical of the bill believe “the ACT Party within this coalition government is taking upon itself to try and engineer things so that Parliament gets to act as judge, jury and executioner”.

    In the eyes of most Maori, he said, the ACT Party is “simply hiding its racism behind a facade of ‘we are all New Zealanders with equal rights’ mantra”.

    The Waitangi Tribunal released a report on August 16 saying that it found the bill “breached the Treaty principles of partnership and reciprocity, active protection, good government, equity, redress, and the … guarantee of rangatiratanga”.

    Another report by the tribunal seen by The Guardian newspaper said: “If this bill were to be enacted, it would be the worst, most comprehensive breach of the Treaty … in modern times.”

    Treaty Principles Bill . . . submissions
    Treaty Principles Bill . . . submissions. Image: APR screenshot

    What process must the bill go through now?
    For a bill to become law in New Zealand, it must go through three rounds in Parliament: first when it is introduced, then when MPs suggest amendments and finally, when they vote on the amended bill. Since the total number of MPs is 123, at least 62 votes are needed for a bill to pass, David MacDonald, a political science professor at the University of Guelph in Canada, told Al Jazeera.

    Besides the six Māori Party seats, the New Zealand Parliament comprises 34 seats held by the Labour Party; 14 seats held by the Green Party of Aotearoa; 49 seats held by the National Party; 11 seats held by the ACT Party; and eight seats held by the New Zealand First Party.

    “The National Party leaders including the PM and other cabinet ministers and the leaders of the other coalition party [New Zealand] First have all said they won’t support the bill beyond the committee stage. It is highly unlikely that the bill will receive support from any party other than ACT,” MacDonald said.

    When the bill was heard for its first round in Parliament last week, Māori party lawmaker Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke tore up her copy of the legislation and led the haka.

    Is the bill likely to pass?
    The chances of the bill becoming law are “zero”, Porter said.

    He said the ACT’s coalition partners had “adamantly promised” to vote down the bill in the next stage. Additionally, all the opposition parties will also vote against it.

    “They only agreed to allow it to go this far as part of their ‘coalition agreement’ so they could govern,” Porter said.

    New Zealand’s current coalition government was formed in November 2023 after an election that took place a month earlier. It comprises the National Party, ACT and New Zealand First.

    While rightwing parties have not given a specific reason why they will oppose the bill, Hartendorp said New Zealand First and the New Zealand National Party would likely vote in line with public opinion, which largely opposes it.

    Why are people protesting if the bill is doomed to fail?
    The protests are not against the bill alone.

    “This latest march is a protest against many coalition government anti-Māori initiatives,” Porter said.

    Many believe that the conservative coalition government, which took office in November 2023, has taken measures to remove “race-based politics”. The Māori people are not happy with this and believe that it will undermine their rights.

    These measures include removing a law that gave the Maori a say in environmental matters. The government also abolished the Maori Health Authority in February this year.

    Despite the bill being highly likely to fail, many believe that just by allowing the bill to be tabled in Parliament, the coalition government has ignited dangerous social division.

    For example, former conservative Prime Minister Jenny Shipley has said that just putting forth the bill is sowing division in New Zealand, and she warned of potential “civil war”.

    Sarah Shamim is a freelance writer and assistant producer at Al Jazeera Media Network, where this article was first published.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Voters Across the Political Spectrum Gave Public Education Important Wins in the 2024 Election https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/18/voters-across-the-political-spectrum-gave-public-education-important-wins-in-the-2024-election/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/18/voters-across-the-political-spectrum-gave-public-education-important-wins-in-the-2024-election/#respond Mon, 18 Nov 2024 18:36:17 +0000 https://progressive.org/public-schools-advocate/voters-across-the-political-spectrum-gave-public-education-important-wins-2024-election-bryant-20241115/
    This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Jeff Bryant.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/18/voters-across-the-political-spectrum-gave-public-education-important-wins-in-the-2024-election/feed/ 0 502492
    Segregation Academies Across the South Are Getting Millions in Taxpayer Dollars https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/18/segregation-academies-across-the-south-are-getting-millions-in-taxpayer-dollars/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/18/segregation-academies-across-the-south-are-getting-millions-in-taxpayer-dollars/#respond Mon, 18 Nov 2024 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/segregation-academies-school-voucher-money-north-carolina by Jennifer Berry Hawes and Mollie Simon

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    Private schools across the South that were established for white children during desegregation are now benefiting from tens of millions in taxpayer dollars flowing from rapidly expanding voucher-style programs, a ProPublica analysis found.

    In North Carolina alone, we identified 39 of these likely “segregation academies” that are still operating and that have received voucher money. Of these, 20 schools reported student bodies that were at least 85% white in a 2021-22 federal survey of private schools, the most recent data available.

    Those 20 academies, all founded in the 1960s and 1970s, brought in more than $20 million from the state in the past three years alone. None reflected the demographics of their communities. Few even came close.

    Northeast Academy, a small Christian school in rural Northampton County on the Virginia border, is among them. As of the 2021-22 survey, the school’s enrollment was 99% white in a county that runs about 40% white.

    Every year since North Carolina launched its state-funded private school voucher program in 2014, the academy has received more and more money. Last school year, it received about $438,500 from the program, almost half of its total reported tuition. Northeast is on track to beat that total this school year.

    Vouchers play a similar role at Lawrence Academy, an hour’s drive south. It has never reported Black enrollment higher than 3% in a county whose population hovers around 60% Black. A small school with less than 300 students, it received $518,240 in vouchers last school year to help pay for 86 of those students.

    Farther south, Pungo Christian Academy has received voucher money every year since 2015 and, as of the last survey, had become slightly more white than when the voucher program began. It last reported a student body that was 98% white in a county that was 65% white.

    Segregation academies that remain vastly white continue to play an integral role in perpetuating school segregation — and, as a result, racial separation in the surrounding communities. We found these academies benefiting from public money in Southern states beyond North Carolina. But because North Carolina collects and releases more complete data than many other states, it offers an especially telling window into what is happening across this once legally segregated region where legislatures are rapidly expanding and adopting controversial voucher-style programs.

    Called Opportunity Scholarships, North Carolina’s voucher program launched in 2014. At first, it was only for low-income families and had barely more than 1,200 participants. Then last fall, state lawmakers expanded eligibility to students of all income levels and those already attending private school, a move that sparked furious debate over the future of public education.

    “We are ensuring that every child has the chance to thrive,” Republican Rep. Tricia Cotham argued. But Democratic Rep. Julie von Haefen pointed to vouchers’ “legacy of white supremacy” and called the expansion “a gross injustice to the children of North Carolina.”

    So many students flocked to the program that the state now has a waitlist of about 54,000 children. Paying for all of them to receive vouchers — at a cost of $248 million — would more than double the current number of participants in the program. Republicans in the General Assembly, along with three Democrats, passed a bill in September to do just that.

    Gov. Roy Cooper, a Democrat, vetoed the measure. But the GOP supermajority is expected to override it before the year’s end, perhaps as early as Nov. 19.

    Opportunity Scholarships don’t always live up to their name for Black children. Private schools don’t have to admit all comers. Nor do they have to provide busing or free meals. Due to income disparities, Black parents also are less likely to be able to afford the difference between a voucher that pays at most $7,468 a year and an annual tuition bill that can top $10,000 or even $20,000.

    And unlike urban areas that have a range of private schools, including some with diverse student bodies, segregation academies are the only private schools available in some rural counties across the South.

    Josh Cowen, a professor of education policy at Michigan State, studies these barriers and sees where vouchers fall short for some: “Eligibility does not mean access.”

    Rural roads and cotton fields surround Lawrence Academy in Merry Hill, North Carolina. The school, which opened in majority-Black Bertie County in 1968, has never reported Black enrollment higher than 3%. The area is part of the region’s Black Belt, where rich soils fueled cotton plantations. (Greg Kahn, special to ProPublica)

    Of the 20 vastly white segregation academies we identified that received voucher money in North Carolina, nine were at least 30 percentage points more white than the counties in which they operate, based on 2021-22 federal survey and census data.

    Otis Smallwood, superintendent of the Bertie County Schools in rural northeastern North Carolina, witnesses this kind of gulf in the district he leads. So many white children in the area attend Lawrence Academy and other schools that his district’s enrollment runs roughly 22 percentage points more Black than the county overall.

    He said he tries not to be political. But he feels the brunt of an intensifying Republican narrative against public schools, which still educate most of North Carolina’s children. “It’s been chipping, chipping, chipping, trying to paint this picture that public schools are not performing well,” Smallwood said. “It’s getting more and more and more extreme.”

    When a ProPublica reporter told him that Lawrence Academy received $518,240 last school year in vouchers, he was dismayed: “That’s half a million dollars I think could be put to better benefit in public schools.”

    If lawmakers override the governor’s veto to fund the waitlist, Smallwood’s district could suffer most. In a recent report, the Office of State Budget and Management projected Bertie County could lose more of its state funding than any other district — 1.6% next year.

    Bertie County Schools Superintendent Otis Smallwood worries that vouchers will drain resources from public schools, including the ones he oversees. (Greg Kahn, special to ProPublica)

    Across the once legally segregated South, the volume of public money flowing through voucher-style programs is set to balloon in coming years. Georgia, Alabama, Arkansas, Louisiana, Florida and South Carolina all have passed new or expanded programs since 2023. (South Carolina’s state Supreme Court rejected its tuition grants in September, but GOP lawmakers are expected to try again with a revamped court.)

    Voucher critics contend these programs will continue to worsen school segregation by helping wealthier white kids attend private schools; supporters argue they help more Black families afford tuition. But many of the states have made it hard to discern if either is happening by failing to require that the most basic demographic data be shared with the public — or even gathered.

    This doesn’t surprise Cowen, who wrote the new book “The Privateers: How Billionaires Created a Culture War and Sold School Vouchers.” He said Southern legislatures in particular don’t want to know what the data would show because the results, framed by a legacy of racism, could generate negative headlines and lawsuit fodder.

    States know how to collect vast troves of education data. North Carolina in particular is lauded among global researchers for “the robustness and the richness of the data system for public schools,” Cowen said.

    North Carolina and Alabama are among the states that have gathered demographic information about voucher recipients but won’t tell the public the race of students who use them to attend a given school. In North Carolina, a spokesperson said doing so could reveal information about specific students, making that data not a public record under the Opportunity Scholarship statue.

    For its $120 million tax credit program, Georgia does not collect racial demographic information or per-school spending. ProPublica was able to identify 20 segregation academies that signed up to take part, but it’s unclear how many are receiving that money or what the racial breakdown is of the students who use it.

    “Why should we not be allowed to know where the money is going? It’s a deliberate choice by those who pass these laws,” said Jessica Levin, director of Public Funds Public Schools, a national anti-voucher campaign led by the nonprofit Education Law Center. “There is a lack of transparency and accountability.”

    Advocacy groups that support widespread voucher use have resisted some rules that foster greater transparency out of concern that they might deter regulation-averse private schools from participating. Mike Long, president of the nonprofit Parents for Educational Freedom in North Carolina, is among those trying to rally as much private school buy-in for vouchers as possible.

    “Their fear is that if they accept it, these are tax dollars, and therefore they would have to submit to government regulation,” Long said. “We’ve lobbied this legislature, and I think they understand it very well, that you can’t tie regulation to this.”

    Pungo Christian Academy opened in 1968 in the small town of Belhaven. It last reported a student body that was 98% white in a county that was 65% white. (Greg Kahn, special to ProPublica)

    The share of Black students who have received vouchers in North Carolina has dropped significantly since the program's launch. In 2014, more than half the recipients were Black. This school year, the figure is 17%.

    That share is unlikely to increase if lawmakers fund all 54,000 students on the waiting list. Because lower-income families were prioritized for vouchers, the applicants who remain on the list are mostly in higher income tiers — and those families are more likely to be white.

    More Black parents don’t apply for vouchers because they don’t know about them, said Kwan Graham, who oversees parent liaisons for Parents for Educational Freedom in North Carolina.

    Graham, who is Black, said parents haven’t voiced to her concerns that, “I’m Black, they don’t want me” at their local private schools. But she’s also not naive. Private schools can largely select — and reject — who they want.

    The nonprofit Public Schools First NC has tallied admissions policies that private schools receiving vouchers use to reject applicants based on things like sexuality, religion and disability. Many also require in-person interviews or tours. Rather than overtly rejecting students based on race, which the voucher program prohibits, schools might say something like, “Come visit the school and see if you’re the ‘right fit,’” said Heather Koons, the nonprofit’s communications and research director.

    Northeast Academy, Lawrence Academy and Pungo Christian all include nondiscrimination statements on their websites.

    Back when segregation academies opened, some white leaders proudly declared their goal of preserving segregation. Others shrouded their racist motivations. Some white parents complained about federal government overreach and what they deemed social agendas and indoctrination in public schools. Even as violent backlash against integration erupted across the region, many white parents framed their decisions as quests for quality education, morality and Christian education, newspaper coverage and school advertisements from the time show.

    Early on, Southern lawmakers found a way to use taxpayer money to give these academies a boost: They created school voucher programs that went chiefly to white students.

    Courts ruled against or restricted the practice in the 1960s. But it didn’t really end.

    “If you look at the history of the segregation movement, they wanted vouchers to prop up segregation academies,” said Bryan Mann, a University of Kansas professor who studies school segregation. “And now they’re getting vouchers in some of these areas to prop up these schools.”

    More recently, Lawrence and Northeast academies both grew their enrollments while receiving voucher money even as the rural counties where they operate have lost population. Over three decades of responding to the federal private schools survey, both academies have reported enrolling almost no nonwhite children. And Pungo Christian has raised its average tuition by almost 50% over the past three school years. During that time, the small school has received almost $500,000 in vouchers.

    None of the three academies’ headmasters responded to ProPublica’s request to discuss its findings or to lists of questions. And none have ever reported more than 3% Black enrollment despite operating in counties with substantial — even majority — Black populations.

    Cotton farming and other agriculture remains an important part of the economy in Northampton County, a rural expanse in northeastern North Carolina that has lost population in recent years. Despite that decline, Northeast Academy has seen its enrollment grow and has received more voucher funding each year. (Greg Kahn, special to ProPublica)

    One of the Democrats who helped Republicans expand North Carolina’s voucher program was Shelly Willingham, a Black representative whose district includes Bertie County, home of Lawrence Academy. He said he doesn’t love vouchers, but the bills have included funding for issues he does support.

    He also said he encourages his constituents to take advantage of the vouchers. If there were any effort to make it more difficult for Black students to attend those schools, “then I would have a big problem,” Willingham said. “I don’t see that.”

    Another Democrat who voted with Republicans was state Rep. Michael Wray, a white businessman and former House minority whip — who graduated from Northeast Academy.

    Wray, whose voting record on vouchers over the years has been mixed, did not respond to multiple ProPublica requests to discuss his views. In 2013, he voted against the budget bill that established the Opportunity Scholarships. And in a recent Q&A with the local Daily Herald newspaper, when asked if he supports taxpayer money funding private schools, he responded: “I believe that when you siphon funds away from our public school budgets, it undermines the success of our schools overall.”

    Democrat Rodney Pierce, a public middle school teacher, recently won a seat in the North Carolina House of Representatives. (Greg Kahn, special to ProPublica)

    Rodney Pierce, a Black 46-year-old father and public school teacher, saw the voucher expansion in the state budget bill Wray voted for and felt history haunt him. Pierce had only one white student in his classes last year at Gaston STEM Leadership Academy. But about 30 miles across the rural county, white children filled Northeast Academy.

    Pierce taught history, with a deep interest in civil rights. He’d studied the voucher programs that white supremacists crafted to help white families flee to segregation academies.

    “This stuff was in the works back in the 1960s,” Pierce said.

    He was so outraged that he challenged Wray, a 10-term incumbent, for his state House seat. Pierce won the Democratic primary earlier this year by just 34 votes. He faced no opponent in November, so come next year he will cut the House’s support of vouchers by one vote.

    “Particularly in the Black community, we care about our public schools,” he said.

    Many Black families also have little to no relationship with their local private schools, especially those that opened specifically for white children and are still filled with them. The only times Pierce had set foot on Northeast Academy’s campus was when he covered a few sporting events there for the local newspaper.

    People there were nice to him, he said, but he felt anxious: “You’re in an academy you know was started by people who didn’t want their children to go to school with Black children.”

    His own three kids attend public schools. Even with vouchers, he said, he wouldn’t send them to a school founded as a segregation academy, much less one that still fosters segregation. He finds it insulting to force taxpayers, including the Black residents he will soon represent — about half of the people in his district — to pay to send other people’s children to these schools.

    How We Analyzed Whether Segregation Academies Were Getting Public Money

    We set out to determine whether states adopting voucher-like programs have provided funds to private schools founded to avoid integration. ProPublica previously developed a list of about 300 schools in the South that likely opened as segregation academies between 1954 and 1976 and that continue to operate. This original list was developed with data from the National Center for Education Statistics’ Private School Universe Survey, which includes schools’ student racial demographics. This survey is voluntary, and some known segregation academies — like an estimated quarter of all private schools — did not complete the survey or have reported different opening years over time. We did not include those institutions in our data. We examined only schools that responded to the most recent published survey in 2021-2022, as it included their racial demographics. This means our findings likely represent an undercount of schools.

    Over time, many schools that opened as segregation academies have come to look more like their communities. Among the likely segregation academies we identified, we wanted to specifically examine those that remain vastly white and unrepresentative of their communities. To find these, we narrowed our list to those that were at least 85% white as of the most recent private school survey and were whiter than the county where they are located, based on census data. We compared both the total population and the population under 18 to make this determination. We included three schools with a total enrollment of 843 students that were 85% white when rounded to the nearest percentage point.

    To assess which of those remaining schools may have benefitted from taxpayer money, ProPublica requested and gathered (where publicly available) per-school funding amounts from 10 southern states’ programs that support private schools. These included vouchers, individual education savings accounts and tax credits for scholarships or donations. The programs have existed for different numbers of years, and in some cases have expanded in eligibility and financial impact over time. In eight states, we received at least one year of per-school funding or recipient information. In two of these, we also got school-level demographics, with some limits to protect student privacy.

    We then compared the names of schools from those eight states to the original list of likely segregation academies that remain vastly white and identified 64 schools that have benefitted from some form of taxpayer dollars, ranging from a total of $2,700 to over $4 million for a single school across multiple years. An additional 26 schools in Georgia and Florida have opted to accept state vouchers or scholarship participants, but we do not know whether they have actually enrolled student recipients.

    Among the 64 schools that had benefited from a documented amount of state money, only a handful were in Virginia, Tennessee, Louisiana and Arkansas. In South Carolina, we identified 12 segregation academies getting vouchers, but only from a program focused on special needs students, and we were only able to get data up to the 2022-2023 school year. We focused our reporting on North Carolina, Mississippi and Alabama because each of these states had at least five years of available data and had sent millions of dollars to segregation academies through their state programs.

    Help ProPublica Report on Education


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jennifer Berry Hawes and Mollie Simon.

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    Fiji’s mainstream media fight for survival in social media era https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/17/fijis-mainstream-media-fight-for-survival-in-social-media-era/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/17/fijis-mainstream-media-fight-for-survival-in-social-media-era/#respond Sun, 17 Nov 2024 22:13:38 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=107117 By Georgia Brown, Queensland University of Technology

    Fijian newsrooms are under pressure to adapt as audiences shift away from traditional media such as newspapers, radio, and television, in favour of Facebook and other social media platforms.

    Asia Foundation research showed that Fijians ranked Facebook as their third most significant source of information about covid-19 during the pandemic, surpassing newspapers and “word of mouth”, despite recognising social media as their least trusted choice.

    Radio and television still exceeded Facebook, but surveys during the pandemic reveal the increasing significance of Facebook and other social media, such as Twitter, YouTube and TikTok as widely used sources of news, particularly for Fijians younger than 45.

    A survey revealed that of Fiji’s 924,610 population, 551,000 were social media users in January 2023. Facebook, the country’s most popular platform, limits access to people aged 13 and older. Of those eligible in Fiji to create an account in 2023, 71 percent used Facebook.

    Australian National University researcher Jope Tarai attributes the rise in social media usage in the 2010s to the 2006 coup and subsequent change in Fijian leadership, suggesting it “cultivated a culture of self-censorship”.

    “The constrained political context saw the emergence of blogging as a means of disseminating restricted information that would have conventionally informed news reporting,” Tarai says.

    Tarai says concerns about credibility of blogs meant this avenue was replaced by Facebook, “which was more interactive, accessible via handheld devices and instantaneous”.

    Increased media freedom
    With the increased media freedoms that have arisen following Fiji’s change in government at the end of 2022, newspapers and other traditional newsrooms should be poised to reassert themselves, but they face significant challenges due to the global shift in how people consume information.

    As audiences migrate to newer digital platforms, newsrooms that have traditionally depended on physical newspaper sales and advertising revenue are now under increasing pressure to adapt.

    Fiji Times editor-in-chief Fred Wesley says news outlets are struggling to capture the attention of younger audiences through conventional formats, prompting a shift towards social media platforms to enhance audience engagement and boost traffic.

    “Young people are not going to news websites or reading physical papers,” he says. “Young people are getting their news from social media.”

    The University of the South Pacific’s technical editor and digital communication officer, Eliki Drugunalevu, says he has observed a growing preference among the general Fijian population for receiving news through social media as opposed to traditional outlets.

    “When people refer to a certain news item that came out that day or even the previous day, they just go to their social media pages and search for that news item or even go to the social media page of that particular news outlet to read/access that story,” he says.

    Drugunalevu identifies two contributors to this shift.

    ‘At your fingertips’
    “Everything is just at your fingertips, easily accessible,” he says. “Internet charges in Fiji are affordable now so that you can pretty much be online 24/7.”

    Newsrooms across Fiji are not oblivious to this shift. Editors and journalists are recalibrating their strategies to meet the demands of a digital audience.

    Islands Business managing editor Samantha Magick says the abundance of readily available online content has resulted in young people refraining from paying for it.

    “I think there’s a generational shift. My daughter would never pay for any news, would never buy a newspaper to start with. She would probably never think about paying for media, unless its Netflix,” she says.

    However, Magick believes social media can be leveraged to fulfil evolving audience demands while offering fresh advantages to her organisation.

    “Social media for us is a funnel to get people to our website or to subscribe,” she says. “Facebook is still huge in the region, not just in Fiji [and] that’s where a lot of community discussions are happening, so it’s a source as well as a platform for us.”

    Magick says incorporating social media in her organisation requires her to stay more vigilant on analytics, as it significantly influences her decision-making processes.

    ‘Understanding content’s landing’
    “There’s all that sort of analytic stuff that I feel now I have to be much more across whereas before it was just generating the content. Now it’s understanding how that content’s landing, who’s seeing it, making decisions based on that,” she says.

    Fiji TV digital media specialist Edna Low says social media data analytics like engagement and click-through rates provide valuable insight into audience preferences, behaviours and demographics.

    “Social media platforms often dictate what topics are trending and what content resonates with audiences, which can shape editorial decisions and coverage priorities,” she says.

    Fiji TV’s director of news, current affairs and sports, Felix Chaudhary, echoes this.

    “We realise the critical importance of engaging with our viewers and potential viewers via online platforms,” he says. “All our new recruits/interns have to be internet and social media savvy.”

    Transitioning his organisation to a fully online model is the path forward in the digital era, Chaudhary says.

    “Like the world’s biggest news services, we are looking in the next five to ten years to transitioning from traditional TV broadcast to streaming all our news and shows,” he says. “The world is already moving towards that, and we just have to follow suit or get left behind.”

    As TikTok gains increasing popularity among younger Fijians and social platforms introduce initiatives to combat misinformation, it seems possible that social media could snatch the top spot for Fijian’s primary news source.

    It is clear that newsrooms and journalists must either navigate the evolving digital trends and preferences of audiences or risk becoming old news.

    Catrin Gardiner contributed research to this story. Georgia Brown and Catrin Gardiner were student journalists from the Queensland University of Technology who travelled to Fiji with the support of the Australian Government’s New Colombo Plan Mobility Programme. This article is published in a partnership of QUT with Asia Pacific Report, Asia Pacific Media Network (APMN) and The University of the South Pacific.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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    Hīkoi day 8: Significant disruption expected when thousands converge on capital https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/17/hikoi-day-8-significant-disruption-expected-when-thousands-converge-on-capital/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/17/hikoi-day-8-significant-disruption-expected-when-thousands-converge-on-capital/#respond Sun, 17 Nov 2024 11:28:57 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=107090 RNZ News

    New Zealand’s hīkoi against the Treaty Principles Bill could be one of the largest rallies that the capital has seen for years, Wellington City Council says.

    The Hīkoi mō te Tiriti will arrive in Wellington tomorrow, and locals are being warned to expect disruption and plan ahead.

    Yesterday, about 5000 people filled the square in Palmerston North before the convoy headed south, stopping for a rally in Levin.

    Thousands of supporters were then welcomed at Takapūwāhia Marae, in Porirua, north of Wellington.

    They will have a rest day in Porirua today before gathering at Wellington’s Waitangi Park on tomorrow morning, and converging on Parliament.

    “There is likely to be some disruption to roads and highways,” the council said in a statement.

    ‘Plan ahead’ call
    “Please plan ahead if travelling by road or rail on Tuesday, November 19, as delays are possible.”

    The Hīkoi will start at 6am, travelling from Porirua to Waitangi Park, where it will arrive at 9am.

    It will then depart the park at 10am, travelling along the Golden Mile to Parliament, where it will arrive at midday.

    The Hīkoi will return to Waitangi Park at 4pm for a concert, karakia, and farewell.

    State Highways 1 and 2 busier than normal.

    Police said no significant issues had been reported as a result of the Hīkoi.

    A traffic management plan would be in place for its arrival into Wellington, with heavier than usual traffic anticipated, particularly in the Hutt Valley early Tuesday morning, and on SH2 between Lower Hutt and Wellington city.

    Anyone living or working in the city should plan accordingly, Wellington District Commander Superintendent Corrie Parnell said.

    Police ‘working with Hikoī’
    “Police have been working closely with iwi and Hīkoi organisers, and our engagement has been positive.

    “The event as it has moved down the country has been conducted peacefully, and we have every reason to believe this will continue.

    “In saying that, disruption is expected through the city centre as the hīkoi makes its way from Waitangi Park to Parliament.

    “We’ve planned ahead with NZTA, Wellington City Council, Greater Wellington Regional Council, local schools, retailers and other stakeholders to mitigate this as best possible, but Wellingtonians should be prepared for Tuesday to look a little different.”

    Protesters in Dannevirke during day 6 of Hīkoi mō te Tiriti.
    Riders on horseback have joined the Hīkoi along the route. Image: RNZ/Pokere Paewai

    Wellington Station bus hub will be closed, with buses diverted to nearby locations.

    Metlink has also added extra capacity to trains outside of peak times (9am-3pm).

    Police said parking was expected to be extremely difficult on Tuesday, especially around the bus hub, Lambton Quay and Parliament grounds.

    Wellingtonians were being to exercise patience, particularly on busy roads, Parnell said.

    “We ask you to allow more time than normal to get where you are going. Plan ahead by looking at how road closures and public transport changes might affect you, and expect that there will be delays at some point throughout the day.”

    PM: ‘We’ll wait and see’
    Prime Minister Christopher Luxon said he was playing his approach to the Hīkoi “by ear”.

    He has been at his first APEC meeting in Peru, but will arrive back in New Zealand today.

    He said he was open to speaking with members of the Hīkoi on Tuesday, but no plans had been made as yet.

    “We haven’t made a decision. We’ll wait and see, but I’m very open to meeting, in some form or another.

    “It’s obviously building as it walks through the country and gets to Wellington, and we’ll just wait and see and take it as it comes.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    NZ’s Hīkoi challenging controversial draft bill ‘redefines activism’, says Herald https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/14/nzs-hikoi-challenging-controversial-draft-bill-redefines-activism-says-herald/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/14/nzs-hikoi-challenging-controversial-draft-bill-redefines-activism-says-herald/#respond Thu, 14 Nov 2024 08:44:40 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=106960 Pacific Media Watch

    As thousands take to the streets this week to “honour” the country’s 1840 Treaty of Waitangi, the largest daily newspaper New Zealand Herald says the massive event is “redefining activism”.

    The Hīkoi mō te Tiriti has been underway since Sunday, with thousands of New Zealanders from all communities and walks of life traversing the more than 2000 km length of the country from Cape Reinga to Bluff and converging on the capital Wellington.

    The marches are challenging the coalition government Act Party’s proposed Treaty Principles Bill, introduced last week by co-leader David Seymour.

    The Bill had its first reading in Parliament today as a young first time opposition Te Pāti Māori MP, Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke, was suspended for leading a haka and ripping up a copy of the Bill disrupting the vote, and opposition Labour Party’s Māori Development spokesperson Willie Jackson was also “excused” from the chamber for calling Seymour a “liar” against parliamentary rules.

    After a second attempt at voting, the three coalition parties won 68-55 with all three opposition parties voting against.

    In its editorial today, hours before the debate and vote, The New Zealand Herald said supporters of Toitū te Tiriti, the force behind the Hīkoi, were seeking a community “reconnection” and described their kaupapa as an “activation, not activism; empowerment, not disruption; education, not protest”.

    “Many of the supporters on the Hīkoi don’t consider themselves political activists. They are mums and dads, rangatahi, professionals, Pākehā, and Tauiwi (other non-Māori ethnicities),” The Herald said.

    ‘Loaded, colonial language’
    “Mainstream media is often accused of using ‘loaded, colonial language’ in its headlines. Supporters of Toitū te Tiriti, however, see the movement not as a political protest but as a way to reconnect with the country’s shared history and reflect on New Zealand’s obligations under Te Tiriti.

    “While some will support the initiative, many Pākehā New Zealanders are responding to it with unequivocal anger; others feel discomfort about suggestions of colonial guilt or inherited privilege stemming from historical injustices.”

    The Herald said that politicians like Seymour advocated for a “multicultural” New Zealand, promising equal treatment for all cultures. While this vision sounded appealing, “it glosses over the partnership outlined in Te Tiriti”.

    “Seymour argues he is fighting for respect for all, but when multiculturalism is wielded as a political tool, it can obscure indigenous rights and maintain colonial dominance. For many, it’s an unsettling ideology to contemplate,” the newspaper said.

    “A truly multicultural society would recognise the unique status of tangata whenua, ensuring Māori have a voice in decision-making as the indigenous people.

    “However, policies framed under ‘equal rights’ often silence Māori perspectives and undermine the principles of Te Tiriti.

    “Seymour’s proposed Treaty Principles Bill prioritises Crown sovereignty, diminishing the role of hapū (sub-tribes) and excluding Māori from national decision-making. Is this the ‘equality’ we seek, or is it a rebranded form of colonial control?”

    Te Pāti Māori MP Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke
    Te Pāti Māori MP Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke . . . led a haka and tore up a copy of Seymour’s Bill in Parliament. Image: TVNZ screenshot APR

    Heart of the issue
    The heart of the issue, said The Herald, was how “equal” was interpreted in the context of affirmative action.

    “Harvard philosopher Michael Sandel argues that true equality acknowledges historical injustices and demands action to correct them. In Aotearoa, addressing the legacy of colonisation is essential,” the paper said.

    “Affirmative action is not about giving an unfair advantage; it’s about levelling the playing field so everyone has equal opportunities.

    “Some politicians sidestep the real work needed to honour Te Tiriti by pushing for an ‘equal’ and ‘multicultural’ society. This approach disregards Aotearoa’s unique history, where tangata whenua hold a constitutionally recognised status.

    “The goal is not to create division but to fulfil a commitment made more than 180 years ago and work towards a partnership based on mutual respect. We all have a role to play in this partnership.

    “The Hīkoi mō te Tiriti is more than a march; it’s a movement rooted in education, healing, and building a shared future.

    “It challenges us to look beyond superficial equality and embrace a partnership where all voices are heard and the mana (authority) of tangata whenua is upheld.”

    The first reading of the bill was advanced in a failed attempt to distract from the impact of the national Hikoi.

    RNZ reports that more than 40 King’s Counsel lawyers say the Bill seeks to “rewrite the Treaty itself” and have called on Prime Minister Christopher Luxon and the coalition government to “act responsibly now and abandon” the draft law.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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    A 13-Year-Old With Autism Got Arrested After His Backpack Sparked Fear. Only His Stuffed Bunny Was Inside. https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/13/a-13-year-old-with-autism-got-arrested-after-his-backpack-sparked-fear-only-his-stuffed-bunny-was-inside/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/13/a-13-year-old-with-autism-got-arrested-after-his-backpack-sparked-fear-only-his-stuffed-bunny-was-inside/#respond Wed, 13 Nov 2024 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/tennessee-school-threats-arresting-kids-with-disabilities by Aliyya Swaby, ProPublica, and Paige Pfleger, WPLN/Nashville Public Radio

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    On the second day of school this year in Hamilton County, Tennessee, Ty picked out a purple bunny from hundreds of other plushies in his room. While his mom wasn’t looking, the 13-year-old snuck it into his backpack to show to his friends.

    It was the 10th anniversary of his favorite video game franchise, Five Nights at Freddy’s, and Bonnie the bunny is one of the stars. Ty has autism and Bonnie is his biggest comfort when he gets agitated or discouraged. No one other than Ty, not even his mom, is allowed to touch Bonnie.

    Ty was new to Ooltewah Middle School, located just east of Chattanooga. In class that morning, he told his teacher he didn’t want anyone to look in his backpack, worried they would confiscate his toy, according to Ty and his mom. When the teacher asked why, Ty responded, “Because the whole school will blow up,” he and his mom recalled.

    School officials acted quickly, Ty’s mom said: The teacher, who had only known Ty for one day, called a school administrator, who got the police involved. They brought Ty to the counselor’s office and found Bonnie in the backpack. As Ty stood there, he said, confused about what he had done wrong, the police handcuffed him and patted him down before placing him in the back of a police car.

    “I think they thought an actual bomb was in my backpack,” Ty told ProPublica and WPLN. But he didn’t have a bomb. “It was just this, right here,” he said, holding Bonnie. “And they still took me to jail.”

    The sheriff’s department issued a press release about the incident stating that police checked the backpack and it was “found to not contain any explosive device.” ProPublica and WPLN are using a nickname for Ty at his mother’s request, to protect his identity because he’s a minor. The sheriff’s department didn’t respond to questions about Ty’s case. The Hamilton County School district, which includes Ty’s school, declined to respond, even though his mother signed a form giving officials permission to do so.

    Ty’s arrest was the result of a new state law requiring that anyone who makes a threat of mass violence at school be charged with a felony. The law does not require that the threat be credible. ProPublica and WPLN previously reported on an 11-year-old with autism who denied making a threat in class and was later arrested at a birthday party by a Hamilton County sheriff’s deputy.

    Advocates had warned Tennessee lawmakers during this year’s legislative session that the law would be particularly harmful for students prone to frequent outbursts or disruptive behavior as a result of a disability.

    Lawmakers did include an exception for people with intellectual disabilities. And according to Ty’s mom and a school district psychological report, Ty has an intellectual disability as defined by Tennessee statute, in addition to autism. But the family’s lawyer said there is no evidence that law enforcement took that into consideration — or even checked to see if Ty had a disability — before handcuffing and arresting him.

    The law doesn’t state how police should determine whether kids have intellectual disabilities before charging them. Rep. Cameron Sexton, the Tennessee House speaker and Republican co-sponsor of the law, said Ty’s case shows that “there may need to be more training and resources” for school officials and law enforcement.

    Rep. Bo Mitchell, a Nashville Democrat who co-sponsored the law, said he hoped the exception for kids with intellectual disabilities would be enough to keep students like Ty from being arrested. “No one passed that law in order for a child with any type of disability to be charged,” he said.

    But he said the law was still necessary to help prevent hoax threats that disrupt learning and terrify students. “I don’t know whose level of trauma is going to be the greatest: the kids in the classroom wondering if there’s an active shooter roaming their halls or a kid that didn’t know better and says something like that and gets arrested,” Mitchell said. “It’s a no-win situation.”

    The state does not collect information about how the felony law, which went into effect in July, has applied to kids with disabilities like Ty. Data from Hamilton County provides a limited glimpse. In the first six weeks of the school year, 18 kids were arrested for making threats of mass violence. A third of them have disabilities, more than double the proportion of students with disabilities across the district.

    Before the academic year began, Ty’s mom sent an email to school officials asking for their help to make her son’s transition to eighth grade as smooth as possible.

    Ty’s specialized education plan states that he is social and friendly with other students but regularly has outbursts and meltdowns in class due to his disability. He struggles to regulate his feelings when asked to follow classroom guidelines and to understand social situations and boundaries.

    Federal law prohibits his school from punishing him harshly for those behaviors, since they are caused by or related to his disability. But Ty’s principal later told his mom in an email that Tennessee’s threats of mass violence law requires school officials to report the incident to police.

    When Ty’s mom got the phone call that her son was going to be arrested, she said it was her worst fear come true: Her son’s autism was mistaken for a threat. “Once you looked at his backpack, if there was nothing in there to hurt anyone, then why did you handcuff my 13-year-old autistic son who didn’t understand what was going on and take him down to juvenile?” she said.

    Disability rights advocates said kids like Ty should not be getting arrested under the current law. And they tried to push for a broader exception for kids with other kinds of disabilities.

    In a meeting with Mitchell before the law passed, Zoe Jamail, the policy coordinator for Disability Rights Tennessee, explained that the legislation could harm kids with disabilities who struggle with communication and behavior — such as those with some developmental disabilities — but aren’t diagnosed with an intellectual disability. She proposed language that Mitchell and other sponsors could include in the law, to ensure children with disabilities were not improperly arrested.

    “No student who makes a threat that is determined to be a manifestation of the student’s disability shall be charged under this section,” one version of the amendment read.

    The amendment was never taken up for a vote in the state legislature. Lawmakers passed the narrower version instead.

    “I think it demonstrates a lack of understanding of disability,” Jamail said.

    Sexton, the Republican House speaker, said kids with disabilities were capable of carrying out acts of mass violence and should be punished under the law. “I think you can make a lot of excuses for a lot of people,” he said.

    Ty still doesn’t fully grasp what happened to him, and why.

    On a recent morning in October, Ty turned the stuffed bunny toward his mom and asked, “Is he the reason why I can’t bring plushies anymore?”

    Ty’s mom told him the reason is because he didn’t ask first. “You can’t just sneak stuff out of the house,” she said.

    “Will I get in trouble for that?” he asked her.

    “Yeah, absolutely,” she said. “You want them to possibly think it’s another bomb and take you back down to kiddie jail?”

    “No,” he said, emphatically.

    After the incident, Ty’s middle school suspended him for a few days. His case was dismissed in juvenile court soon after.

    The principal told Ty’s mom in an email that if Ty said something similar again, the school would follow the same protocol. She decided to transfer him out of Ooltewah Middle School as soon as she could.

    “Whenever we go past that school, Ty’s like: ‘Am I going back to jail, mom? Are you taking me back over there?’ He’s for real traumatized,” she said. “I felt like nobody at that school was really fighting for him. They were too busy trying to justify what they did.”

    Mitchell, the Democratic representative, said he was “heartbroken” to hear that Ty was handcuffed and traumatized. But, he added, “we’re trying to stop the people who should know better from doing this, and if they do it, they should have more than a slap on the wrist.” He said he would be open to considering a carve-out in the law in the upcoming legislative session for kids with a broader range of disabilities.

    But, he said, he believes that the law as it stands is making all children in Tennessee, with or without disabilities, safer.

    Help ProPublica Report on Education


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Aliyya Swaby, ProPublica, and Paige Pfleger, WPLN/Nashville Public Radio.

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    Despite Trump’s Win, School Vouchers Were Again Rejected by Majorities of Voters https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/09/despite-trumps-win-school-vouchers-were-again-rejected-by-majorities-of-voters/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/09/despite-trumps-win-school-vouchers-were-again-rejected-by-majorities-of-voters/#respond Sat, 09 Nov 2024 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/school-vouchers-2024-election-trump by Eli Hager and Jeremy Schwartz

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    In 2018, Arizona voters overwhelmingly rejected school vouchers. On the ballot that year was a measure that would have allowed all parents — even the wealthiest ones — to receive taxpayer money to send their kids to private, typically religious schools.

    Arizonans voted no, and it wasn’t close. Even in a right-leaning state, with powerful Republican leaders supporting the initiative, the vote against it was 65% to 35%.

    Coming into this week’s election, Donald Trump and Republicans had hoped to reverse that sort of popular opposition to “school choice” with new voucher ballot measures in several states.

    But despite Trump’s big win in the presidential race, vouchers were again soundly rejected by significant majorities of Americans. In Kentucky, a ballot initiative that would have allowed public money to go toward private schooling was defeated roughly 65% to 35% — the same margin as in Arizona in 2018 and the inverse of the margin by which Trump won Kentucky. In Nebraska, nearly all 93 counties voted to repeal an existing voucher program; even its reddest county, where 95% of voters supported Trump, said no to vouchers. And in Colorado, voters defeated an effort to add a “right to school choice” to the state constitution, language that might have allowed parents to send their kids to private schools on the public dime.

    Expansions of school vouchers, despite backing from wealthy conservatives, have never won when put to voters. Instead, they lose by margins not often seen in such a polarized country.

    Candidates of both parties would be wise “to make strong public education a big part of their political platforms, because vouchers just aren’t popular,” said Tim Royers, president of the Nebraska State Education Association, a teachers union. Royers pointed to an emerging coalition in his state and others, including both progressive Democrats and rural Republicans, that opposes these sweeping “school choice” efforts. (Small-town Trump voters oppose such measures because their local public school is often an important community institution, and also because there aren’t that many or any private schools around.)

    Yet voucher efforts have been more successful when they aren’t put to a public vote. In recent years, nearly a dozen states have enacted or expanded major voucher or “education savings account” programs, which provide taxpayer money even to affluent families who were already able to afford private school.

    That includes Arizona, where in 2022 the conservative Goldwater Institute teamed up with Republican Gov. Doug Ducey and the GOP majority in the Legislature to enact the very same “universal” education savings account initiative that had been so soundly repudiated by voters just a few years before.

    Another way that Republican governors and interest groups have circumvented the popular will on this issue is by identifying anti-voucher members of their own party and supporting pro-voucher candidates who challenge those members in primary elections. This way, they can build legislative majorities to enact voucher laws no matter what conservative voters want.

    In Iowa, several Republicans were standing in the way of a major new voucher program as of 2022. Gov. Kim Reynolds helped push them out of office — despite their being incumbents in her own party — for the purposes of securing a majority to pass the measure.

    A similar dynamic has developed in Tennessee and in a dramatic way in Texas, the ultimate prize for voucher advocates. There, pro-voucher candidates for the state Legislature won enough seats this Tuesday to pass a voucher program during the legislative session that starts in January, Republican Gov. Greg Abbott has said.

    The day after the election, Abbott, who has made vouchers his top legislative priority, framed the result as a resounding signal that Texans have now shown a “tidal wave of support” for pro-voucher lawmakers. But in reality, the issue was conspicuously missing from the campaigns of many of the new Republicans whom he helped win, amid polling numbers that showed Texans hold complicated views on school choice. (A University of Houston poll taken this summer found that two-thirds of Texans supported voucher legislation, but that an equal number also believe that vouchers funnel money away from “already struggling public schools.”)

    In the half dozen competitive Texas legislative races targeted in this election by Abbott and the pro-voucher American Federation for Children, backed by former Education Secretary Betsy DeVos, Republican candidates did not make vouchers a central plank of their platforms. Most left the issue off of their campaign websites, instead listing stances like “Standing with Public Schools” and “Increased Funding for Local Schools.”

    Corpus Christi-area Republican Denise Villalobos pledged on her website that if elected she would “​​fight for increased funding for our teachers and local schools”; she did not emphasize her pro-voucher views. At least one ad paid for by the American Federation for Children’s affiliated PAC attacked her opponent, Democrat Solomon Ortiz Jr., not for his opposition to vouchers but for what it claimed were his “progressive open-border policies that flood our communities with violent crime and fentanyl.” (Villalobos defeated Ortiz by 10 points.)

    Matthew Wilson, a professor of political science at Southern Methodist University, said that this strategy reflects a belief among voucher advocates that compared to the border and culture wars, vouchers are not in fact a “slam-dunk winning issue.”

    In the wake of Tuesday’s results in the presidential election, NBC News chief political analyst Chuck Todd said that Democrats had overlooked school choice as a policy that might be popular among working-class people, including Latinos, in places like Texas. But the concrete results of ballot initiatives around the nation show that it is in fact Trump, DeVos and other voucher proponents who are out of step with the American people on this particular issue.

    They continue to advocate for vouchers, though, for multiple reasons: a sense that public schools are places where children develop liberal values, an ideological belief that the free market and private institutions can do things better and more efficiently than public ones, and a long-term goal of more religious education in this country.

    And they know that popular sentiment can be and has been overridden by the efforts of powerful governors and moneyed interest groups, said Josh Cowen, a senior fellow at the Education Law Center who recently published a history of billionaire-led voucher efforts nationwide.

    The Supreme Court could also aid the voucher movement in coming years, he said.

    “They’re not going to stop,” Cowen said, “just because voters have rejected this.”

    Help ProPublica Report on Education


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Eli Hager and Jeremy Schwartz.

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    Fijian journalists embrace multimedia landscape for the digital age https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/05/fijian-journalists-embrace-multimedia-landscape-for-the-digital-age/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/05/fijian-journalists-embrace-multimedia-landscape-for-the-digital-age/#respond Tue, 05 Nov 2024 03:37:00 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=106431 By Catrin Gardiner, Queensland University of Technology

    In the middle of the Pacific, Fiji journalists are transforming their practice, as newsrooms around Suva are requiring journalists to become multimedia creators, shaping stories for the digital age.

    A wave of multimedia journalists is surfacing in Fijian journalism culture, fostered during university education, and transitioning seamlessly into the professional field for junior journalists.

    University of the South Pacific’s technical editor and digital communication officer Eliki Drugunalevu believes that multimedia journalism is on the rise for two reasons.

    “The first is the fact that your phone is pretty much your newsroom on the go.”

    With the right guidance and training in using mobile phone apps, “you can pretty much film your story from anywhere”, he says.

    The second reason is that reliance on social media platforms gives “rise to mobile journalism and becoming a multimedia journalist”.

    Drugunalevu says changes to university journalism curriculum are not “evolving fast enough” with the industry.

    Need for ‘parallel learning’
    “There needs to be parallel learning between what the industry is going through and what the students are being taught.”

    Mobile journalism is growing increasingly around the world. In Fiji this is particularly evident, with large newsrooms entertaining the concept of a single reporter taking on multiple roles.

    Fijian Media Association’s vice-president and Fiji Times editor-in-chief Fred Wesley says one example of the changing landscape is that the Times is now providing all its journalists with mobile phones.

    “While there is still a photography department, things are slowly moving towards multimedia journalists.”

    Wesley says when no photographers are available to cover a story with a reporter, the journalists create their own images with their mobile phones.

    Journalists working in the Fiji Times newsroom
    Journalists working in the Fiji Times newsroom, which is among the last few remaining news organisations in Fiji to have a dedicated photography department. Image: Catrin Gardiner, Queensland University of Technology

    The Fiji Broadcasting Corporation (FBC) also encourages journalists to take part in all types of media including, online, radio, and television, even advertising for multimedia journalists. This highlights the global shift of replacing two-person teams in newsrooms.

    Nevertheless, the transition to multimedia journalists is not as positive as commonly thought. Complaints against multimedia journalism come from journalists who receive additional tasks, leading to an increase in workload.

    FBC advertises for multimedia journalists
    FBC advertises for multimedia journalists, reflecting the new standard in newsrooms. Image: FBC TV/Facebook/QUT

    Preference for print
    Former print journalist turned multimedia journalist at FBC, Litia Cava says she prefers focusing on just print.

    She worked a lot less when she was just working in a newspaper, she says.

    “When I worked for the paper, I would start at one,” she says. “But here I start working when I walk in.”

    Executives at major Fijian news companies, such as Fiji TV’s director of news, current affairs and sports, Felix Chaudhary, also complain about the lack of equipment in their newsrooms to support this wave of multimedia journalism.

    “The biggest challenge is the lack of equipment and training,” Chaudhary says.

    Fiji TV is doing everything it can to catch up to world standards and provide journalists with the best equipment and training to prepare them for the transition from traditional to multimedia journalism.

    “We receive a lot of assistance from PACMAS and Internews,” Chaudhary says. “However, we are constantly looking for more training opportunities. The world is already moving towards that, and we just have to follow suit or get left behind.”

    More confidence
    Fortunately for young Fijian journalists, Islands Business managing editor Samantha Magick says a lot of younger journalists are more confident to go out and produce and write their own stories.

    “It’s the education now,” she says. “All the journalists coming through are multimedia, so not as challenging for them.”

    University of South Pacific student journalist Brittany Louise says the practical learning of all the different media in her journalism course will be beneficial for her future.

    “I think that’s a major plus,” she says. “You already have some sort of skills so it helps you with whatever different equipment it may be.”

    Catrin Gardiner was a student journalist from the Queensland University of Technology who travelled to Fiji with the support of the Australian government’s New Colombo Plan Mobility Programme. This article is published in a partnership of QUT with Asia Pacific Report, Asia Pacific Media Network (APMN) and The University of the South Pacific.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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    USP hosts high-level People’s Daily media delegation from China https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/04/usp-hosts-high-level-peoples-daily-media-delegation-from-china/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/04/usp-hosts-high-level-peoples-daily-media-delegation-from-china/#respond Mon, 04 Nov 2024 07:18:11 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=106381 By Charlene Lanyon in Suva

    A high-level, seven-member delegation from People’s Daily, China’s most influential newspaper, has been hosted by the University of the South Pacific at its Laucala Campus in Fiji.

    The delegation, headed by deputy editor-in-chief Fang Jiangshan, emphasised the longstanding bilateral ties between Fiji and China, spanning trade, economics, and cultural exchange.

    People’s Daily is the official newspaper of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). It provides direct information on the policies and viewpoints of the CCP in multiple languages.

    With a circulation of between 3 and 4 million, People’s Daily is one of the world’s top 10 largest newspapers, according to UNESCO.

    USP’s deputy head of the School of Pacific Arts, Communication, and Education (SPACE), Associate Professor Shailendra Singh, led the university’s team that met the delegation recently.

    During the meeting at the Confucius Institute, discussions covered China-Fiji relations, people-to-people connections, and youth cooperation. Both sides explored potential collaboration in news production, talent cultivation, and academic exchanges.

    Dr Singh, who is also head of journalism at USP, welcomed the opportunity for collaboration, noting the growing calls within the Pacific media sector for stronger ties with Asia.

    Similarities highlighted
    He highlighted similarities between Asia and the Pacific in terms of history, culture, and development, which provide a natural basis for enhanced cooperation.

    Dr Singh also serves on the advisory committee of the Confucius Centre and highlighted that while contact had been limited due to distance and language barriers, recent efforts to foster closer relations were promising.

    Fang reflected on the historical ties between China and Fiji, noting that next year marks the 50th anniversary of diplomatic relations.

    He underscored the importance of language in fostering mutual understanding and praised the Confucius Institute’s role in promoting cultural and educational exchanges.

    Since its inception in 2012, the institute has been a vital bridge between China and Fiji, supporting cultural cooperation under the Belt and Road Initiative.

    Deputy chief editor Fang also commended the institute’s efforts during the covid-19 pandemic in 2020, when it continued offering online courses to strengthen the bond between the two nations.

    Republished from USP News.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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    An 11-Year-Old Denied Making a Threat and Was Allowed to Return to School. Tennessee Police Arrested Him Anyway. https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/30/an-11-year-old-denied-making-a-threat-and-was-allowed-to-return-to-school-tennessee-police-arrested-him-anyway/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/30/an-11-year-old-denied-making-a-threat-and-was-allowed-to-return-to-school-tennessee-police-arrested-him-anyway/#respond Wed, 30 Oct 2024 11:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/tennessee-school-threat-law-kids-arrested by Aliyya Swaby, ProPublica, and Paige Pfleger, WPLN/Nashville Public Radio

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    In late September, Torri was driving down the highway with her 11-year-old son Junior in the back seat when her phone started ringing.

    It was the Hamilton County Sheriff’s deputy who worked at Junior’s middle school in Chattanooga, Tennessee. Deputy Arthur Richardson asked Torri where she was. She told him she was on the way to a family birthday dinner at LongHorn Steakhouse.

    “He said, ‘Is Junior with you?’” Torri recalled.

    Earlier that day, Junior had been accused by other students of making a threat against the school. When Torri had come to pick him up, she’d spoken with Richardson and with administrators, who’d told her he was allowed to return to class the next day. The principal had said she would carry out an investigation then. ProPublica and WPLN are using a nickname for Junior and not including Torri’s last name at the family’s request, to prevent him from being identifiable.

    When Richardson called her in the car, Torri immediately felt uneasy. He didn’t say much before hanging up, and she thought about turning around to go home. But she kept driving. When they walked into the restaurant, Torri watched as Junior happily greeted his family.

    Soon her phone rang again. It was the deputy. He said he was outside in the strip mall’s parking lot and needed to talk to Junior. Torri called Junior’s stepdad, Kevin Boyer, for extra support, putting him on speaker as she went outside to talk to Richardson. She left Junior with the family, wanting to protect her son for as long as she could.

    Richardson quickly made his intentions clear. “We’re coming to arrest him,” he told the parents.

    In Torri’s memory, everything that happened next is a blur. Both parents began pleading with the officer: They told him Junior is autistic and would feel claustrophobic in the back of a police car in handcuffs. They said he wasn’t a danger to anyone. Could they drive him to the juvenile detention center themselves? “‘There’s no reason for you to put bracelets on an 11-year-old. He doesn’t understand,’” Boyer recalls saying.

    It didn’t work. Torri went inside to get Junior, holding back tears as she tried to explain what was happening. Boyer heard Junior crying on the other end of the phone and began to give him a pep talk. “‘Hey, listen, they got it wrong. I’m on my way down to the jail, and I will not leave until you come home with us. But you have to go with them,’” he recalls telling Junior. “‘Just let them take you.’” Family members followed Torri and Junior into the parking lot to see what was happening, and strangers watched from their cars. Junior’s 5-year-old brother was sobbing.

    Richardson put handcuffs on the 11-year-old and locked him in the back of the patrol car. In a police report written later that day, Richardson cited a new state law as the basis for the arrest. He did not respond to multiple requests for comment or to a detailed list of questions.

    After a shooter killed six people at Nashville’s Covenant School in 2023, Tennessee’s Republican-controlled legislature ignored calls to pass gun control measures. Instead, they passed a series of increasingly punitive laws aimed not only at preventing future violence but dissuading kids from making threats that disrupt school and terrify other students.

    Two contradictory laws went into effect before this school year began. One requires school officials to expel a student only if their investigation finds the threat is “valid,” a term that the law does not define. The other mandates that police charge people, including kids, with felonies for making threats of any kind, credible or not. As a result, students across the state can be arrested for statements that wouldn’t even get them expelled.

    Police in Tennessee say that even when kids make threats that are not credible, they need to be held accountable for their actions — including with arrests and felony charges. The Tennessee Sheriffs’ Association announced in September that law enforcement would “not tolerate anyone making threats and inciting fear within our schools and our community. Those responsible will be prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law.”

    Rep. Cameron Sexton, Tennessee House speaker and the Republican sponsor of the felony law, said his legislation is working as intended and will lead to safer schools. “Unfortunately sometimes you have to make examples of the first few who are doing it so that others know that it’s going to be taken seriously,” he said.

    Tennessee has not yet released statewide data on how many arrests for threats of mass violence have been made since school started in August. But Hamilton County arrested 18 students in the first six weeks of the school year, more than twice as many as Nashville’s Davidson County — despite Hamilton having far fewer students. Data that ProPublica and WPLN obtained through a records request shows that at least 519 students were charged with threats of mass violence last school year, when it was a misdemeanor, an increase from 442 the prior year. Many of them were middle schoolers and most were boys. The youngest child charged last school year was 7 years old.

    Juvenile defense lawyers, judges, school officials and parents criticized the felony law for casting too wide a net — unnecessarily traumatizing kids by arresting and handcuffing them over jokes, rumors and misunderstandings. Ben Connor, a school board member in Junior’s district, said the new law has muddied the waters, making it more difficult to spot real threats when so much time is spent punishing kids who don’t have the intent or the means to carry out violence.

    “We may not even be keeping the kids safer by choosing to just send everyone to jail,” Connor said. “At some point you’re going to get desensitized to so many children going to jail for silly things that a credible threat could easily pass through the cracks of that system.”

    Junior at home in Chattanooga (Andrea Morales for ProPublica) “We Don’t Pick and Choose”

    The incident that got Junior in trouble happened in science class, during the last hour of the school day. As he would later describe it to his parents, he overheard two other students talking. One was asking if the other was going to shoot up the school tomorrow. Junior looked at the other student, who seemed like he was going to say yes. So Junior answered for him. “Yes,” Junior recalls saying.

    According to the police report, other students went to the teacher and told her that Junior said he was going to shoot up the school. Junior denies ever having said that. He lives with his mom, who doesn’t own guns.

    It was the type of misunderstanding that, in past years, might have been sorted out by the teacher or a school counselor. But Tennessee law now requires school staff to report threats, credible or not, to law enforcement. If they don’t, they could be charged with a misdemeanor.

    Junior was called to the principal’s office to give his version of events. Since it was the end of the day, Torri joined him there when she came to pick him up. The principal, the dean and Richardson questioned Junior about what happened.

    After he retold the story, Torri asked what to expect the next day. Torri said the principal responded: “‘Oh, he can attend school,’ as if he was not a threat. No hesitation.”

    Relieved by what the principal said, Torri took Junior home to get ready for the birthday party.

    Hamilton County Schools did not respond to questions from ProPublica and WPLN about their general approach to threats of mass violence or Junior’s case, even though Torri signed a form giving school officials permission to speak about what happened to her son. Instead, Superintendent Justin Robertson emailed his communications team asking them to send the news organizations a “generic quote” on the district’s position.

    “We recognize the critical importance of identifying and assessing any threat of mass violence made within our schools and advocating for a system of assessment that prioritizes our value of care,” a spokesperson wrote in a subsequent email. “It is critical that we work in partnership with our local law enforcement agencies to conduct threat assessments to determine their severity level and hold individuals accountable for valid threats.”

    Junior’s parents felt it was overzealous of Richardson to track down Junior and arrest him at the party, especially since the officer knew he would be at school the next day. They later filed a citizen’s complaint against Richardson, stating that he “arrested their son on hearsay” and “wanted glory for making that arrest.” The complaint is still under investigation by the sheriff’s department.

    Under the law, Richardson did not need to consider the context or intent before making an arrest.

    “We don’t pick and choose,” Hamilton County Sheriff Austin Garrett told a panel of county commissioners at a public hearing in mid-September. His officers “know to make an arrest and charge the person making that threat, child or adult.” When Garrett was elected in 2022, one of his biggest priorities was installing more police in public schools, in part through state grants. Within a year, he succeeded. Garrett turned down requests to be interviewed for this story.

    Boyer, Junior’s stepfather, spoke on the phone twice in late October with Richardson’s boss, Hamilton County Sheriff’s Lt. Jeremy Durham. During the calls, which Boyer recorded, Durham said he had reviewed camera footage of the arrest and thought Richardson “did not violate policy.”

    “He was not out to get anybody,” Durham said. “None of us like doing this. There’s no high-five or big honor in putting a child in jail.”

    Durham said that ultimately internal affairs would review whether the case was handled properly. “We do have discretion, but it puts a little bit more burden on the deputy when it is a felony, especially one like threats of mass violence on school,” Durham said on one of the calls. He did not respond to multiple requests for comment.

    ProPublica and WPLN requested data from Hamilton County Schools on their response to threats in the first six weeks of school. The district investigated 38 threats from students in nearly all grade levels, including finger guns pointed at other classmates and remarks about burning down the classroom. One fourth grader was hit with a soccer ball at recess and angrily told students he would blow up the school.

    Police arrested 18 students, even though school officials labeled most of the threats as “low level” with “no evidence of motive.” Of the students arrested, 39% were Black, compared to 30% of students in the district overall. And 33% had disabilities, more than double the share of disabled students in the district’s population.

    Junior is Black. But his stepdad thought they had more time before they’d have to have the talk about how the police are not always looking out for his best interests. It was a lesson Boyer learned himself when he was a few years older than Junior. At age 13, Boyer was walking his dog when police officers stopped him and slammed him against a fence, saying he “fit the description” of a boy who had escaped from the nearby juvenile detention center.

    When he stumbled home, nose bleeding, he sought reassurance from his dad, who greeted him from the porch. His dad’s response has echoed in his head for years: “Yeah, boy, you’re going to deal with that your whole life.” Boyer is determined to avoid making the same mistake with his son. “I’m going to go to the end of the earth for my kids,” he said.

    Hundreds of children across the country are facing charges this year similar to Junior’s, especially after a deadly school shooting in Georgia this September fueled a frenzied response. School officials and law enforcement reported immediate increases in the number of school threats on social media and vowed to crack down on anyone making them.

    A Judicial Safety Net

    As soon as Boyer got to Hamilton County’s juvenile detention center the night of the arrest, he started making his case. Junior has autism, he told the man at the front desk. He’s probably scared out of his mind right now. He’s only 11 years old. Is there any way the man could tell Junior his parents were there, so that he knows he’s not alone?

    The man offered to bring Junior into a room with a window that was visible from the waiting room so that he could see Boyer. Hours passed like that, father and son trading half-hearted waves and thumbs ups while they waited.

    Boyer started to worry that the detention center might try to keep Junior overnight.

    But when he asked an employee, he found out that the detention center wouldn’t hold Junior overnight at all — he was too young. According to state records, the detention center holds children ages 12 through 18. Once Richardson finished writing his report, Junior was free to go.

    “So all of this is unnecessary. Putting the handcuffs on the kid, this whole show that you guys are trying to have,” Boyer said. “You’re not even gonna accept the 11-year-old.”

    Junior was only detained for a few hours before he got to go home, but other kids have been locked in juvenile detention for days. A recent lawsuit against the school board and district attorney in Williamson County, outside of Nashville, alleges that last September a high school junior was handcuffed, taken to juvenile detention and strip searched before being placed in solitary confinement. His requests to speak with his parents or a lawyer were denied, the lawsuit claims. He was held in juvenile detention for three nights, until he was released on house arrest.

    The arrest stemmed from an incident in his chemistry class. The principal asserted the student had raised his hand in a “Hilter salute” and made a threat against the school. According to the lawsuit, this claim was baseless and the teacher present denied that the student had done anything inappropriate.

    Williamson County’s school board disputed some of the facts of the lawsuit in a court filing in early October, including that a Hitler salute was the reason for the student’s discipline and that the teacher said he’d done nothing wrong. The school board did not describe what happened but said in the filing that the student’s “comments and actions warranted” discipline. A school district spokesperson declined to answer further questions about pending litigation, and the district attorney did not respond to a request for comment.

    It’s unclear what will happen with Junior’s case in juvenile court. He was charged with a felony, which could mean imprisonment in a state facility, though it wouldn’t follow him into adulthood because juvenile records are sealed. His case will be heard in juvenile court in December.

    “Because the charge has been enhanced to a felony level, some law enforcement officers started the school year thinking they had no choice but to make an arrest,” said Robert Philyaw, Hamilton County’s juvenile court judge and the president of the Tennessee Council of Juvenile and Family Court Judges.

    Many of the threats of mass violence cases he’s seen should never have made it to his court, he said. One child held up a battery and called it a bomb. He was arrested. Another said he was going to nuke the place. That child was arrested too, even though he realistically “didn’t have any plutonium in his backpack,” Philyaw said.

    “If some child says, ‘I’m going to run an elephant through here and it’s going to tear the school up,’ are they going to be arrested?” Philyaw asked. “Even though there’s no elephant in sight or within that child’s control? I don’t know.” Most of these cases in his court this school year have been dismissed after a thorough review, he said.

    According to a ProPublica and WPLN analysis of state data, juvenile court judges are rarely finding students “delinquent,” a term equivalent to “guilty” in adult court. In fact, about 80% of young people charged with threats in the past three school years have either had their charges completely dismissed or were sent through diversion programs, which could require them to complete community service hours, therapy or other interventions.

    Judges are, in effect, acting as safety nets at the end of a harsh process. In some cases, they’ve overruled district attorneys seeking harsher treatment of children. In Knox County, located in East Tennessee, judges largely rejected the local district attorney’s request to detain all children charged with making threats until trial — which could be up to 30 days.

    Rep. Bo Mitchell, a Nashville Democrat who co-sponsored the felony law, acknowledged that children who do not pose any danger are being arrested. But he said that district attorneys and judges should use good judgment when determining how to handle the charge.

    But Matt Moore, a defense lawyer in West Tennessee, said the stakes for children are too high to rely on the discretion of individual prosecutors and judges as protection from an overly punitive law.

    “The whole point is, these are juveniles. They’re supposed to make mistakes. They’re supposed to be young and dumb,” he said. “And if you don’t have a judge or a district attorney who take that into account, these kids’ lives are basically over.”

    Junior loves watching and playing football, and when he can’t be on the field, he often plays football video games. (Andrea Morales for ProPublica) “Who Takes Responsibility?”

    The only thing Junior loves more than talking about football is playing it. When the weather is too harsh to get outside, he plays his favorite football video game.

    His parents sat high up in the bleachers one day in early October as he ran drills alongside his teammates. They picked him out from the other students easily, his height and stocky build adding to his talent as a lineman. He often encourages the younger players on the team, an unofficial mentor.

    “This field is his place,” Torri said, smiling. “He’s the gentle giant of the field.”

    That night, Hamilton County Schools had been planning to host a town hall about the threats and arrests. Junior’s parents were hoping to attend and share their story as a way to advocate for their son while the charge against him remains pending in court. But the board canceled the meeting at the last minute without giving a clear explanation.

    By the time the two parents found out about the regularly scheduled school board meeting later that week, it was too late to sign up to make a public comment. They felt like they were constantly bumping up against roadblocks in a system that wasn’t designed to let them be heard.

    The school district has been grappling with the state laws since the start of the school year. Connor, a school board member, is the father of four daughters in the public school system. He drafted a resolution in an attempt to convince legislators to align the way schools and police handle threats of mass violence. Most importantly, he said, police should have to consider whether a threat is valid before making an arrest, just like schools are required to do before expulsions.

    “As a result of this unfortunate disparity,” the resolution reads, “students who have not made valid, credible threats against the security of the school or the safety of their classmates are nevertheless being arrested by law enforcement and detained when these same students might not face discipline at school.”

    The school board was supposed to vote on the resolution twice in the last two months, but it canceled both votes. Connor said the board will instead try to speak directly with the authors of the law. A group of parents, many organized by a chapter of the far-right group Moms for Liberty, showed up to speak out against the resolution at a board meeting in September. One school employee and parent begged the board not to ask for a change in the law and asked them to treat all threats the same: “How can you be sure it’s a valid threat?”

    Junior was suspended for two days, according to his parents, but the consequences of the arrest have lasted much longer. Junior can barely talk about what happened, even with his parents. He gets scared when he spots a police officer on the street. Little by little, Junior said, it’s gotten easier for him to sit in the classroom of the teacher who reported him to the police and to walk past the officer who handcuffed him and put him in the back of a cop car.

    In past years, Junior had struggled with reading and math due to his disability and required extra support in school. And it seemed to be working. Before the arrest, Junior was “rocking this school year,” his mom said. “I’m a proud mama.” He would check his own grades daily, excited to see how well he was doing and track his progress. His parents worry his improvements might be derailed.

    “So do you fault the officer? Do you fault the new law? Who takes responsibility of this massive problem?” Boyer said. “We’re traumatizing our children.”


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Aliyya Swaby, ProPublica, and Paige Pfleger, WPLN/Nashville Public Radio.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/30/an-11-year-old-denied-making-a-threat-and-was-allowed-to-return-to-school-tennessee-police-arrested-him-anyway/feed/ 0 499616
    Crisis, Culture, and Civility: Critical Media Literacy Education and Election 2024 https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/28/crisis-culture-and-civility-critical-media-literacy-education-and-election-2024/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/28/crisis-culture-and-civility-critical-media-literacy-education-and-election-2024/#respond Mon, 28 Oct 2024 16:20:25 +0000 https://www.projectcensored.org/?p=45180 With the 2024 US elections drawing near, host Mickey Huff moderates an expert panel discussion with three media scholars and educators about how critical-media-literacy education can enhance civic engagement. They outline the many challenges posed by social media, hyper-partisanship, and fake news, but also explore what educators can do to engage today's students and equip them with critical tools necessary to deconstruct media messaging and bridge communication barriers, both inside and outside the classroom. This program is also a special broadcast that is part of the Big Rhetorical Podcast Carnival. See here for more details.

    The post Crisis, Culture, and Civility: Critical Media Literacy Education and Election 2024 appeared first on Project Censored.


    This content originally appeared on Project Censored and was authored by Kate Horgan.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/28/crisis-culture-and-civility-critical-media-literacy-education-and-election-2024/feed/ 0 499367
    Remote Mangcayo school among areas hit by Typhoon Kristine floods https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/27/remote-mangcayo-school-among-areas-hit-by-typhoon-kristine-floods/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/27/remote-mangcayo-school-among-areas-hit-by-typhoon-kristine-floods/#respond Sun, 27 Oct 2024 12:15:38 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=105986 Asia Pacific Report

    A remote Filipino school in Bicol province assisted by a small New Zealand voluntary NGO has been seriously damaged by floodwaters in the wake of Typhoon Kristine (Trami) that left at least 82 people dead across the Philippines last week.

    Mangcayo Elementary School, which was submerged by Typhoon Usman fringe storms six years ago, is the impacted school. It was a school that had been assisted by the Lingap Kapwa (“Caring for People”) project.

    Now the school has been flooded again in the latest disaster. The school, near Vinzons in Bicol province, is reached by a narrow causeway that is prone to flooding by the Mangcayo Creek.

    ABS-CBN News reports that foreign governments and humanitarian organisations have been scaling up assistance in the Philippines to aid hundreds of thousands affected by the typhoon, which struck several regions over the past week.

    On Saturday, a C-130 cargo aircraft from the Singapore Air Force and a Eurocopter EC725 transport helicopter from the Royal Malaysian Air Force arrived at Colonel Jesus Villamor Air Base in Pasay City.

    The aircraft will provide airlift support to help bolster the Philippine Air Force’s operations in delivering humanitarian aid supplies to typhoon-hit communities.

    “During this challenging time, Singapore stands with our friends in the Philippines. This response underscores our warm defence ties and close Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) cooperation, as well as the enduring friendship between Singapore and the Philippines,” the Singapore Embassy in Manila said in a statement.

    Rescue work in Mangcayo barangay in Bicol province
    Rescue work in Mangcayo barangay in Bicol province of the Philippines. Image: Twitter/@pnagovph

    Chest-deep floodwaters
    Philippine rescuers waded through chest-deep floodwaters to reach residents trapped by the typhoon, reports Al Jazeera.

    Torrential rain had turned streets into rivers, submerged entire villages and buried some vehicles in volcanic sediment set loose by the tropical storm.

    At least 32,000 people had fled their homes in the northern Philippines, police said.

    In the Bicol region, about 400km southeast of the capital Manila, “unexpectedly high” flooding was complicating rescue efforts.

    “We sent police rescue teams, but they struggled to enter some areas because the flooding was high and the current was so strong,” regional police spokesperson Luisa Calubaquib said.

    At an emergency meeting of government agencies last Wednesday, President Ferdinand Marcos said that “the worst is yet to come”.

    Flashback to the Typhoon Usman floodwaters in Mangcayo, Philippines, in January 2019. Image: David Robie/Asia Pacific Report
    Flashback to the Typhoon Usman floodwaters in Mangcayo, Philippines, in January 2019. Image: David Robie/Asia Pacific Report


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/27/remote-mangcayo-school-among-areas-hit-by-typhoon-kristine-floods/feed/ 0 499282
    Can Tim Walz Help Democrats Course-Correct on Education? https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/23/can-tim-walz-help-democrats-course-correct-on-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/23/can-tim-walz-help-democrats-course-correct-on-education/#respond Wed, 23 Oct 2024 18:55:37 +0000 https://progressive.org/magazine/can-tim-walz-help-democrats-course-correct-on-education-lahm-20241023/
    This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Sarah Lahm.

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    California Law Mandates That Public School Children Be Taught About State’s Genocide of Indigenous Peoples https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/19/california-law-mandates-that-public-school-children-be-taught-about-states-genocide-of-indigenous-peoples/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/19/california-law-mandates-that-public-school-children-be-taught-about-states-genocide-of-indigenous-peoples/#respond Sat, 19 Oct 2024 22:21:57 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=154352 From the time the Europeans arrived on American shores, the U.S. government authorized more than 1,500 wars and attacks on Indigenous people and at the conclusion of the “Indian wars” in the late 19th century, of the estimated 10 million to 15 million native peoples, fewer than 238,000 remained. In the past I’ve written about […]

    The post California Law Mandates That Public School Children Be Taught About State’s Genocide of Indigenous Peoples first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
    From the time the Europeans arrived on American shores, the U.S. government authorized more than 1,500 wars and attacks on Indigenous people and at the conclusion of the “Indian wars” in the late 19th century, of the estimated 10 million to 15 million native peoples, fewer than 238,000 remained. In the past I’ve written about these efforts in the Great Plains and upper Midwest. I’m now spending some time  in Santa Barbara, California which has prompted my looking into that state’s role in the great American genocide. The Santa Barbara region was inhabited by Chumash people for at least 11,000 years and before the European invaders arrived the population was some 18,000. By 1900 it had declined to less than 500 and today it’s leveled off at about 5000.

    A new California law, which takes effect on January 1, 2025, requires that public schools begin teaching about the state’s treatment of Indigenous peoples. The State Department of Education must consult with tribes when updating the social studies curriculum and several tribes are advocating the inclusion of material contained in UCLA professor Benjamin Madley’s  book, An American Genocide: The United States and the California Indian Catastrophe, 1846-1873. This is the first comprehensive account of the state-sanctioned murder of California’s Native People. Madley documents how state and federal governments employed their legitimizing authority for the genocide and Congress financially underwrote California’s extinction campaign.

    The new legislation was set in motion five years ago when California Gov. Gavin Newsome publicly apologized for the “war of extermination” pronounced by Peter Burnett, the state’s first governor in 1851.  Newsome said that at time, state law required that Indigenous peoples be removed from their land, children separated from their families, native people stripped of their language and culture and a system of indentured servitude was begun. Under Gov. Burnett, California’s Indigenous population was reduced by 80 percent.

    In 1846, U.S. troops took control of California from Mexico and in 1848, the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo ended the war with Mexico. Mexico ceded California and its other northern territories for 15 million dollars. On January 6, 1851, the new governor of California said the following about the “Indians” in his inaugural address: “That war of extermination will continue to be waged between the races until the Indian is extinct. While we cannot anticipate this result with painful regret, the inevitable destruction of a race is beyond the power of wisdom of man to avert.” California Senator John B. Weller declared of the Indigene, “Humanity may forbid, but the interests of the white man demands their extinction.” This “myth of inevitable extinction”  fueled the ideology that Indigenes were destined to vanish, that it was simply their fate and unstoppable.

    And in case there remains any doubt that this was not official policy, we know that the men who “killed thousands of Indians from the 1840s to the 1870s were paid by the state of California and the federal government…they filed expenses and were reimbursed.” (Tom Fuller, “Hastings Law Grapples with the Founder’s Involvement with Native Massacres,” NYT, (pay wall, updated November 4, 2021). It should be noted that with the outbreak of the Civil War,  California sent 15,725 volunteers to serve in the Union Army. However there so many volunteers that enough remained at home to serve as the primary agent of the killing machine. Furtherduring the Civil War the Union government’s treasury was running perilously low but Congress still allotted major funding to the California Volunteers for their  Indigene-hunting operation. Madley calculates that at the end of the Civil War, only 34,000 Indians remained from from 150,000 in 1845. Limited attacks continued until 1871 when it was beginning to find any more Inidigenes left to kill. The decline was caused by killings, disease, starvation and massacres. Madley estimates that the “state spent 1.7 million — a staggering sum in its day — to murder some 16,000 people.”

    My hope (perhaps a fantasy) is that Indigenous and non-Indigenous public school kids in California will be deprogrammed and learn that genocide, like slavery, was part of the inherent capitalist logic of dispossesion.   Will they be exposed to the truth that there exists a glaring contemporay parallel to this history in Israel’s “plausible genocide” (ICJ) in Gaza and the future ethnic cleansing of the West Bank? Young Indigenous peoples understand that they are the descendants of genocide as the banner  flown by the Oglala Lakota’s Youth Council in South Dakota reads, “From Pine Ridge to Palestine.” Will school chidren learn, as Middle East Eye‘s Jonathan Cook points out, that Israel is now finishing the job it began in 1948? At least as important, will they be encouraged to understand that, as in the 1840-1871 period in California, the U.S. government is not only backing this modern day war of extermination but its actions are wholly consonant with the objective of U.S. imperialism in its efforts to maintain America’s global empire? Will they learn that both Israel and the United States were settler-colonial state projects and not as the official narratives proclaim, “nations of immigrants.”

    The post California Law Mandates That Public School Children Be Taught About State’s Genocide of Indigenous Peoples first appeared on Dissident Voice.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Gary Olson.

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    Tribal College Campuses Are Falling Apart. The U.S. Hasn’t Fulfilled Its Promise to Fund the Schools. https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/14/tribal-college-campuses-are-falling-apart-the-u-s-hasnt-fulfilled-its-promise-to-fund-the-schools/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/14/tribal-college-campuses-are-falling-apart-the-u-s-hasnt-fulfilled-its-promise-to-fund-the-schools/#respond Mon, 14 Oct 2024 09:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/tribal-colleges-universities-federal-funding by Matt Krupnick for ProPublica

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    In the 1970s, Congress committed to funding a higher education system controlled by Indigenous communities. These tribal colleges and universities were intended to serve students who’d been disadvantaged by the nation’s history of violence and racism toward Native Americans, including efforts to eradicate their languages and cultures.

    But walking through Little Big Horn College in Montana with Emerson Bull Chief, its dean of academics, showed just how far that idea has to go before becoming a reality. Bull Chief dodged signs warning “Keep out!” as he approached sheets of plastic sealing off the campus day care center. It was late April and the center and nearby cafeteria have been closed since January, when a pipe burst, flooding the building, the oldest at the 44-year-old college. The facilities remained closed into late September.

    “Sometimes plants grow along here,” Bull Chief said nonchalantly as he turned down a hallway in the student union building.

    Campus Snapshot: Little Big Horn College, Crow Agency, Montana

    Little Big Horn College appears to be in better condition than most tribal schools, but expensive issues lurk below the surface. One of the newest buildings, a gym and wellness center, needs $1 million in repairs to its leaky roof. And with the day care center and cafeteria closed, it’s harder to attend classes for students with children and those who live too far away to drive home for meals. Sharon Peregoy, who teaches education and is a member of the Montana House of Representatives, lamented the chronic underfunding of tribal colleges and universities: “This is an atrocity. We’re getting pennies on the dollar.”

    First image: Emerson Bull Chief, dean of academics, looks at leaky skylights. Second image: The closed cafeteria and child care center. (Matt Krupnick for ProPublica)

    While the school appears to be in better condition than most tribal colleges, its roofs leak, sending rain through skylights in the gym and wellness center, which needs $1 million in repairs. An electronic sign marking the entrance has been sitting dark since a vehicle hit it months ago. College leaders said they have no idea when they will be able to afford repairs.

    It’s a reality faced by many of the 37 schools in the system, which spans 14 states. Congress today grants the colleges a quarter-billion dollars per year less than the inflation-adjusted amount they should receive, ProPublica found.

    President Joe Biden declared early in his term that tribal schools were a priority. Yet the meager funding increases he signed into law have done little to address decades of financial neglect. Further, the federal Bureau of Indian Education, tasked with requesting funding for the institutions, has never asked lawmakers to fully fund the colleges at levels called for in the law.

    The outcome is crimped budgets and crumbling buildings in what the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights once called the “most poorly funded institutions of higher education in the country.” At a time when their enrollment is rising, the schools lack money to update academic programs and hire enough qualified instructors to train nurses, teachers and truck drivers and to prepare students to transfer to other universities. As they expand degree programs, their researchers are trying to conduct high-level work in old forts, warehouses and garages.

    The laws that authorized the creation of the tribal colleges also guaranteed funding, which was set at $8,000 annually per student affiliated with a tribe, with adjustments for inflation. But the federal government has never funded schools at the level called for in the statute, and even experts struggle to explain the basis for current funding levels.

    Since 2010, per-student funding has been as low as $5,235 and sits at just under $8,700 today, according to the American Indian Higher Education Consortium, which lobbies on behalf of the colleges in Washington. Had Congress delivered what’s required by statute, tribal colleges and universities would receive about $40,000 per student today.

    The Bureau of Indian Education has not asked Congress for major funding increases for the bulk of the tribal colleges in the past three years, according to the agency’s budget documents, and congressional negotiations have done little to increase what they get.

    The Bureau of Indian Education said in a written statement that when requesting funding, it follows guidelines set by the Department of the Interior and the White House. A department spokesperson directed ProPublica to the White House budget office for an explanation of the colleges’ funding; a spokesperson for the budget office declined an interview request and directed ProPublica back to the Interior Department.

    Biden called the colleges “integral and essential” to their communities in a 2021 executive order that, among other things, established a tribal college initiative to determine systemic causes of education shortcomings and improve tribal schools and colleges. But while it has led to some forums and largely ceremonial events, that initiative has done next to nothing substantive, advocates say.

    As funding has fallen behind the need, even the American Indian Higher Education Consortium — the schools’ primary pipeline to Congress and the Bureau of Indian Education — has asked for far less than the law says the colleges are entitled to. Its recent requests have been for around $11,000 per student.

    Some people advocating for the tribal colleges have noted a frequent topic of debate: Should the schools ask for what they’re owed and risk angering lawmakers or just accept the meager amount they receive?

    Separately, the colleges get very little for maintenance and capital improvements, money that isn’t part of the per-student funding.

    Asked why the Bureau of Indian Education doesn’t better understand the facilities needs at tribal colleges, Sharon Pinto, the agency’s deputy director for school operations, said, “We really wouldn’t know that because the buildings located at these tribal colleges are not necessarily federal assets and they’re not in an inventory system.” In a follow-up email, the bureau said it was waiting for the colleges to let it know what their facility needs are.

    Several college leaders and researchers said such responses are typical of a federal government that has routinely ignored its promises to Indigenous communities over the past two centuries.

    Meredith McCoy, who is of Turtle Mountain Ojibwe descent and taught at the tribe’s college in North Dakota, noted that Native education is guaranteed by federal law and at least 150 treaties. Neglect of tribal colleges reflects a conscious decision by Congress and the federal government to dodge accountability, said McCoy, now an assistant professor at Carleton College who studies federal funding of tribal schools and colleges.

    “The patterns of underfunding are so extreme that it’s hard not to see it as a systematic approach to underfunding Native people,” she said. “We’re teaching our children that it’s OK to make a promise and break it.”

    An Outdated System

    To evaluate the impact of the federal government’s underfunding of tribal colleges’ and universities’ academic mission, ProPublica sent a survey to the 34 fully accredited schools, of which 13 responded, and visited five campuses. Our reporting found classes being held in a former fort constructed more than a century ago; campuses forced to temporarily close because of electrical, structural and plumbing problems; broken pipes that destroyed equipment and disrupted campus life; and academic leaders who lack the resources to adequately address the issues, build new facilities and keep pace with growing enrollment.

    The colleges that responded to the survey reported that they commonly have problems with foundations, roofs, electrical systems and water pipes because they couldn’t afford maintenance. One campus put the price tag for repairs at $100 million. Several noted they don’t have money to upgrade technology so students can keep pace with skills required by the job market.

    Campus Snapshot: Diné College, Tsaile, Arizona

    The country’s oldest tribal college, Diné routinely faces flooding, leaks and electrical outages on its main campus, not far from Canyon de Chelly National Monument. College leaders recently spent $30,000 to locate the source of a leak in the cafeteria, where the floor is criss-crossed with cracks. The school’s rodeo grounds are pocked with prairie dog holes, and roads to the mobile home park and hogans that house employees are mostly unpaved. Classes are sometimes canceled because of electrical outages. “I sleep with my ceiling fan going because I know if that stops, I’ll be getting a call,” said Claude Sandoval, a facilities manager.

    First image: Maintenance foreman Wayne O’Daniel is concerned about peeling paint and crumbling concrete. Second image: O’Daniel shows where the floor of the cafeteria was repeatedly torn up. (Matt Krupnick for ProPublica)

    The Bureau of Indian Education stated in its 2024 budget request that delays in addressing the problems only makes them more costly to fix. Continuing to ignore them could in some cases create “life-threatening situations for school students, staff, and visitors” and “interrupt educational programs for students, or force closure of the school,” the bureau told Congress.

    But that same document did not request enough funding to fix the issues, college leaders say.

    In 2021, Congress began providing $15 million per year for maintenance, to be shared by all tribal colleges. That has since increased to $16 million — less than $500,000 per college. The same year, the American Indian Higher Education Consortium estimated it would cost nearly half a billion dollars to catch up on deferred maintenance. Construction of new buildings would cost nearly twice that amount. The organization acknowledged the actual price tag could be far higher.

    Tribal colleges are not allowed to raise taxes or use bond measures for basic academic or building costs.

    The schools receive no federal funding for any non-Native students who attend. Their budgets were stretched even tighter by the COVID-19 pandemic, when non-Native enrollment rose sharply as classes moved online. It has remained above pre-pandemic levels.

    The Tribally Controlled Colleges and Universities Assistance Act of 1978, which funded the schools, contributes to confusion over what they should be paid. While it specifies base funding of $8,000 per student, it also notes that colleges will only be given what they need, without explaining how that should be calculated, and only when the government can afford it.

    “When we think about the funding, it was set up for something that was needed 40 years ago,” said Ahniwake Rose, the American Indian Higher Education Consortium’s president. “What a school looked like and needed 40 years ago is absolutely not what it looks like and needs now.”

    Few Alternatives for Funding

    Though colleges and their representatives fault the Bureau of Indian Education, they say primary accountability falls on Congress.

    ProPublica contacted 21 members of the U.S. House and Senate who either sit on an appropriations or Indian Affairs committee, or who represent a district or state with a tribal college to ask if they were aware of the condition of the campuses. Only Rep. Teresa Leger Fernández, a New Mexico Democrat, spoke to ProPublica. The others either didn’t respond or declined to be interviewed.

    Leger Fernández, a member of the Indian and Insular Affairs subcommittee of the House Committee on Natural Resources, said she has pushed for the colleges to receive more funding but has been shut down by members of both parties, partly because of a lack of understanding about how they are funded.

    Rep. Teresa Leger Fernández, a New Mexico Democrat, says she has pushed for more funding for tribal schools but got shut down. (Tom Williams/Getty Images)

    “Our tribal colleges are part of our federal trust responsibility,” said Leger Fernández, whose district in northern and eastern New Mexico is home to three tribal colleges. “We made a commitment. This is an obligation the federal government has.”

    Former U.S. Sen. Ben Nighthorse Campbell, who chaired the Senate Indian Affairs Committee before retiring in 2005, said the colleges lose out to louder voices in Washington, D.C. “Federal money is always caught in a tug-of-war between needs,” Campbell said. “The needs are always higher than the amount available.”

    Yet tribal colleges have fewer alternatives for bolstering their budgets.

    Many of the colleges are far from industrial centers and have few wealthy alumni, college leaders say, so private donations are rare and usually small.

    Campus Snapshot: Oglala Lakota College, Kyle, South Dakota

    The campus on the Pine Ridge reservation is beset by leaks that flood hallways and cause mold to grow on the walls. Employees in the library, housed in an old warehouse, use trash cans to catch rain and safeguard the archives packed with tribal artifacts and documents. The college is proud of its STEM programs, which operate out of another warehouse with bowed ceilings and no insulation, making for brutal winters. A lack of space makes it difficult to use scientific equipment, which often is stored in hallways. “We have good stuff, just a shabby place to put it,” said Misty Brave, whose jobs range from teaching to community outreach. “But we make do. It’s something our ancestors taught us to do.”

    First image: A leak in a storage room is one of many on the campus. Second image: Misty Brave points out a broken window in a laboratory. (Matt Krupnick for ProPublica) Krystal Brave Eagle, who works at the Oglala Lakota College historical center, stands in front of the center’s photos of Oglala Lakota chiefs, including Little Wound, from whom she is descended. (Matt Krupnick for ProPublica)

    “We don’t have the alumni who can afford to donate,” said Marilyn Pourier, the development director at South Dakota’s Oglala Lakota College, which is perched on a hill on the Pine Ridge reservation. “We get a pretty good response, but it’s not enough.”

    The schools’ tuition is among the lowest in the nation, but college leaders are hesitant to raise it because most reservation residents already can’t afford it.

    Naomi Miguel, the executive director of the White House tribal college initiative, said she plans to press states to contribute more to tribal colleges and universities. At the moment, most provide little or nothing.

    “If the states would support the TCUs, they’d be supporting jobs in their communities,” said Miguel. “It benefits them overall to create this sustainable workforce.”

    “A Saving Grace”

    Shyler Martin stands in front of a hogan at Navajo Technical University, where she is a senior. (Kayla Jackson, special to ProPublica)

    Proof of the value of tribal colleges and universities, advocates say, can be found in what they accomplish despite their meager funding.

    Many are the only places teaching their tribes’ languages at a time when nearly all of the 197 Indigenous languages in the United States are endangered.

    They are often among the few places in their communities with access to high-speed internet. Nearly 28% of residents of tribal lands lack high-speed internet access, according to the U.S. Department of Agriculture.

    And some Native students find that the schools are a more welcoming place to pursue a degree and prepare for a career.

    Shyler Martin, who grew up on the Navajo Nation near Navajo Technical University, enrolled there after leaving New Mexico State University during her second year there. Now entering her senior year, Martin said it’s been a relief to learn from instructors who understand the pressures she faces as the oldest child of a Navajo family, with whom she shares responsibility for raising her younger sister.

    “They’re culturally sensitive and understanding,” Martin said of Navajo Tech’s staff. “I’m a parent, and they do what they can to help you continue school.”

    Yet her time at the college has included winter days when classrooms were so cold that students had to bring blankets and classes that were canceled at the last minute because of a shortage of qualified instructors.

    Tribes would be in dire straits without the colleges, said Carmelita Lamb, a professor at the University of Mary in North Dakota who has taught at and studied tribal colleges.

    “The tribal college has been a saving grace,” said Lamb, a member of the Lipan Band of Apache. “Had we never had the tribal colleges, I really shudder to think where we’d be now.”

    The colleges keep doing the best they can, but some are finding it increasingly difficult.

    Campus Snapshot: Chief Dull Knife College, Lame Deer, Montana

    Mostly squeezed into a decrepit former rehabilitation center, the 7-acre campus’s infrastructure problems are visible the moment students approach the crumbling concrete stairs at the entrance. Snow pours into hallways through doors that don’t seal and wind whistles through electrical outlets. “When I want to keep my lunch cold, I just put it here,” said Dean of Academic Affairs Bill Briggs, pointing at a plug behind his desk. Chairs roll across a sloped office floor, and the metal-and-wood outer walls of the main building are rusted and rotting. Without money for new classrooms and residence halls, the college has trouble attracting students and maintaining sought-after programs such as nursing.

    First image: Dean of Academic Affairs Bill Briggs inspects rotting wood. Second image: Briggs’ office was once a bedroom in a rehabilitation center. (Matt Krupnick for ProPublica) Chief Dull Knife College hasn’t been able to fund a planned $20 million academic building and ceremonial arbor. (Matt Krupnick for ProPublica)

    At Chief Dull Knife, college leaders planned three years ago to build a modern structure with classrooms and a ceremonial arbor, but the estimated price — $14 million at the time — was already out of reach even before it ballooned to more than $20 million because of inflation. The plans haven’t been scrapped, but Bill Briggs, the dean of academic affairs, talks about them in the past tense.

    “If we’re going to change the course of this country, everyone needs to have an opportunity,” Briggs said. “All we’re asking for is an opportunity to educate our students.”

    This story was produced with support from the Education Writers Association Reporting Fellowship program.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Matt Krupnick for ProPublica.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/14/tribal-college-campuses-are-falling-apart-the-u-s-hasnt-fulfilled-its-promise-to-fund-the-schools/feed/ 0 497535
    In a State With School Vouchers For All, Low-Income Families Aren’t Choosing to Use Them https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/12/in-a-state-with-school-vouchers-for-all-low-income-families-arent-choosing-to-use-them/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/12/in-a-state-with-school-vouchers-for-all-low-income-families-arent-choosing-to-use-them/#respond Sat, 12 Oct 2024 09:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/arizona-school-vouchers-esa-private-schools by Eli Hager and Lucas Waldron

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    Alma Nuñez, a longtime South Phoenix restaurant cashier with three kids, attended a community event a few years ago at which a speaker gave a presentation about Arizona’s school voucher program. She was intrigued.

    Angelica Zavala, a West Phoenix home cleaner and mother of two, first heard of vouchers when former Gov. Doug Ducey was talking about them on the news. He was saying that the state was giving parents money that they could then spend on private school tuition or homeschooling supplies. The goal was to ensure that all students, no matter their socioeconomic background, would have access to whatever kind of education best fit them. Zavala thought: This sounds great. Maybe it will benefit my family.

    And Fabiola Velasquez, also a mother of three, was watching TV with her husband last year when she saw one of the many ads for vouchers that have blanketed media outlets across metropolitan Phoenix of late. She turned to him and asked, “Have you heard about this?”

    Working-class parents like Nuñez, Zavala and Velasquez have often said in surveys and interviews that they’re at least initially interested in school vouchers, which in Arizona are called Empowerment Scholarship Accounts. Many across the Phoenix area told ProPublica that they liked the idea of getting some financial help from the state so that they could send their children to the best, safest private schools — the kind that rich kids get to attend.

    Angelica Zavala with her two daughters before school (Ash Ponders, special to ProPublica)

    Yet when it comes to lower-income families actually choosing to use vouchers here in the nation’s school choice capital, the numbers tell a very different story. A ProPublica analysis of Arizona Department of Education data for Maricopa County, where Phoenix is located, reveals that the poorer the ZIP code, the less often vouchers are being used. The richer, the more.

    In one West Phoenix ZIP code where the median household income is $46,700 a year, for example, ProPublica estimates that only a single voucher is being used per 100 school-age children. There are about 12,000 kids in this ZIP code, with only 150 receiving vouchers.

    Conversely, in a Paradise Valley ZIP code with a median household income of $173,000, there are an estimated 28 vouchers being used per 100 school-age children.

    Poorer Neighborhoods in Maricopa County Used Fewer Vouchers Note: Includes only ZIP codes with at least 200 school-age children, defined as kids 3 to 18 years old. Population sizes are estimates. Sources: American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates (2018-2022) and Arizona Department of Education Empowerment Scholarship Account Program Quarterly Report (FY 2024 Q2). (Lucas Waldron, ProPublica)

    The question is, if there’s interest in school vouchers among lower-income families, why isn’t that translating into use, as conservative advocates have long promised would happen?

    In our interviews, several families said that they simply didn’t know about the program. Some mentioned that they didn’t have the social contacts — or the time, given their jobs — to investigate whether vouchers would be a better option for their kids than public school, which is generally simpler to enroll in and navigate.

    Alma Nuñez and her family share dinner, a rare moment when the family is together during a busy school day. (Ash Ponders, special to ProPublica)

    But others, like Nuñez, Zavala and Velasquez, said that they knew plenty about Empowerment Scholarship Accounts. Still, they had come to understand that the ESA program was not designed for them, not in a day-to-day sense. Logistical obstacles would make using vouchers to attend private school practically impossible for them and their children.

    It starts with geography. The high-quality private schools are not near their neighborhoods.

    ProPublica compiled a list of more than 200 private schools in the Phoenix metro area using a survey conducted by the National Center for Education Statistics, as well as a Maricopa County listing and other sources. We found that these schools are disproportionately located to the north and east of downtown — in Midtown, Arcadia, Scottsdale, Paradise Valley and the suburbs — rather than to the south and west, the historically segregated areas where Nuñez, Zavala and Velasquez live.

    Only six of all of these private schools are in Census tracts where families earn less than 50% of the county’s median income of $87,000.

    Zavala talks to her daughters’ school bus driver. (Ash Ponders, special to ProPublica)

    So even if lower-income families were able to secure spots at a decent private school and could use vouchers to pay the tuition, they would still have to figure out how to get their children there. After all, while public schools generally provide free transportation via school buses, private schools rarely do.

    Would they send their kids on $30-plus Uber rides each way every day? Or on city bus trips that might take up to two hours in each direction, because the routes aren’t designed for students the way that school bus routes are? This might require their little ones to make multiple transfers, on their own, at busy intersections.

    Zavala used an app that showed the private schools near her home; there weren’t many, but she did know of one, St. Matthew Catholic School, that served students her daughters’ age and was in the vicinity. It also had sports and a dual-language program, which not many private schools provide.

    There Is Only One Private Elementary School Within 3 Miles of Angelica Zavala’s Home

    She filled out all the forms to apply for her daughters to attend St. Matthew using vouchers, before deciding that the stress of transportation — there wouldn’t be a school bus — wasn’t worth it. (Zavala also said she realized that the academics wouldn’t necessarily offer an improvement over public school.)

    Then there’s tuition. Zavala, as well as Nuñez and Velasquez, learned that a voucher might not even cover the full price of a private school.

    A typical voucher from Arizona’s ESA program is worth between $7,000 and $8,000 a year, while private schools in the Phoenix area often charge more than $10,000 annually in tuition and fees, ProPublica found. The price tag at Phoenix Country Day School, one of the best private schools around, ranges from $30,000 to $35,000 depending on the age of the student. (The Hechinger Report has also found that private schools often raise their tuition when parents have vouchers.)

    “Just because you gave me a 50%-off coupon at Saks Fifth Avenue doesn’t mean I can afford to shop at Saks Fifth Avenue,” said Curt Cardine, a longtime school superintendent, principal and teacher who is now a fellow at the Grand Canyon Institute, a left-leaning public policy think tank in Phoenix.

    Next add the cost of food: breakfast, lunch, afternoon snack. These are provided by public schools to students from lower-income families, but at private schools, parents typically have to pay for them.

    And throw in a supply of uniforms with the private school’s logo — hundreds of dollars more.

    Plus there is pressure to spend money at auctions, raffles and other fundraisers. (It’s Christian to do so, many religious private school websites say.)

    Nuñez (Ash Ponders, special to ProPublica)

    Consider the choices available to Nuñez. For 17 years, she was a cashier at a restaurant, working 10 or more hours a day. Now she is raising three children, two of whom have autism. Private schools have some appeal to her in part because they might have smaller class sizes and more support for her son in third grade, whom she describes as “an earthquake.”

    This section of the story works best on ProPublica's website.

    Alma Nuñez lives in this ZIP code, where 24% of households are in poverty.

    Neighborhoods with high poverty also have very low rates of school voucher use. For families like Nuñez’s, private schools just aren’t accessible, even with a voucher.

    She considered using a voucher to send her third grader son to a private school for kids with autism. But the closest such school, ProPublica found, is Banner Academy, which is too far away without a school bus.

    If she considered all private schools, no matter whether they provide special education, there would still only be four options within 3 miles of her home.

    One of those private schools charges about $4,000 more than Arizona’s standard voucher amount would cover, so she probably can’t afford to send her son there.

    Alma’s son may qualify for additional funding because of his disability, but she doesn’t know how much more or how to apply for it.

    She can only afford a private school if it provides free lunch, as public schools do. That eliminates two more of the nearby schools, leaving St. Catherine of Siena as her only option.

    St. Catherine, like most private schools, doesn’t provide free transportation like public schools do. It would be hard for Nuñez to drive her son every day, so her third grader would have to take two public buses on his own to get to school. It would be a 40-minute trip each way.

    None of those options seemed practical for Nuñez, so she decided to keep her son enrolled at the public school down the street.

    For all of these reasons, Nuñez, Zavala and Velasquez — despite their initial interest — chose not to use Arizona’s voucher program. Instead, they have each decided to start volunteering at the neighborhood public schools that their kids attend and to organize other busy parents to help make those schools better. They meet with their school administrators regularly. They lend a hand at drop-off and pick-up. They’ve organized “cafecitos”: an informal sort of PTA coffee hour.

    Velasquez and Nuñez attend a parent meeting run by ALL In Education, a Latino advocacy group that organizes parents to support their public schools. (Ash Ponders, special to ProPublica)

    “I’m committed to the idea of public school for my and my neighbors’ children,” Velasquez said. “I have zero regrets about not using ESA.”

    This school year, ProPublica is examining Arizona’s first-in-the-nation “universal” school voucher program: available to all families, no matter their income. We are doing so because more than a dozen other states have enacted, or are attempting to enact, voucher initiatives largely or partly modeled after this one.

    Arizona’s experience holds lessons for the rest of the country amid an election season in which the future of education is at stake, even as issues like immigration and inflation grab more headlines.

    As they were initially conceived, school vouchers were targeted at helping families in lower-income areas. The first such programs, in cities like Milwaukee and Cleveland, provided money specifically to poor parents who had children in struggling, underfunded public schools, to help them pay tuition at a hopefully better private school.

    Zavala embraces her daughter, whom she considered sending to a private school. (Ash Ponders, special to ProPublica)

    Conservative advocacy groups still say that this is the purpose of vouchers. “School choice provides options for low-income families” by breaking “the arbitrary link between a child’s housing and the school he or she can attend,” the Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank with deep ties to former President Donald Trump, said in 2019. “At the core of the school choice movement is the aspiration that every family obtain the freedom to pursue educational excellence for their children — regardless of their geographic location or socioeconomic background,” the Goldwater Institute, the Phoenix-based conservative think tank that pioneered and helped enact Arizona’s ESA law, has asserted.

    But now that groups like these have successfully pushed for vouchers to be made universal in several states, the programs are disproportionately being used by middle- and upper-income parents.

    “Arizona is the school choice capital of the U.S. — great, but if it’s not quality schools within a reasonable distance, then it’s not meaningful choice for our families,” said Stephanie Parra, CEO of ALL In Education, a pro-public-education Latino advocacy group that Nuñez, Zavala and Velasquez have been working with.

    Michael J. Petrilli, president of the Thomas B. Fordham Institute, a pro-charter-school and school voucher education reform think tank, told ProPublica that Arizona’s version of vouchers “is not well-designed to achieve the goal of providing more choice for low-income and working-class families.” He said that “if you were going to design a program that really wanted to unlock private school choice for those families, you would design it very differently than Arizona did.”

    Petrilli said that this would at least include means-testing the program: in other words, making larger vouchers available to lower-income parents, rather than giving the same amount to the very wealthy, who do not need the help. (Some states with near-universal voucher programs, he noted, give priority to lower-income families, unlike Arizona.) This would help poor parents cover the cost of transportation, among other things.

    Nuñez waits to pick up her son from third grade at Martin Luther King Jr. Elementary School. (Ash Ponders, special to ProPublica)

    Arizona’s program does allow parents to use their ESA money on transportation costs, but those who’ve already spent their voucher on tuition don’t have anything left for a year’s worth of Uber rides, city bus fares or gas. ESAs can also be used for homeschooling supplies, but most working parents can’t homeschool.

    Some private schools provide additional scholarships or financial aid to students from lower-income backgrounds, though the process can be complicated to navigate. In some instances, ProPublica found, private school application systems even require a nonrefundable fee to apply for need-based aid.

    Advocates for vouchers argue that many of these inequities already exist and are just as bad in the public school system. They note that poor families are often practically limited to the public schools nearest to them; it’s not as though the government provides transportation if parents want to send their kids to a better public school across town. (At least not since the end of the desegregation-era practice of busing Black children to mostly white schools. Busing helped to desegregate the public schools and improved academic outcomes for Black students, but it was broadly unpopular.)

    Michael McShane, director of national research for the pro-voucher advocacy and research organization EdChoice, said that it’s still “early days” for universal programs like Arizona’s, and that “there is an adoption curve anytime any new innovation takes place.”

    Asked why these efforts haven’t yet clearly helped lower-income families, McShane said that the “first movers” in a newly reformed system “tend to be more risk-takers, which sort of comes with affluence.” For lower-income parents whose children have long just been assigned to a public school, he said, school choice is “a muscle that has to be learned.”

    He acknowledged, though, that more still needs to be done to help students from less-affluent areas access private schools, especially in a sprawling state like Arizona. This could include providing larger vouchers based on students’ socioeconomic circumstances as well as working on the “supply side” of the system — developing new private schools in places where there aren’t many.

    But the question remains whether quality private schools, interested in making a profit, will have any reason to build new locations in South or West Phoenix, where most parents can’t pay tuition beyond their $7,000 voucher. So far, in these areas of the city, the free market has mostly just provided strip-mall, storefront private schools as well as what are called microschools, with little on their websites that working parents can use to judge their curricula, quality or cost. (Private schools in Arizona aren’t obligated to make public any information about their performance.)

    These schools might not be accredited. Their teachers might not be certified. They might close soon. They are certainly not the large, established, elite private schools of the American imagination.

    Velasquez and her son cool off after walking home in the Phoenix heat. (Ash Ponders, special to ProPublica)

    While lower-income families are struggling to access or even learn about ways to use vouchers, wealthier parents enjoy a smoother path.

    Affluent parents in the Phoenix area whose kids were already attending private school, for example, told ProPublica that they are now being sent webinars and other emailed advice — from the private school administrators to whom they are already paying tuition — on how to apply for vouchers to subsidize that tuition.

    Erin Rotheram-Fuller, a mom in South Scottsdale who is sending her daughter to a private school using the ESA program, is also an Arizona State University associate professor of education. She said that the program has largely worked for her family, in part because she lives in an upper-middle-class area and there are quality schools serving her daughter’s needs that are relatively nearby. Moreover, she has been able to rely on word of mouth and help from her social circle, asking other ESA parents for advice about navigating logistical issues, like which documents to submit during the application process.

    “As a parent, I’m grateful for it,” Rotheram-Fuller said of the program. “But there are several layers of barriers.”

    “Parents near us can make so many more choices than other families who really need it,” she said.

    The moms in South Phoenix agree.

    Zavala said that another reason that she didn’t ultimately submit those forms to send her daughters to private school using vouchers was that what she could provide materially was less than what she predicted the other kids at the private school would have. She worried that her little girls, if not equipped with the latest cellphone, laptop and other indicators of wealth, would feel left out or be bullied.

    Velasquez, meanwhile, wondered if she would be received in the same way at a private school as she is as a public school parent leader.

    “Yes, there might be a nicer playground and basketball court, but would I be able to advocate for them?” she asked, referring to her children.

    Velasquez walks her son to school. (Ash Ponders, special to ProPublica)

    Dani Portillo, superintendent of the Roosevelt School District in South Phoenix, which these three mothers all send their children to, told ProPublica that ultimately “parents will speak by choosing our schools.” She said, “The idea that if they don’t go to a private school, they’re not giving their child the best — no, that’s false.”

    These parents made a clear school choice of their own, Nuñez, Zavala and Velasquez said: to say no to vouchers.

    Mollie Simon contributed research.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Eli Hager and Lucas Waldron.

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    For NYT’s ‘Free Speech’ Maven, Racism Needs Protection, Gaza Protests Don’t https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/11/for-nyts-free-speech-maven-racism-needs-protection-gaza-protests-dont/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/11/for-nyts-free-speech-maven-racism-needs-protection-gaza-protests-dont/#respond Fri, 11 Oct 2024 19:09:36 +0000 https://fair.org/?p=9042543  

    What are the limits of free speech on a college campus? The New York Times has deployed one of its highest-ranking soldiers in the culture war against liberalism to remind us that the speech of white supremacists must be defended, but criticism of Israel and support for Palestinian human rights are going too far.

    Times columnist John McWhorter, who teaches at Columbia University, is a part of the paper’s growing chorus of elite, pearl-clutching commentators (e.g., 6/7/18, 11/9/21, 3/18/23, 2/24/24) who blame society’s ills on an amorphous enemy of tyrannical “wokeness,” which McWhorter (3/21/23) presents as “an anti-Enlightenment program.” The Times embraces the idea, widespread in corporate media (Atlantic, 1/27/21; Newsweek, 7/25/23), that today’s social justice warriors are the true enemies of free speech.

    NYT: I’m a Columbia Professor. The Protests on My Campus Are Not Justice.

    John McWhorter (New York Times, 4/23/24): “Why do so many people think that weeklong campus protests against not just the war in Gaza but Israel’s very existence are nevertheless permissible?”

    McWhorter found a limit to free speech and academic freedom earlier this year. He wrote (New York Times, 4/23/24) that he decided not to subject his students to an exercise where they would listen to the sounds around them, because they would be forced to listen to pro-Palestine protesters’ “infuriated chanting.” He said:

    Lately that noise has been almost continuous during the day and into the evening, including lusty chanting of “From the river to the sea.” Two students in my class are Israeli; three others, to my knowledge, are American Jews. I couldn’t see making them sit and listen to this as if it were background music.

    I thought about what would have happened if protesters were instead chanting anti-Black slogans…. They would have lasted roughly five minutes before masses of students shouted them down and drove them off the campus…. Why do so many people think that weeklong campus protests against not just the war in Gaza but Israel’s very existence are nevertheless permissible?….

    The idea is that Jewish students and faculty should be able to tolerate all of this because they are white.

    He’s clearly trying to portray leftist protesters as hypocritical and applying double standards: They readily seek to shut down racist speech but find anti-Israel speech “permissible.”

    Yet McWhorter himself, so quick to condemn what he says is “a form of abuse” of Jewish students through the “relentless assault” of protesters’ Israel-critical speech—and with no words of reproach for the school president’s decision to “crack down” on the protests and their freedom of expression—applies a very different standard when the campus speech in question is racist, sexist or homophobic.

    ‘Flagrant unprofessional conduct’

    NYT: She Is Outrageous, Demeaning, Dangerous. She Shouldn’t Be Punished.

    For McWhorter (New York Times, 10/3/24), “upholding the ideals of free speech” requires not punishing a professor who publicly insults her Black students.

    In sharp contrast to his denunciation of pro-Palestine protesters’ speech, McWhorter (New York Times, 10/3/24) offered a full-throated defense of Amy Wax, a University of Pennsylvania law professor who has been sanctioned by the school for “flagrant unprofessional conduct,” including “a history of making sweeping, blithe and derogatory generalizations about groups by race, ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation and immigration status,” as well as “breaching grade privacy requirements” (Wall Street Journal, 9/24/24).

    A faculty panel unanimously recommended Wax be suspended for a year at half salary, publicly reprimanded and stripped of her named chair; Wax has appealed the recommendation and is still teaching.

    Wax has said that the US is “better off with fewer Asians and less Asian immigration” (CNN, 9/25/24). The Daily Pennsylvanian (8/10/17) wrote that, in an interview, Wax “said Anglo-Protestant cultural norms are superior”: “I don’t shrink from the word ‘superior’…. Everyone wants to go to countries ruled by white Europeans.”

    Wax made public comments about Black students’ grades that were both a violation of confidentiality and, according to the Penn law school dean, false (Vox, 2/16/23):

    I don’t think I’ve ever seen a Black student graduate in the top quarter of the class, and rarely, rarely, in the top half. I can think of one or two students who scored in the top half of my required first-year course.

    The law professor has repeatedly invited white nationalist Jared Taylor to deliver guest lectures in her class, including this semester, after the faculty panel’s recommendation. She will be a featured speaker at a conference sponsored by Taylor’s white supremacist journal American Renaissance (Daily Pennsylvanian, 9/10/24)—where, according to the Southern Poverty Law Center, “racist ‘intellectuals’ rub shoulders with Klansmen, neo-Nazis and other white supremacists.”

    Given McWhorter’s previously stated belief that Jewish students shouldn’t have to listen to speech like “from the river to the sea,” one might expect that he would similarly condemn Wax’s subjection of her Black and brown students to eugenicist, white supremacist speech.

    Instead, McWhorter uses the Wax affair to defend the right of free speech, a role he didn’t take on when his own school clamped down on anti-genocide protests (Columbia Spectator, 4/4/24). Her views might be “Outrageous, Demeaning, Dangerous,” his headline declared, but “She Shouldn’t Be Punished” for them.

    ‘Living with discomfort’—or not

    Daily Pennsylvanian: Amy Wax again invites white nationalist to Penn class, joins conference with ex-Ku Klux Klan lawyer

    “We regard this to be a case not of free speech, which is broadly protected by University policy…but rather of flagrant unprofessional conduct by a faculty member,” a U Penn faculty panel insisted (Daily Pennsylvanian, 9/10/24).

    McWhorter, as a part of the anti-woke media movement to frame liberalism as the opponent of openness, accepts Wax as a victim of the cancel mob: “Her suspension,” he said, “is a kind of ritual act, an unconvincing performance of moral purity.”

    He wrote: “Upholding the ideals of free speech means living with the discomfort—or even anger and injury—that offensive ideas can cause.”

    The contrast with his earlier column is striking. If a Black or brown student is subjected to white supremacist speech, by his account, that student’s “discomfort—or even anger and injury” is their problem, and of less importance than protecting free speech. But if a white student is subjected to anti-Zionist speech, McWhorter considers it a “form of abuse” that they should not be expected to simply “be able to tolerate.”

    Penn Provost John L. Jackson, Jr.’s statement on the matter makes clear that Wax isn’t being sanctioned for merely breaking liberal conventions of decorum. A faculty review board found that Wax “engaged in ‘flagrant unprofessional conduct’ that breached [her] responsibilities as a teacher to offer an equal opportunity to all students to learn” from her (University of Pennsylvania Almanac, 9/24/24). The decision resulting from the investigation, to which the statement links, also says that the inquiry board decided against recommending a much tougher punishment, “namely, termination from her faculty position.”

    McWhorter deems the disciplinary action “egregious,” yet he voiced no similar complaints about disciplinary actions taken by Columbia and other schools against pro-Palestine protesters. He was also quick to call for the ouster of Harvard President Claudine Gay, a Black scholar who had been hounded by right-wing congressmembers over allowing criticism of Israel on her campus (NPR, 12/12/23; FAIR.org, 12/12/23) before being pushed out in a plagiarism scandal. McWhorter (New York Times, 12/21/23) admitted that the school’s plagiarism “policy may not apply to the university’s president,” but said the vibes of the matter trumped procedure, saying “Gay would be denigrating the values of ‘veritas’ that she and Harvard aspire to uphold” if she stayed.

    Acceptable and unacceptable restrictions

    Columbia Spectator: Over 80 student groups form coalition following suspension of SJP, JVP

    Columbia University’s suspension of the school’s Students for Justice in Palestine and Jewish Voice for Peace chapters (Columbia Spectator, 11/29/23) apparently did not contradict “the ideal of free speech,” in McWhorter’s view, because the university had not “categorically prohibited criticism of Israel.”

    McWhorter recognized the parallels between the Wax affair and the pro-Palestine protests, but insinuated the usual, and false, media equation between pro-Palestine and anti-Black speech that paints anti-Zionism as antisemitism (FAIR.org, 12/15/23). He wrote that the protests are another example in which universities have struggled with “identifying the line between legitimate protest and threats or harassment”:

    Student clubs have been suspended, demonstrations have been pushed off campus and at least one professor has been fired for sharing anti-Israel sentiments. But no university has categorically prohibited criticism of Israel. That’s because, as uncomfortable as the debate about Israel can be, and as close to home as it hits for many students, letting them encounter ideas that differ from their own is an important part of their education that prepares them to take their place in a democracy.

    The idea that racism is so uniquely toxic that it should be an exception to the ideal of free speech is not self-evident. It is specific to this moment, and will probably seem unwise and arbitrary to future chroniclers. Especially for universities, if exposing people to potential discomfort is permissible when it comes to geopolitics, then it must also be permissible when it comes to race.

    McWhorter seems to be drawing a line between acceptable and unacceptable restrictions on speech: Suspending student clubs, “pushing” demonstrations off campus (with the help of police in riot gear) and firing professors for anti-Israel sentiments are apparently fine by McWhorter, whereas “categorical” prohibitions on anti-Israel speech would cross the line.

    It’s remarkable that McWhorter doesn’t see that firing a professor over anti-Israel views is quite obviously a much harsher punishment than Wax faces—or that suspending a professor for a year for specific actions that harmed students is not a categorical prohibition on racist speech.

    Enormous chilling effect

    Intercept: University Professors Are Losing Their Jobs Over “New McCarthyism” on Gaza

    Natasha Lennard (Intercept, 5/16/24): “Since the beginning of Israel’s war on Gaza, academics…have been fired, suspended or removed from the classroom for pro-Palestine, anti-Israel speech.”

    What’s more, while he claims there has been no blanket ban on pro-Palestine thought, there have been so many official actions against faculty and students that we now see an enormous chilling effect on speech.

    McWhorter did link to the Intercept story (9/26/24) on the firing of a tenured professor at Muhlenberg College for having

    shared, on her personal Instagram account…a post written not by herself but by Palestinian poet Remi Kanazi calling for the shunning of Zionist ideology and its supporters.

    But there’s much more. New York University added “Zionist” to a list of “examples of speech that could violate the university’s Non-Discrimination and Anti-Harassment policies” (Washington Square News, 8/26/24), which has FAIR wondering what impact this might have on professors who teach Middle Eastern history.

    Steven Thrasher, an acclaimed journalist who has commented here at FAIR, teaches social justice reporting at Northwestern University, where he may lose employment because of his activism against the genocide in Gaza. Democracy Now! (9/5/24) reported that the university “filed charges against Thrasher for obstructing police that were later dropped.” However, “students returning to Northwestern for the fall term will not see him in their classrooms, because he has been suspended as Northwestern says he is under investigation.”

    Hyperallergic (9/20/24) reported that at Barnard College, the women’s college associated with Columbia, the administration sent

    behavioral directives for Barnard employees, specifying that “messaging…supporting a geopolitical viewpoint or perspective while denigrating or remaining silent about an opposing geopolitical viewpoint or perspective” and posting political signs on office doors would go against the college’s community values.

    Telling sociologists, historians, political scientists and anthropologists to refrain from “supporting a geopolitical viewpoint” is like telling a quarterback not to pass the football. Once again, this is the kind of directive that undoes the kind of open discourse McWhorter says he supports.

    Tip of the iceberg

    Inside Higher Ed: New Policies Suppress Pro-Palestinian Speech

    Radhika Sainath (Inside Higher Ed, 9/16/24): “Trying to appease pro-Israel forces by preventing protests against Israel’s brutal war in Gaza…colleges are rewriting policies that will have dire consequences on university life for years to come.”

    This is just the tip of the iceberg when it comes to campus repression of anti-genocide activists—many of whom are Jewish, despite McWhorter’s attempt to treat criticism of Israel as a form of anti-Jewish bigotry. Radhika Sainath, a senior staff attorney at Palestine Legal, wrote about the widespread erosion of freedom on campuses this year at Inside Higher Ed (9/16/24):

    Indeed, my office, Palestine Legal, is receiving a surge of reports of students being censored and punished as they return to school, often under the pretext that support for Palestinian rights (or wearing Palestinian keffiyehs, or scarves) violates Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 by creating a hostile environment for Jews, even though Jewish students are at the center of many of the protests and wear Palestinian scarves. Often, no reason is given.

    On one campus, students were slapped with conduct violations for writing an op-ed discussing a Gaza encampment in positive ways. Potlucks for Palestine have been canceled. Professors who reference Gaza or Palestine in their courses are told those courses are not fit for the curriculum, or having their syllabi scrutinized—or turned over to Congress in a manner reminiscent of the McCarthy era. Adjuncts have been fired. Tenure-track professors suspended. Tenured professors investigated.

    If universities banned students from wearing Tibetan clothes or canceled “momo night” because these things might offend Chinese students, we could bet good money that McWhorter and the rest of the anti-woke pack would be up in arms, and rightfully so.

    But McWhorter is only fighting to protect conservatives, which are classified as political victims in liberal academic society. We have come to expect such hypocrisy from the New York Times and other media’s anti-woke moral panic (FAIR.org, 10/23/20, 7/23/21, 11/17/21, 3/25/22). But it’s remarkable that McWhorter feels comfortable being so contradictory and misleading in disingenuous pursuit of “free speech.”


    ACTION ALERT: You can send a message to the New York Times at letters@nytimes.com. Please remember that respectful communication is the most effective. Feel free to leave a copy of your communication in the comments thread.


    This content originally appeared on FAIR and was authored by Ari Paul.

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    Those Who Live in the Past are Doomed to Repeat it https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/11/those-who-live-in-the-past-are-doomed-to-repeat-it/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/11/those-who-live-in-the-past-are-doomed-to-repeat-it/#respond Fri, 11 Oct 2024 14:52:17 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=154115 We all were sea-swallow’d, though some cast again, And by that destiny to perform an act Whereof what’s past is prologue, what to come In yours and my discharge.” ― William Shakespeare, The Tempest (II.i.) While Washington’s two favorite pit bulls, the Banderite entity and the Zionist entity, are being used to perpetrate a genocide […]

    The post Those Who Live in the Past are Doomed to Repeat it first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
    We all were sea-swallow’d, though some cast again,
    And by that destiny to perform an act
    Whereof what’s past is prologue, what to come
    In yours and my discharge.”

    ― William Shakespeare, The Tempest (II.i.)

    While Washington’s two favorite pit bulls, the Banderite entity and the Zionist entity, are being used to perpetrate a genocide in Gaza and wage an increasingly dangerous proxy war on Russia, it is important to acknowledge the role of Zionism and neoliberalism in the unleashing of these bloodbaths. Indeed, both dogmas are indicative of a dangerous trend in contemporary Western politics whereby legacy media automatons are hoodwinked into falling under the spell of a cult ideology which traps them in the past rendering millions of malleable minds incapable of fact-based observation and discussion. This lamentable state of affairs is intertwined with the fact that political ignorance typically stems from two things: not knowing the past — illiteracy; and living in the past, whereby a group of people become so obsessed with a historical event that they see it being repeated over and over leading to the death of reason and a dissolution of morality.

    Zionists view current events through the historical prism of European anti-Semitism, and in particular the anti-Semitic pogroms and massacres of early 20th century Europe. Consequently, whatever barbarities are committed by West Bank settlers and Israeli occupation forces Zionists invariably seek to justify these crimes as self-defense, because in this Jewish supremacist ideology Jews can only be the oppressed, they can never be the oppressor. The inability to view contemporary political problems outside of this fallacious historical model rooted in a fixation with the Ukrainian pogroms of 1918 to 1921 and the Nazi perpetrated Holocaust has led the Zionist down a road of depravity.

    A similarly self-destructive and ahistorical mentality is on display with regards to blind neoliberal support for Obama and Kamala Harris, who check off the right boxes vis-à-vis race and gender, leading the anti-white jihadi and Feminisis to not only fervently back these deep state sock puppets but to also rage at their heroes’ detractors who are denounced as “racists,” “Nazis,” “fascists,” “white supremacists,” etc. It is impossible to overstate the role of the multicultural curriculum in ushering in this pathological ideology which prevents neoliberal cultists from having a fact-based discussion about grave problems which threaten democracy, civilization, and even the survival of our species.

    Ultimately, the Western elites are only interested in power and securing natural resources, which are incidentally quite plentiful off the coast of Gaza and in the Donbass (see herehere, and here). And yet these elites need an element of support from the masses, and this is done by fomenting extremist ideologies that trap the gullible in a vortex of historically specious ideation.

    Writing for the pitiful Times of Israel, Canaan Lidor’s article “At Auschwitz, Holocaust survivors scarred by October 7 march in a show of resilience” perpetuates the once disturbing and by now grotesque Holocaust industry tropes, arguing that there is somehow a correlation between these two events. This intellectually erroneous line of thinking in fact debases and even erases the memory of the Holocaust by equating it in many people’s minds with Zionist propaganda and ethnic cleansing.

    As Zionists relentlessly foment anti-Semitism, Jews are in fact made less safe by the actions of the settler colonial entity, which embodies the “Antimoses” to Christianity’s Antichrist. The author complains of “The surge of antisemitism in Europe and North America, and especially on campuses by young individuals,” as if Zionist war crimes somehow played no role in the former, only to parrot the exasperating yet banal argument that anti-Zionism and anti-genocide protests are somehow indicative of anti-Semitism.

    While not complaining about the hundreds of Israelis that lost their lives on October 7 (many of whom of course were murdered by their own government in an unprecedented invoking of the Hannibal Directive) without feeling even a tinge of remorse for the likely hundreds of thousands of Palestinian civilians who have lost their lives or been grievously injured amidst the recent tsunami of violence unleashed upon the inhabitants of Gaza, Zionists delight in bashing anti-Zionist Jews, who they derisively refer to as “self-hating Jews;” and the even more deranged, “kapos.”

    In “The Crisis in Ukraine Has Disturbing Echoes of the 1930s,” published in Time, the author, who fittingly teaches history at Cornell, pens nonsensical passage after nonsensical passage in the perverse and yet all too common attempt at presenting Russia’s invasion of Ukraine as an inversion of Nazi Germany’s policy of Drang nach Osten, thereby denying NATO’s encroachment into the former Soviet space along with the war’s attritional nature, while simultaneously vilifying and ridiculing the Russian military for its alleged poor performance. (The rabid barbarians are trying to conquer all of Europe yet cannot even conquer a quarter of Ukraine).

    The article perfectly encapsulates the neoliberal worldview: our peaceful world order – one which is altruistically, nobly, and selflessly run by the West – is constantly under threat by new Hitlers: Assad, Milošević, Gaddafi, Saddam Hussein, Osama bin Laden (a Hitler who didn’t even have his own country), Trump; and the Hitler who has apparently out-Hitlered Hitler, Putin.

    Nowhere does the author mention the unconstitutional US-backed ultra-nationalist putsch in February of 2014 which violently removed the democratically elected government of Viktor Yanukovych and brought to power the intensely Russophobic heirs to Stepan Bandera, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, the Nachtigall Battalion, and the 14th Waffen Grenadier Division of the SS, thereby turning the country into a failed state and a NATO-owned battering ram. The brainwashing of Ukrainian children under the Banderites is well documented (see here and here), as are atrocities and war crimes that the nationalist battalions have committed in the Donbass (see here, here, here, here and here).

    (The Ukrainian nationalists of the Second World War regarded themselves as “Aryans,” but the Nazis looked on them as Slavs and hence Untermenschen, preferring to use the Banderites as a truncheon against perceived enemies of the Reich. The Western elites regard the modern Banderite fascists in precisely the exact same way).

    Nowhere does the Time article mention NATO’s relentless eastward expansion in explicit violation of decades of Russian warnings, or the fact that the Kremlin repeatedly tried to end the Donbass war through their tireless support for the Minsk accords, which the Western elites and their skinhead government in Kiev never had any intention of implementing and which they used as a ruse with which to build up robust Ukrainian armed forces, something later admitted by Angela Merkel.

    This demonization of Moscow’s intervention in a Ukrainian civil war spawned by the US-backed Banderite Maidan putsch follows a similar script to that which White House stenographers used to cover the Chechen civil wars, where the Russians were portrayed as mindlessly massacring Chechens, either out of racism or sheer boredom. Today, the government in Grozny fully backs the special military operation, yet this is conveniently omitted from the narrative and its implications ignored (see here, here, and here).

    “Hitler guaranteed peace and grabbed a piece of Czechoslovakia. By agreeing to negotiate with him, the Western powers effectively turned him into a new arbiter of the international system,” laments the Ivy League genius. The message: the Western elites are good and negotiating with Hitlers is bad. She continues:

    “Nazi Germany’s expansion into Eastern Europe in the 1930s provides us with a sobering lesson that may also apply to Putin and Russia today: even the most unimaginable scenarios, the strangest ramblings of lunatics can come true when people close their eyes to their possibility until it becomes too late.”

    In other words, Putin is unhinged while the West is run by people who are eminently rational – a complete upending of reality.

    How can the sensible among us pull our mad countrymen out of this infernal prison of hubris, hallucination, and lies?

    In actuality, the entire war between Russia and Ukraine as portrayed in the legacy media is an illusion. What we are really witnessing is an increasingly dangerous war between Russia and the combined military industrial might of the collective West, with NATO using the Banderite army as cannon fodder, and this is evidenced by the fact that without access to NATO materiel, and in particular NATO intelligence surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR), the Banderite entity would have capitulated many months, if not years ago. Delusional thinking about the origins of the conflict are compounded by delusional thinking regarding the military realities as they are playing out on the battlefield, with the fundamental disparities in military industrial capacity, artillery, trained and motivated manpower, and air power irreversibly in Russia’s favor.

    As the Banderite army suffers from increasingly serious manpower deficiencies, there is a risk that Washington may send NATO troops to relieve Banderite positions in the west and north of the country allowing Kiev to send more soldiers to the front, or that NATO could even attempt to occupy Ukraine west of the Dnieper. There is also a risk that the Banderite entity could be used as a platform with which to strike command and control in the Russian rear, that NATO could decide to shoot down Russian missiles headed towards targets in Western Ukraine by launching interceptor missiles from neighboring NATO countries, that Washington could allow F-16s to take off from NATO bases prior to assaulting Russian lines, that there could be another provocation involving the Kaliningrad rail link, or that there could be an incident in the Black Sea or Baltic Sea. Any of these scenarios could easily bring NATO and Russia into direct kinetic conflict.

    As the Ukrainian nationalists possess neither the technology nor the military technical expertise with which to execute long-range strikes deep inside Russia, Putin has explicitly warned that should NATO decide to use Ukrainian territory as a launching pad with which to carry out such attacks this would mark a crossing of the Rubicon leading the Kremlin to conclude that NATO had directly entered the conflict.

    In order to prolong the war and prevent a Russian victory in their imaginary struggle of democracy verses autocracy, the Western elites have consistently given the Banderite junta new NATO weapons in an attempt at throwing their opponent off balance and forcing the Russian Ministry of Defense to spend time trying to figure out how to counteract these weapon systems, which they have generally been successful in doing, especially through the utilization of electronic warfare. The crisis that we presently face is intertwined with the fact that, as the nationalist lines start to buckle, the Western elites are faced with the realization that they no longer have much left to give the Banderite army – with the exception of one thing: their own direct military involvement. Barring this, nothing can prevent the inevitable defeat of the Banderite entity on the field of battle.

    The preposterous idea being peddled by American pundits such as John Bolton, David Petraeus, and Ben Hodges that the US can continue to indefinitely poke the bear with increasingly dangerous and brazen provocations, and that Moscow would never dare attack NATO directly, is reminiscent of the attitude of the Truman administration during the final days of the Second World War in the Indo-Pacific when they were acutely aware of the fact that they had atomic weapons while the other side did not. Unfortunately, as any sane person can tell you, this is simply not the case.

    In his commencement address at American University in Washington, DC, on June 10, 1963, John F. Kennedy warned of those who would seek to humiliate a nuclear power:

    “Above all, while defending our own vital interests, nuclear powers must avert those confrontations which bring an adversary to a choice of either a humiliating retreat or a nuclear war. To adopt that kind of course in the nuclear age would be evidence only of the bankruptcy of our policy – or of a collective death-wish for the world.”

    With appalling articles such as the aforementioned demonstration of humanitarian intervention presstitution hijacking the minds of the vast majority of Americans, there is a total lack of any viable anti-war movement in the United States regarding the cataclysmic conflict that has been raging for over two years in Eastern Europe. While we stand precipitously at the abyss of a great power conflict that could quickly escalate to the nuclear level, this psyop represents one of the most successful in the history of deep state propaganda, with only a minuscule fraction of the population having any understanding of the chronological timeline and sequence of events that led up to this preventable war which has claimed hundreds of thousands of lives.

    For the Kremlin the crisis is existential, as they hold it to be imperative that security be restored, both along their Western frontier and for Russian speaking Ukrainians. The Western elites regard the crisis as existential, as Western finance capital has sunk its fangs into Ukraine and there is a growing sense that Western imperial hegemony is at stake. Meanwhile, the vast majority of Americans view the war as a kindergartner would while watching a Star Wars movie.

    In The Life of Reason: The Phases of Human Progress (1905) George Santayana wrote:

    Progress, far from consisting in change, depends on retentiveness. When change is absolute there remains no being to improve and no direction is set for possible improvement: and when experience is not retained, as among savages, infancy is perpetual. Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.

    In the first stage of life the mind is frivolous and easily distracted; it misses progress by failing in consecutiveness and persistence. This is the condition of children and barbarians, in whom instinct has learned nothing from experience.

    And have we not in many ways become a nation of children and barbarians?

    Domestically, neoliberal cultists likewise remain trapped in the past, as evidenced by their viewing virtually everything that unfolds at home through either the lens of the civil rights movement or through the struggle between secular forces and the forces of Christian fundamentalism as famously laid out in Jerome Lawrence and Robert E. Lee’s play Inherit the Wind, the latter playing a significant role in deceiving neoliberals into supporting the Branch Covidian putsch when they fell prey to the lie that defenders of informed consent were “anti-science.”

    The incessant and intellectually erroneous use of the epithets “racist,” “fascist,” “far right,” and “white supremacist” by neoliberal cultists is not without irony as these terms are indeed applicable to both the language and behavior of the Zionist entity and the Banderite entity. Incredibly, when real Nazis and fascists appear neoliberals are unable to identify them, and even more absurd, are deceived and manipulated into supporting the very devils that they are so ostensibly afraid of.

    That the likes of the Azov Battalion, Aidar Battalion, Right Sector, Svoboda party, and C14 are enthusiastically backed by Western liberals even as they simultaneously rail against imaginary Nazis (“Covid deniers,” “anti-vaxxers,” “Putin apologists,” “Trumpers,” critics of multiculturalism and open borders, etc.) underscores the dangers of mythologizing a traumatic historical event.

    My position is not that the Second World War should be expunged from the canon, but rather, that it should be taught in a more nuanced and rigorous manner, with a particular emphasis on the Weimar years and the motives of Western corporations in bankrolling the Nazis, as opposed to the conflict being used as a pulpit for Libtard Taliban and depraved Zionists to feast upon.

    American education must be rebuilt from the ashes of the book burners and the Holocaust industry priests and a new curriculum forged that neither demonizes Western civilization, leading to mass illiteracy and a dissolution of the collective memory, nor glorifies it in a jingoistic manner, both of which foment amnesia, degrade reason, and perpetuate the West’s blood-drenched imperial legacy.

    If our civilization is to survive there must be a restoration of the humanities so that the younger generation will be able to debate historically significant periods that are integral to our identity. Undoubtedly, this will be difficult to achieve in an educational environment dominated by warmongers, Russophobes, Wall Street fundamentalists, and hysterical identity politics crusaders.

    While millions of Americans clamor for bombs to be dropped on people of whom they know nothing while ignoring catastrophic problems in their own backyard, Sun Tzu’s words from The Art of War echo down to us through the millennia:

    “If you know the enemy and know yourself, you need not fear the result of a hundred battles. If you know yourself but not the enemy, for every victory gained you will also suffer a defeat. If you know neither the enemy nor yourself, you will succumb in every battle.”

    Knowing the past is essential. Yet obsessively losing oneself to a particular tragedy where a sophistic historical paradigm is relentlessly, religiously, and dogmatically driven home can only lead to the closing of the illimitable mind and the return of history’s haunted siren song of sectarianism and zealotry.

    The post Those Who Live in the Past are Doomed to Repeat it first appeared on Dissident Voice.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by David Penner.

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    Police question students of shuttered Vietnamese education company https://www.rfa.org/english/news/vietnam/freehub-education-organization-investigation-10092024163955.html https://www.rfa.org/english/news/vietnam/freehub-education-organization-investigation-10092024163955.html#respond Wed, 09 Oct 2024 20:41:18 +0000 https://www.rfa.org/english/news/vietnam/freehub-education-organization-investigation-10092024163955.html Read this story in Vietnamese

    A non-profit organization that offered courses aimed at fostering independent thinking among Vietnamese citizens still has the attention of government investigators almost a year after it was forced to shut down. 

    Authorities have summoned some 50 students and teachers for questioning in the 10 months since FreeHub Education Solutions Company Ltd., or FreeHub, was closed, according to Nguyen Ho Nhat Thanh, the company’s founder.

    FreeHub opened in 2022 with the goal of giving learners the ability to think from multiple perspectives and make sound decisions in their personal lives. It offered courses – both online and in person – in philosophy, psychology, sociology, economics, history, culture and art. 

    Even though the classes didn’t discuss Vietnamese politics, authorities still viewed FreeHub as a threat, Thanh told Radio Free Asia on Monday.

    “It worried security agencies, who accused us of having toppling schemes,” he said. “The current regime is an ideological dictatorship. Therefore, different thinking flows are seen as threats.”

    02 FreeHub activist Vietnam learning education students.jpg
    Students sit inside a stadium ahead of celebrations of the 70th anniversary of the 1954 Dien Bien Phu victory over French colonial forces in Dien Bien Phu city on May 7, 2024. (Nhac Nguyen/AFP)

    Vietnamese courts have sentenced numerous journalists, boggers and activists over the last decade in an ongoing campaign to crush dissent. 

    Additionally, more than 60 people have been convicted and jailed for long terms for suspected links to a self-proclaimed government-in-exile that was founded in the U.S. in 1991. The Ministry of Public Security listed the group – known as the Provisional National Government of Vietnam – as a terrorist organization in 2018. 

    Summoned for questioning

    Thanh, also known as Paulo Thanh Nguyen, said he closed FreeHub in late 2023 in response to police harassment of its students in several locations.

    In the announcement posted on his personal Facebook page, Thanh wrote that trouble with authorities began after FreeHub offered a course on community development. Since then, FreeHub’s Facebook page has been taken down and its service provider has blocked access to its website.

    Security forces have continued to target students anyway, going to their homes or summoning them to government offices where they have been told to write personal reflections or reports, Thanh said, citing discussions with students.

    Security officers forced them to hand over their cellphones and laptops and to provide passwords, he added. 

    “Teachers have also been summoned,” Thanh said. “Security officers said the program was run by a reactionary organization, distorting many things and warning them they were not allowed to continue participating.”


    RELATED STORIES

    Vietnamese Authorities Raid a Civil Society Training Class

    Vietnamese Authorities Beat Dissident Bloggers on Human Rights Day


    The Ministry of Public Security seems to want to make FreeHub into a major case by linking it with overseas organizations already labeled as “hostile forces,” Thanh added. 

    Police have only summoned FreeHub students and teachers so far. Thanh said he believes authorities are collecting evidence for his eventual arrest.

    RFA called the Ministry of Public Security’s Security Investigation Agency to seek comment on Thanh’s accusations. The officer who answered the phone suggested that RFA’s reporter come to headquarters in person or send in a written request in order to receive a response.

    Thanh previously organized human rights events like “Human Rights Coffee” – a space for activists to meet following anti-China protests in Hanoi in 2014. He has also conducted training programs for young activists in various cities and provinces.

    Translated by Anna Vu. Edited by Matt Reed and Malcolm Foster.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Vietnamese.

    ]]>
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    Police question students of shuttered Vietnamese education company https://rfa.org/english/news/vietnam/freehub-education-organization-investigation-10092024163955.html https://rfa.org/english/news/vietnam/freehub-education-organization-investigation-10092024163955.html#respond Wed, 09 Oct 2024 20:41:18 +0000 https://rfa.org/english/news/vietnam/freehub-education-organization-investigation-10092024163955.html Read this story in Vietnamese

    A non-profit organization that offered courses aimed at fostering independent thinking among Vietnamese citizens still has the attention of government investigators almost a year after it was forced to shut down.

    Authorities have summoned some 50 students and teachers for questioning in the 10 months since FreeHub Education Solutions Company Ltd., or FreeHub, was closed, according to Nguyen Ho Nhat Thanh, the company’s founder.

    FreeHub opened in 2022 with the goal of giving learners the ability to think from multiple perspectives and make sound decisions in their personal lives. It offered courses – both online and in person – in philosophy, psychology, sociology, economics, history, culture and art.

    Even though the classes didn’t discuss Vietnamese politics, authorities still viewed FreeHub as a threat, Thanh told Radio Free Asia on Monday.

    “It worried security agencies, who accused us of having toppling schemes,” he said. “The current regime is an ideological dictatorship. Therefore, different thinking flows are seen as threats.”

    Students sit inside a stadium ahead of celebrations of the 70th anniversary of the 1954 Dien Bien Phu victory over French colonial forces in Dien Bien Phu city on May 7, 2024. (Nhac Nguyen/AFP)
    Students sit inside a stadium ahead of celebrations of the 70th anniversary of the 1954 Dien Bien Phu victory over French colonial forces in Dien Bien Phu city on May 7, 2024. (Nhac Nguyen/AFP)

    Vietnamese courts have sentenced numerous journalists, boggers and activists over the last decade in an ongoing campaign to crush dissent.

    Additionally, more than 60 people have been convicted and jailed for long terms for suspected links to a self-proclaimed government-in-exile that was founded in the U.S. in 1991. The Ministry of Public Security listed the group – known as the Provisional National Government of Vietnam – as a terrorist organization in 2018.

    Summoned for questioning

    Thanh, also known as Paulo Thanh Nguyen, said he closed FreeHub in late 2023 in response to police harassment of its students in several locations.

    In the announcement posted on his personal Facebook page, Thanh wrote that trouble with authorities began after FreeHub offered a course on community development. Since then, FreeHub’s Facebook page has been taken down and its service provider has blocked access to its website.

    Security forces have continued to target students anyway, going to their homes or summoning them to government offices where they have been told to write personal reflections or reports, Thanh said, citing discussions with students.

    Security officers forced them to hand over their cellphones and laptops and to provide passwords, he added.

    “Teachers have also been summoned,” Thanh said. “Security officers said the program was run by a reactionary organization, distorting many things and warning them they were not allowed to continue participating.”

    RELATED STORIES

    Vietnamese Authorities Raid a Civil Society Training Class

    Vietnamese Authorities Beat Dissident Bloggers on Human Rights Day

    The Ministry of Public Security seems to want to make FreeHub into a major case by linking it with overseas organizations already labeled as “hostile forces,” Thanh added.

    Police have only summoned FreeHub students and teachers so far. Thanh said he believes authorities are collecting evidence for his eventual arrest.

    RFA called the Ministry of Public Security’s Security Investigation Agency to seek comment on Thanh’s accusations. The officer who answered the phone suggested that RFA’s reporter come to headquarters in person or send in a written request in order to receive a response.

    Thanh previously organized human rights events like "Human Rights Coffee" – a space for activists to meet following anti-China protests in Hanoi in 2014. He has also conducted training programs for young activists in various cities and provinces.

    Translated by Anna Vu. Edited by Matt Reed and Malcolm Foster.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Vietnamese.

    ]]>
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    Pulling Back the Curtain on the Right’s Ideas About Education https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/03/pulling-back-the-curtain-on-the-rights-ideas-about-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/03/pulling-back-the-curtain-on-the-rights-ideas-about-education/#respond Thu, 03 Oct 2024 21:44:34 +0000 https://progressive.org/public-schools-advocate/pulling-back-the-curtain-on-the-rights-ideas-about-education-bader-20241003/
    This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Eleanor J. Bader.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/03/pulling-back-the-curtain-on-the-rights-ideas-about-education/feed/ 0 496262
    We Enlisted a Community to Help Us Report on One State’s Crumbling Schools. Here’s How You Can Do the Same. https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/01/we-enlisted-a-community-to-help-us-report-on-one-states-crumbling-schools-heres-how-you-can-do-the-same/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/01/we-enlisted-a-community-to-help-us-report-on-one-states-crumbling-schools-heres-how-you-can-do-the-same/#respond Tue, 01 Oct 2024 09:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/community-reporting-tips-idaho-schools by Asia Fields, ProPublica, with Becca Savransky, Idaho Statesman

    This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with the Idaho Statesman. Learn more about how to apply for upcoming opportunities.

    When the Idaho Statesman and ProPublica teamed up to report on crumbling school buildings last year, we recognized that it would be a challenge to capture the attention of readers and officials.

    Idaho residents already knew that their own school buildings were in bad shape and that state law made it hard for districts to raise the money to fix them. We were unsure whether additional reporting would change anything.

    To have a chance at impact, we set out to do the most comprehensive possible version of the story to show that the problems were statewide. We needed to take readers into schools so they could see what was broken and the effect on students and staff in a way that wouldn’t be easy to ignore. And because we couldn’t visit every school ourselves, we needed to get people in every part of the state to help us document what was happening locally.

    Through ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network, we spent about nine months reporting and heard from 106 of the state’s 115 superintendents and 233 students, parents, teachers and others.

    While Idaho has one of the highest thresholds for school bonds to pass, we know school facilities funding is an issue across the country. Local journalists have already done important coverage of this issue and related equity concerns. We want to share our tips and the lessons we learned doing this work so you can scale up your efforts to reach many different kinds of stakeholders in your community.

    If you would like to talk about adapting some of these strategies for your reporting, email us at asia.fields@propublica.org and bsavransky@idahostatesman.com.

    Step 1 Determine the reporting gaps.

    If you’re new to the beat or topic, you’ll first want to figure out exactly how school funding works in your state. Some questions you might ask include: What data and public records are out there? Can we get them? And what’s missing from what already exists?

    When it comes to school maintenance, you can find information through the Education Writers Association, National Council on School Facilities and your state Department of Education, as well as by talking to your local school administrators. The Education Commission of the States has a 50-state breakdown of school construction funding in different states.

    In Idaho, through a records request, reporter Becca Savransky was able to get the results of every school bond election for decades from the state Department of Education. But there was a lot she couldn’t get through official channels. There hadn’t been a statewide assessment of school facilities in nearly three decades.

    Schools had received inspections, but they were mostly surface level and sparse in detail, primarily focused on clear worker safety issues rather than an exhaustive facilities review. For example, Becca visited a Boundary County school where she saw buckets taped to pipes to catch leaks and heard that the maintenance director had to blow snow off the roof to prevent it from collapsing again. In comparison, the inspection report’s only reference to the roof was linking to a federal alert about preventing injury during snow removal. It also didn’t show the impact on students and staff.

    The maintenance director at Valley View Elementary School in Bonners Ferry, Idaho, spends hours after snowstorms blowing snow off the roof to prevent a collapse. (Sarah A. Miller, Idaho Statesman)

    The state said it would cost thousands of dollars to find and release the inspections for every school in the state, anyway, and a separate state agency denied Becca’s request for school safety reports because they could reveal security vulnerabilities.

    As you figure out what’s missing from the official record, that will help you focus your large crowdsourcing efforts to help target those gaps.

    Step 2 Who has the information you need? Take their temperature.

    Once you’ve identified a gap, it’s time to think about who has information that can fill it. The key for a successful crowdsourcing project is finding people who care about the topic and are willing to talk. Make a list of possible stakeholders and start thinking about the concerns and opportunities that might come up as you talk with each group.

    For the Idaho project, we talked with a variety of sources early on, listening for:

    • Buy-in. Becca had already spoken with a number of superintendents who told her this issue needed more attention. Other sources said this was an important issue and that they were eager to share their experiences.
    • Clear examples. Sources were able to provide concrete examples of problems with their school buildings. Superintendents also had information about budgets and costs and were willing to give us access to schools. Students and teachers were able to explain how these issues got in the way of learning.
    • Potential barriers. We asked what might prevent someone from participating in our reporting. While we heard a variety of concerns, the good news was that our sources felt we could address them — and they were willing to help us spread the word.

    Step 3 Come up with a reporting plan.

    The next step is to figure out the specific materials to seek and questions to ask. We asked ourselves: If we had this information, what might we be able to say in the story? What would make it stronger? Who was best situated to give us what we were seeking? And if we received a ton of responses, how could we keep them organized and incorporate as many as possible into a story?

    In Idaho, we decided we needed three things: a way to show how prevalent school disrepair was across districts; visual evidence; and material that would clearly illustrate how school conditions were affecting students, parents and staff.

    We planned how we’d approach different stakeholders and tracked our outreach and what came from it. (We used Airtable, but you can use a spreadsheet or another system that works for you.)

    Superintendents

    We decided to create a survey to send public school district superintendents, with the goal of hearing from as close to all 115 of them as possible. We knew getting busy superintendents to respond might be hard, so we did some testing before reaching out to the whole group. We asked four superintendents in a diverse range of districts to provide feedback on the survey. We asked whether anything was missing, what might keep someone from filling it out and about the best ways to share it.

    Reporters Asia Fields and Becca Savranksy speak with Jan Bayer, the Boundary County School District superintendent, over Zoom. Bayer was one of four superintendents we asked for feedback on our survey before sending it out to the larger group. (Asia Fields/ProPublica)

    We were able to get all but nine to respond by having a group of superintendents share the survey and by doing multiple rounds of reminder calls and emails. We found it effective to share the percentage of their peers we had heard from.

    Principals, teachers and other school staff

    In order to reach school staff and students, both newsrooms published a callout asking people to tell us about their schools. We set up calls with groups such as the state teacher’s association to introduce our project and ask for their help to spread the word through emails, social media posts, flyers or any methods they thought might work.

    We reached out to teachers when we thought the issue might be front of mind, such as when there was a heat wave, as many schools don’t have air conditioning.

    We also reached out to online groups, asking moderators or administrators if we could join and post or if they would be willing to post for us.

    Students

    To reach students, we found that posting on Instagram and TikTok alone didn’t work. A recent graduate suggested we reach out directly to students, and we had the most success by visiting students at schools. (Read more about that below.)

    Parents, community members and facilities experts

    To reach others with knowledge about school buildings, we identified social media groups from those focused on a region in Idaho to those specifically for parents. We made sure to connect with groups for parents whose children had disabilities, as we knew school accessibility was a concern.

    Some recommendations for reaching out over social media:

    • Use a professional account (especially on Instagram) that identifies you as a journalist and shows examples of your past work.
    • If you’re creating a new account, ask your audience team to give you a follow from the newsroom account to help establish your credibility.
    • Make your requests clear and concise. Do you want them to fill out a callout, help you spread the word or something else?

    We also reached out to associations for engineers and architects in the state.

    Highlights From This Series Previous Arrow Right Next Arrow Right April 13, 2023

    We documented how restrictive policies in Idaho made it difficult for school districts to raise funds for construction and repairs, leaving students to learn in freezing classrooms and overcrowded schools.

    Sept. 6, 2023

    We showed how a state fund to fix unsafe schools had gone largely unused. One district had received only a fraction of what it needed after six bond elections in seven years failed.

    Dec. 14, 2023

    We revealed how prominent lawmakers were discussing a proposal to make it easier for school districts to repair and replace their aging buildings by lowering the required threshold for bond votes to pass.

    Dec. 15, 2023

    Hundreds of students, parents, educators and others — including 91% of the state’s superintendents — told us what it’s like to have schools with flooded classrooms, leaky ceilings, failing plumbing and discolored drinking water.

    Jan. 8, 2024

    In his State of the State address, Gov. Brad Little called for $2 billion in state funding to help schools repair or replace their buildings, declaring it “priority No. 1.”

    March 21, 2024

    The Legislature approved $1.5 billion in new funding and redirected an additional $500 million, which the governor said was the largest investment in school facilities in state history.

    April 9, 2024

    We reported on how the Idaho Freedom Foundation used a state election law to make it harder for school districts to pass bonds and levies to fix their buildings.

    May 21, 2024

    For the first time in two decades, voters in the Salmon School District in remote Central Idaho approved a bond to build a new school.

    Step 4 Look at what’s missing and adjust as you go.

    Once you’ve heard from many people, it can be helpful to take a step back and evaluate what you’re getting against your initial goals. What are you missing? Who haven’t you heard from? You can and should adjust as you get more feedback.

    Sometimes, you may even find that what you’ve heard from the community significantly shifts the focus of your story or your understanding of a problem. That’s a success!

    When we noticed we weren’t getting many photos and videos, we emphasized it in our callout and outreach. When we heard from some teachers who said their schools were in good condition, we updated the callout to clarify that we were interested in hearing about that, too. We also heard some criticism in response to our posts on social media. We responded directly to those posts to clarify our process and invite further feedback.

    Step 5 On-the-ground reporting.

    Some of our best reporting happened when we went to where our sources were — in schools.

    If you have limited ability to travel, you’ll want to choose your destinations carefully to help you fill gaps and capture geographic diversity. We focused on rural districts we hadn’t heard from and those where it seemed there were extreme facilities issues. We picked routes that allowed us to visit multiple schools. We visited 39 in total.

    Some superintendents were eager to help us meet groups of students. Others were more wary but let us meet with a few students they selected. (You can read more about the activities we did with students in our methodology post.)

    We also brought a camera that produces instant prints because we wanted to make sure we left the school visits with evidence of the problems in hand. With teacher permission, students photographed the issues they saw in their schools. We found that the photos were sometimes hard to make out. We would recommend making sure the students use flash and also having them use their cellphones to take photos, as long as teachers and administrators are OK with it. Just be sure the students share the photos with you before you leave.

    Idaho Statesman and ProPublica reporters brought a camera that makes instant prints to school visits so students could show the problems in their schools. Students documented a deteriorating locker at Kamiah High School, leaky ceilings at Moscow High School and bathroom drains bulging up from the floor at Canyon Springs High School, among numerous other problems. (Courtesy of Kamiah, Moscow and Canyon Springs students) Step 6 Keep sources updated.

    Be sure to report back to your sources! You might not be able to use everything they shared, but hopefully the relationships you build will help fuel other stories going forward. When the governor called for making school maintenance “priority No. 1,” we reached out to sources for their response to what the Legislature was considering.

    It’s an example of the way ProPublica’s engagement team thinks about how reporting and source relationships can build off each other.

    ProPublica’s engagement reporting team created this diagram to show that community-fueled journalism doesn’t stop after one story. Staying in touch can lead to great tips and more meaningful impact.

    If you try any of these engagement approaches in your reporting or have questions, we’d love to hear from you. You can reach us at asia.fields@propublica.org and bsavransky@idahostatesman.com.

    ProPublica plans to partner with newsrooms in every state in the next five years through its Local Reporting Network. If you have an accountability project you’d like to partner on, you can learn more about the program and sign up for office hours to discuss your idea with an editor.

    Peter DiCampo of ProPublica contributed reporting.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Asia Fields, ProPublica, with Becca Savransky, Idaho Statesman.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/01/we-enlisted-a-community-to-help-us-report-on-one-states-crumbling-schools-heres-how-you-can-do-the-same/feed/ 0 495801
    Peace: Well-Being for the Poorest https://www.radiofree.org/2024/09/20/peace-well-being-for-the-poorest/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/09/20/peace-well-being-for-the-poorest/#respond Fri, 20 Sep 2024 04:12:31 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=153672 Peace has always been fundamental to me. My first forays into activism were for peace: as an elementary school student blowing up balloons for a protest when the white train carrying nuclear warheads passed through my hometown in Idaho, organizing a protest of the first Gulf War in junior high school, writing letters to protest […]

    The post Peace: Well-Being for the Poorest first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>

    Peace has always been fundamental to me.

    My first forays into activism were for peace: as an elementary school student blowing up balloons for a protest when the white train carrying nuclear warheads passed through my hometown in Idaho, organizing a protest of the first Gulf War in junior high school, writing letters to protest Army recruiters being allowed on school grounds in high school. I love peace so much that I studied it in college – my bachelor’s degree is in Peace and Global Studies.

    So it was with some surprise that I found myself sobbing tears of gratitude recently during a military speech. September 2nd was the 45th anniversary of the founding of the Nicaraguan Army, and President Daniel Ortega began his speech to the troops by talking about peace.

    “Today we are able to hold this celebration in times of peace, and how much has it cost to reach this stage of peace. Peace meaning well-being for the poorest.…In peace we can fight poverty. In peace we can ensure education for all families, for the children of working-class families, rural families, poor families with low incomes.”

    As I listened to the President’s address, I didn’t just tear up, I sobbed tears of gratitude. Gratitude to the Nicaraguan Revolution for identifying poverty as its number one enemy and fighting against that enemy with everything it’s got. Gratitude for being able to see with my own eyes the alleviation of so much suffering in my time. Gratitude that I’ve been able to contribute my grain of sand to this struggle.

    Gratitude that we are not alone in this, that we are working in concert, struggling shoulder to shoulder with the government of the people of Nicaragua to vanquish poverty together in this beautiful country.

    My tears, however, were also tears of sorrow for my country of birth. I have always held a vain hope for a similar struggle against poverty in the United States. I went to school with kids who didn’t have enough to eat, with kids who were constantly sick because their parents couldn’t afford to take them to the doctor, with kids whose families didn’t have running water or a good way to heat their house. In the thirty years since I left home, the situation for families like theirs has only gotten worse, for the simple reason that the well-being for the poorest is not in the interests of those that govern the United States.

    When I was growing up in the 1980s and early 90s, my sister and I attended public school in Idaho. Every year, like schoolkids all around the U.S., we were required to raise money for the school: selling candy bars door-to-door; making desserts for bake sales; asking businesses to sponsor us for each mile we’d ride in the annual Bike-A-Thon when we would pedal five and a half miles with our classmates, then go back and collect the money…all just to get enough cash to keep the school going.

    Yet, 43% of the U.S. annual budget goes toward military spending. As the old protest poster says, “It’ll be a great day when our schools get all the money they need and the Air Force has to hold a bake sale to buy a bomber.” So, during President Ortega’s speech to the Nicaraguan Army, I was also crying for all those who are suffering in the U.S., with no hope of poverty alleviation from their government.

    Unlike the U.S., Nicaragua has actually been invaded by a foreign country in recent history – mostly by the U.S. Nicaragua suffered 10 years of U.S. proxy war which targeted civilians, health centers and schools. Nicaragua suffered a U.S.-led and funded coup attempt in 2018, is currently suffering under illegal unilateral coercive measures – sanctions – and suffers continued destabilization attempts by the U.S.

    Yet, even with such real threats to national security, Nicaragua’s total military spending is only 3% of the national budget.

    Where does Nicaragua invest the majority of its funds? In peace. In, as President Ortega says, the “well-being of the poorest.”

    Social spending is 53% of Nicaragua’s annual budget – free education from preschool through university, universal free health care, low-income housing, low-interest loans and much more.

    Nicaragua knows what it is like to live in times of war, and therefore peace is truly precious here. It is such a privilege to be able to experience living in a country that is truly at peace, and to see what can be accomplished when peace, the well-being of the poorest, is prioritized. May peace always reign in Nicaragua!

    The post Peace: Well-Being for the Poorest first appeared on Dissident Voice.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Becca Mohally Renk.

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    Discrimination faced by indigenous Papuans ‘isn’t something new’, says disturbing new rights report https://www.radiofree.org/2024/09/19/discrimination-faced-by-indigenous-papuans-isnt-something-new-says-disturbing-new-rights-report/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/09/19/discrimination-faced-by-indigenous-papuans-isnt-something-new-says-disturbing-new-rights-report/#respond Thu, 19 Sep 2024 23:40:32 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=105652 By Caleb Fotheringham, RNZ Pacific journalist

    Racism, torture and arbitrary arrests are some examples of discrimination indigenous Papuans have dealt with over the last 60 years from Indonesia, according to a new report by Human Rights Watch.

    The report, If It’s Not Racism, What Is It? Discrimination and other abuses against Papuans in Indonesia, said the Indonesian government denies Papuans basic rights, like education and adequate health care.

    Human Rights Watch researcher Andreas Harsono said Papuan people had been beaten, kidnapped and sexually abused for more than six decades.

    “I have heard about this day to day racism since I had my first Papuan friend when I was in my 20s in my college, it means that over the last 40 years, that kind of story keeps on going on today,” Harsono said.

    “Regarding torture again this is not something new.”

    The report said infant mortality rates in West Papua in some instances are close to 12 times higher than in Jakarta.

    Papuan children denied education
    Papuan children are denied adequate education because the government has failed to recruit teachers, in some instance’s soldiers have stepped into the positions “and mostly teach children about Indonesian nationalism”.

    It said Papuan students find it difficult to find accommodation with landlords unwilling to rent to them while others were ostracised because of their racial identity.

    In March, a video emerged of soldiers torturing Definus Kogoya in custody. He along with Alianus Murib and Warinus Kogoya were arrested in February for allegedly trying to burn down a medical clinic in Gome, Highland Papua province.

    According to the Indonesian army, Warinus Kogoya died after allegedly “jumping off” a military vehicle.

    President-elect Prabowo Subianto’s takes government next month.

    Harsono said the report was launched yesterday because of this.

    “We want this new [Indonesian] government to understand the problem and to think about new policies, new approaches, including to answer historical injustice, social injustice, economic injustice.”

    Subianto’s poor human rights record
    Harsono said Subianto has a poor human rights record but he hopes people close to him will flag the report.

    He said current President Joko Widodo had made promises while he was in power to allow foreign journalists into West Papua and release political prisoners, but this did not materialise.

    When he came to power the number of political prisoners was around 100 and now it’s about 200, Harsono said.

    He said few people inside Indonesia were aware of the discrimination West Papuan people face, with most only knowing West Papua only for its natural beauty.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    "Erasing History": Jason Stanley on why fascists attack education https://www.radiofree.org/2024/09/17/erasing-history-jason-stanley-on-why-fascists-attack-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/09/17/erasing-history-jason-stanley-on-why-fascists-attack-education/#respond Tue, 17 Sep 2024 16:07:24 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=762cc19dfd71bd197a1649fdc290c78d
    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/09/17/erasing-history-jason-stanley-on-why-fascists-attack-education/feed/ 0 493804
    "Erasing History": Yale Prof. Jason Stanley on Why Fascists Attack Education & Critical Inquiry https://www.radiofree.org/2024/09/17/erasing-history-yale-prof-jason-stanley-on-why-fascists-attack-education-critical-inquiry-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/09/17/erasing-history-yale-prof-jason-stanley-on-why-fascists-attack-education-critical-inquiry-2/#respond Tue, 17 Sep 2024 14:50:55 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=385d02e6083a2943a1b0394d59998228
    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/09/17/erasing-history-yale-prof-jason-stanley-on-why-fascists-attack-education-critical-inquiry-2/feed/ 0 493810
    “Erasing History”: Yale Prof. Jason Stanley on Why Fascists Attack Education & Critical Inquiry https://www.radiofree.org/2024/09/17/erasing-history-yale-prof-jason-stanley-on-why-fascists-attack-education-critical-inquiry/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/09/17/erasing-history-yale-prof-jason-stanley-on-why-fascists-attack-education-critical-inquiry/#respond Tue, 17 Sep 2024 12:28:47 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=9f524c46f95c6ed29eedc456beabc5ed Seg2 stanleyandbook

    We speak with Yale philosophy professor Jason Stanley, author of the new book Erasing History: How Fascists Rewrite the Past to Control the Future, which examines the global rise of authoritarianism in the United States, Russia, Israel and beyond. He says attacks on education are a key part of the fascist toolkit to undermine democracy and pluralism. “They’re attacking the institutions, the universities, because the universities provide critical inquiry into the kind of myths that’s required for these kinds of politics,” says Stanley.


    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/09/17/erasing-history-yale-prof-jason-stanley-on-why-fascists-attack-education-critical-inquiry/feed/ 0 493808
    In an Unprecedented Move, Ohio Is Funding the Construction of Private Religious Schools https://www.radiofree.org/2024/09/17/in-an-unprecedented-move-ohio-is-funding-the-construction-of-private-religious-schools/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/09/17/in-an-unprecedented-move-ohio-is-funding-the-construction-of-private-religious-schools/#respond Tue, 17 Sep 2024 09:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/ohio-taxpayer-money-funding-private-religious-schools by Eli Hager

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    The state of Ohio is giving taxpayer money to private, religious schools to help them build new buildings and expand their campuses, which is nearly unprecedented in modern U.S. history.

    While many states have recently enacted sweeping school voucher programs that give parents taxpayer money to spend on private school tuition for their kids, Ohio has cut out the middleman. Under a bill passed by its Legislature this summer, the state is now providing millions of dollars in grants directly to religious schools, most of them Catholic, to renovate buildings, build classrooms, improve playgrounds and more.

    The goal in providing the grants, according to the measure’s chief architect, Matt Huffman, is to increase the capacity of private schools in part so that they can sooner absorb more voucher students.

    “The capacity issue is the next big issue on the horizon” for voucher efforts, Huffman, the Ohio Senate president and a Republican, told the Columbus Dispatch.

    Huffman did not respond to ProPublica’s requests for comment.

    Following Hurricane Katrina and the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, some federal taxpayer dollars went toward repairing and improving private K-12 schools in multiple states. Churches that operate schools often receive government funding for the social services that they offer; some orthodox Jewish schools in New York have relied on significant financial support from the city, The New York Times has found.

    But national experts on education funding emphasized that what Ohio is doing is categorically different.

    “This is new, dangerous ground, funding new voucher schools,” said Josh Cowen, a senior fellow at the Education Law Center and the author of a new book on the history of billionaire-led voucher efforts. For decades, churches have relied on conservative philanthropy to be able to build their schools, Cowen said, or they’ve held fundraising drives or asked their diocese for help.

    They’ve never, until now, been able to build schools expressly on the public dime.

    “This breaks through the myth,” said David Pepper, a political writer and the former chairman of the Ohio Democratic Party. Pepper said that courts have long given voucher programs a pass, ruling that they don’t violate the constitutionally mandated separation of church and state because a publicly funded voucher technically passes through the conduit of a parent on the way to a religious school.

    With this latest move, though, Ohio is funding the construction of a separate, religious system of education, Pepper said, adding that if no one takes notice, “This will happen in other states — they all learn from each other like laboratories.”

    The Ohio Constitution says that the General Assembly “will secure a thorough and efficient system of common schools throughout the state; but no religious or other sect, or sects, shall ever have any exclusive right to, or control of, any part of the school funds of this state.”

    Yet Troy McIntosh, executive director of the Ohio Christian Education Network — several of whose schools received the new grants — recently told the Lima News that part of the reason for spending these public dollars on the expansion of private schools is that “we want to make sure that from our perspective, Christian school options are available to any kid who chooses that in the state.”

    Administrators at Temple Christian School applaud during an August ribbon-cutting ceremony for their new building. (Mackenzi Klemann, The Lima (Ohio) News)

    When they were implemented in the 1990s, vouchers in Ohio, like in many places, were limited in scope; they were available only to parents whose children were attending (often underfunded) public schools in Cleveland. The idea was to give those families money that they could then spend on tuition at a hopefully better private school, thus empowering them with what was called school choice.

    Over the decades, the state incrementally expanded voucher programs to a wider and wider range of applicants. And last year, legislators and Gov. Mike DeWine extended the most prominent of those programs, called EdChoice, to all Ohio families.

    It was the ultimate victory for Ohio’s school-choice advocates. The problem, though, was that in many parts of Ohio and other states, especially rural areas, parents can’t spend this new voucher money because private schools are either too far away or already at capacity.

    This, in turn, has become a major political liability for voucher advocates in many states, with rural conservatives becoming increasingly indignant that their tax dollars are being spent on vouchers for upper-middle-class families in far-off metropolitan areas where there are more private schools.

    In April, the Buckeye Institute, an Ohio-based conservative think tank affiliated with the Koch brothers’ political advocacy group Americans for Prosperity, recognized the problem. In a policy memo, the institute said that it was offering lawmakers “additional solutions to address the growing need for classroom space” in private and charter schools, “given the success of the Ohio EdChoice program.” Among its recommendations: draw funding from the Ohio One-Time Strategic Community Investment Fund, which provides grants of state money for the construction and repair of buildings, as well as other “capital projects.”

    Within months, the Legislature did precisely that. Led by Huffman, Republicans slipped at least $4 million in grants to private schools into a larger budget bill. There was little debate, in part because budget bills across the country have become too large to deliberate over every detail and, also, Republicans have supermajorities in both chambers in Ohio.

    According to an Ohio Legislative Service Commission report, the grants, some of them over a million dollars, then went out to various Catholic schools around the state. ProPublica contacted administrators at each of these schools to ask what they will be using their new taxpayer money on, but they either didn’t answer or said that they didn’t immediately know. (One of the many differences between public and private schools is that the latter do not have to answer questions from the public about their budgets, even if they’re now publicly funded.)

    The total grant amount of roughly $4 million this year may seem small, said William L. Phillis, executive director of the Ohio Coalition for Equity & Adequacy of School Funding. But, he noted, Ohio’s voucher program itself started out very small three decades ago, and today it’s a billion-dollar system.

    “They get their foot in the door with a few million dollars in infrastructure funding,” Phillis said. “It sets a precedent, and eventually hundreds of millions will be going to private school construction.”

    Mollie Simon contributed research.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Eli Hager.

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    West Papuan independence advocate seeks NZ support against ‘genocide, ecocide’ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/09/13/west-papuan-independence-advocate-seeks-nz-support-against-genocide-ecocide/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/09/13/west-papuan-independence-advocate-seeks-nz-support-against-genocide-ecocide/#respond Fri, 13 Sep 2024 10:11:38 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=105338 SPECIAL REPORT: By Te Aniwaniwa Paterson of Te Ao Māori News

    West Papuan independence advocate Octo Mote is in Aotearoa New Zealand to win support for independence for West Papua, which has been ruled by Indonesia for more than 60 years.

    Mote is vice-president of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) and is being hosted in New Zealand by the Green Party, which Mote said had always been a “hero” for West Papua.

    He spoke at a West Papua seminar at the Māngere Mountain Education Centre tonight.

    ULMWP president Benny Wenda has alleged more than 500,000 Papuans have been killed since the occupation, and millions of hectares of ancestral forests, rivers and mountains have been destroyed or polluted for “corporate profit”.

    The struggle for West Papuans
    “Being born a West Papuan, you are already an enemy of the nation [Indonesia],” Mote says.

    “The greatest challenge we are facing right now is that we are facing the colonial power who lives next to us.”

    If West Papuans spoke up about what was happening, they were considered “separatists”, Mote says, regardless of whether they are journalists, intellectuals, public servants or even high-ranking Indonesian generals.

    “When our students on the ground speak of justice, they’re beaten up, put in jail and [the Indonesians] kill so many of them,” Mote says.

    Mote is a former journalist and says that while he was working he witnessed Indonesian forces openly fire at students who were peacefully demonstrating their rights.

    “We are in a very dangerous situation right now. When our people try to defend their land, the Indonesian government ignores them and they just take the land without recognising we are landowners,” he says.

    The ‘ecocide’ of West Papua
    The ecology in West Papua iss being damaged by mining, deforestation, and oil and gas extraction. Mote says Indonesia wants to “wipe them from the land and control their natural resources”.

    He says he is trying to educate the world that defending West Papua means defending the world, especially small islands in the Pacific.

    West Papua is the western half of the island of New Guinea, bordering the independent nation of Papua New Guinea. New Guinea has the world’s third-largest rainforest after the Amazon and Congo and it is crucial for climate change mitigation as they sequester and store carbon.

    Mote says the continued deforestation of New Guinea, which West Papuan leaders are trying to stop, would greatly impact on the small island countries in the Pacific, which are among the most vulnerable to climate change.

    Mote also says their customary council in West Papua has already considered the impacts of climate change on small island nations and, given West Papua’s abundance of land the council says that by having sovereignty they would be able to both protect the land and support Pacific Islanders who need to migrate from their home islands.

    In 2021, West Papuan leaders pledged to make ecocide a serious crime and this week Vanuatu, Fiji and Samoa submitted a court proposal to the International Criminal Court (ICJ) to recognise ecocide as a crime.

    Support from local Indonesians
    Mote says there are Indonesians who support the indigenous rights movement for West Papuans. He says there are both NGOs and a Papuan Peace Network founded by West Papuan peace campaigner Neles Tebay.

    “There is a movement growing among the academics and among the well-educated people who have read the realities among those who are also victims of the capitalist investors, especially in Indonesia when they introduced the Omnibus Law.”

    The so-called Omnibus Law was passed in 2020 as part of outgoing President Joko Widodo’s goals to increase investment and industrialisation in Indonesia. The law was protested against because of concerns it would be harmful for workers due to changes in working conditions, and the environment because it would allow for increased deforestation.

    Mote says there has been an “awakening”, especially among the younger generations who are more open-minded and connected to the world, who could see it both as a humanitarian and an environmental issue.

    The ‘transfer’ of West Papua to Indonesia
    “The [former colonial nation] Dutch [traded] us like a cow,” Mote says.

    The former Dutch colony was passed over to Indonesia in 1963 in disputed circumstances but the ULMWP calls it an “invasion”.

    From 1957, the Soviet Union had been supplying arms to Indonesia and, during that period, the Indonesian Communist Party had become the largest political party in the country.

    The US government urged the Dutch government to give West Papua to Indonesia in an attempt to appease the communist-friendly Indonesian government as part of a US drive to stop the spread of communism in Southeast Asia.

    The US engineered a meeting between both countries, which resulted in the New York Agreement, giving control of West Papua to the UN in 1962 and then Indonesia a year later.

    The New York Agreement stipulated that the population of West Papua would be entitled to an act of self-determination.

    The ‘act of no choice’
    This decolonisation agreement was titled the 1969 Act of Free Choice, which is referred to as “the act of no choice” by pro-independence activists.

    Mote says they witnessed “how the UN allowed Indonesia to cut us into pieces, and they didn’t say anything when Indonesia manipulated our right to self-determination”.

    The manipulation Mote refers to is for the Act of Free Choice. Instead of a national referendum, the Indonesian military hand-picked 1025 West Papuan “representatives” to vote on behalf of the 816,000 people. The representatives were allegedly threatened, bribed and some were held at gunpoint to ensure a unanimous vote.

    Leaders of the West Papuan independence movement assert that this was not a real opportunity to exercise self-determination as it was manipulated. However, it was accepted by the UN.

    Pacific support at UN General Assembly
    Mote has came to Aotearoa after the 53rd Pacific Island Forum Leaders summit in Tonga last week and he has come to discuss plans over the next five years. Mote hopes to gain support to take what he calls the “slow-motion genocide” of West Papua back to the UN General Assembly.

    “In that meeting we formulated how we can help really push self-determination as the main issue in the Pacific Islands,” Mote says.

    Mote says there was a focus on self-determination of West Papua, Kanaky/New Caledonia and Tahiti. He also said the focus was on what he described as the current colonisation issue with capitalists and global powers having vested interests in the Pacific region.

    The movement got it to the UN General Assembly in 2018, so Mote says it is achievable. In 2018, Pacific solidarity was shown as the Republic of the Marshall Islands, Tuvalu and the Republic of Vanuatu all spoke out in support of West Papua.

    They affirmed the need for the matter to be returned to the United Nations, and the Solomon Islands voiced its concerns over human rights abuses and violations.

    ULMWP vice-president Octo Mote
    ULMWP vice-president Octo Mote . . . in the next five years Pacific nations need to firstly make the Indonesian government “accountable” for its actions in West Papua. Image: Poster screenshot

    What needs to be done
    He says that in the next five years Pacific nations need to firstly make the Indonesian government accountable for its actions in West Papua. He also says outgoing President Widodo should be held accountable for his “involvement”.

    Mote says New Zealand is the strongest Pacific nation that would be able to push for the human rights and environmental issues happening, especially as he alleges Australia always backs Indonesian policies.

    He says he is looking to New Zealand to speak up about the atrocities taking place in West Papua and is particularly looking for support from the Greens, Labour and Te Pāti Māori for political support.

    The coalition government announced a plan of action on July 30 this year, which set a new goal of $6 billion in annual two-way trade with Indonesia by 2029.

    “New Zealand is strongly committed to our partnership with Indonesia,” Foreign Affairs Minister Winston Peters said at the time.

    “There is much more we can and should be doing together.”

    Te Aniwaniwa Paterson is a digital producer for Te Ao Māori News. Republished by Asia Pacific Report with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Student pressure forces Victoria University Foundation to divest from Israeli bonds https://www.radiofree.org/2024/09/10/student-pressure-forces-victoria-university-foundation-to-divest-from-israeli-bonds/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/09/10/student-pressure-forces-victoria-university-foundation-to-divest-from-israeli-bonds/#respond Tue, 10 Sep 2024 10:19:03 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=105205 Student Justice for Palestine Pōneke

    After almost a year of consistent pressure from the student body, the Victoria University of Wellington (VUW) Foundation has announced its divestment from all Israeli government bonds and shares of companies listed in Israel.

    The foundation had previously reported having close to $50,000 invested in Israeli government bonds, which finance the apartheid state’s ongoing genocide in Gaza.

    The news of divestment came through some weeks after Student Justice for Palestine Pōneke (SJPP) conducted an unannounced sit-in at the Hunter Building, where the vice-chancellor’s office of Te Herenga Waka – Victoria University of Wellington is located.

    Two weeks prior to that action, the Kelburn campus was adorned with spray-painted messages by activists calling for the university to divest from genocide.

    Pressure on the VUW leadership and the foundation to disclose and divest, which has been ramping up over the last year, has come from multiple campus groups. These include SJPP, VUW Student Association (VUWSA), Ngāi Tauira, VicMuslims Club and Uni Workers for Palestine.

    “This is a big, collective win; undoubtedly the work of numerous individuals and groups that have remained consistent in their activism for Palestine,” said Frank Mackenzie, an organiser at SJPP.

    “This is student power, pushing to hold these academic institutions and leaders to account, so that we are not complicit in these settler colonial, genocidal regimes.

    “And yet — divestment is the very least the university can do. It is only the first step.

    “The foundation and university leaders must now institutionalise a commitment to divesting from human rights violators. We can’t leave the door open for leadership to walk back this win.

     

    View this post on Instagram

     

    A post shared by Te Aka Tauira – VUWSA (@vuwsagram)

    “The only way to ensure that is to implement a full, financial and academic Boycott, Divest, Sanctions (BDS) policy against Israel. We also need ongoing proactive disclosure of all investments so the university and foundation can be held accountable” .

    Marcail Parkinson, president of VUWSA, said: “As the only student on the university’s foundation board I am incredibly encouraged by the foundation’s move to stop supporting genocide and divest from Israeli government bonds.

    “This victory reflects the power of collective student action. This moment demonstrates the profound influence students can have in shaping the future of our institution.

    “I am deeply proud of what we’ve achieved, and I hope students continue to push for change.”

    An open letter by SJPP calling for divestment, BDS policy and scholarships for Palestinian students was signed by 1400 people. The university has not formally responded to the letter.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    School District With Highest Student Arrest Rate in the Nation Agrees to Reform How It Disciplines Disabled Students https://www.radiofree.org/2024/09/06/school-district-with-highest-student-arrest-rate-in-the-nation-agrees-to-reform-how-it-disciplines-disabled-students/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/09/06/school-district-with-highest-student-arrest-rate-in-the-nation-agrees-to-reform-how-it-disciplines-disabled-students/#respond Fri, 06 Sep 2024 14:15:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/illinois-garrison-school-reform-student-discipline by Jennifer Smith Richards and Jodi S. Cohen

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    An Illinois school district that had the nation’s highest student arrest rate has agreed to change its disciplinary practices and provide help to those who missed class time while being punished.

    The agreement with the U.S. Department of Education will end a federal civil rights investigation into the Four Rivers Special Education District that was launched following a 2022 ProPublica and Chicago Tribune investigation that found the district turned to police with stunning frequency to discipline students with disabilities.

    Under the deal, students who were referred to police or sent to a “crisis room” multiple times during the past three academic years could be eligible for services including tutoring, counseling or remedial education.

    Four Rivers operates one public school: the Garrison School, in west-central Illinois, for students in an eight-county area of the state who have severe emotional and behavioral disabilities; some also have autism or ADHD.

    In announcing the agreement on Thursday, the Education Department’s Office for Civil Rights said it found that despite claiming to be a “supportive” school, Garrison routinely sent students to police for noncriminal conduct that could have been related to their disabilities — something explicitly prohibited by federal law.

    In the 2021-22 school year, investigators found that students were sent to police 96 times — more than the total number of students enrolled that year — for reasons including “noncompliance,” “disruption,” “inappropriate language” and violating a phone policy. Students also “spent extensive time out of the classroom” even when police weren’t involved; one student was sent to a “crisis room” 143 times in one school year and spent four hours and 20 minutes there one day.

    Under the agreement, Garrison employees should no longer call police for behaviors that a specialized school like Garrison “should be fully equipped to manage,” Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights Catherine E. Lhamon said in a written statement.

    By Dec. 20, the school must meet about students who were sent to police or to the school’s seclusion room during the past three school years to determine whether they should be given additional services for what they missed and the harm they suffered. Those services would have to be provided within six months of the meeting, according to the agreement.

    Four Rivers Director Tracey Fair did not comment on the agreement or respond to questions from ProPublica about plans to help students going forward. She previously told the Tribune and ProPublica that administrators call police only when students are being physically aggressive or in response to “ongoing” misbehavior. Fair signed the civil-rights agreement on Tuesday.

    The agreement also requires the district to develop new policies governing when to use its crisis rooms — described by the Education Department as two bare rooms with cinderblock walls and tile floors — and provide those to the agency within 30 days. Additionally, the district will need to keep detailed documentation every time students are sent to police and provide training to all staff, including on when the use of law enforcement or a crisis room could violate federal law.

    The ProPublica-Tribune investigation found school administrators had called the police to report student misbehavior every other school day, on average, for years. When police were brought to the school, staff members then regularly pressed charges against the students — some as young as 9.

    Officers typically handcuffed students and took them to the Jacksonville police station, where they were fingerprinted, photographed and placed in a holding cell. The local newspaper in Jacksonville then printed a brief description of the arrest in its police blotter.

    (Jacksonville Journal-Courier)

    During the 2017-18 school year, half of all Garrison students were arrested. No school district in the country that year had a higher student arrest rate, according to federal data.

    Olga Pribyl, who oversees the special-education law division of Equip for Equality, called the agreement “a wake-up call” that the school should be focused on training staff to help students avoid crisis situations. The group is the federally appointed watchdog for people with disabilities in Illinois.

    “They should’ve been complying with the law, that’s the bottom line, and they weren’t,” she said. She said that, at a minimum, all students who were sent to police or put in the seclusion room should be offered counseling.

    “There’s trauma involved whenever these types of restrictive practices are used on students and especially if they’re used frequently,” Pribyl said.

    A mother named Lena, who pulled two of her children from Garrison, said she won’t seek help from the school even though her sons would be eligible under the new agreement. One of her sons was arrested at school.

    “For people who are going to go there in the future or going there now, that’s great,” Lena said. (ProPublica and the Tribune are not including her last name to protect the privacy of her children.) “But for the kids whose lives have been altered completely, that doesn’t do any good.

    “You are asking somebody to take their kid back to the place that harmed them.”


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jennifer Smith Richards and Jodi S. Cohen.

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    Herbalist Liz Migliorelli on going offline and growing your community locally https://www.radiofree.org/2024/09/04/herbalist-liz-migliorelli-on-going-offline-and-growing-your-community-locally/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/09/04/herbalist-liz-migliorelli-on-going-offline-and-growing-your-community-locally/#respond Wed, 04 Sep 2024 07:00:00 +0000 https://thecreativeindependent.com/people/herbalist-liz-migliorelli-on-going-offline-and-growing-your-community-locally To begin, will you tell me about what you’re currently working on and how you like to describe your creative practice?

    I wear a few different hats. I’m an herbalist foundationally, and the work with plants then radiates out into all of the other things that I do.

    I’m also an educator and run various programs about plant medicine and folk magic and ancestral remembrance. And I work one-on-one with people. With my clients, I have an apothecary and I formulate for individuals based on whatever health or energetic or spiritual reasons they’re coming in. And then I also have a product line [where] I sell and make potions. For me, a lot of my creative work is based on being in relationship with plants and our non-human kin.

    But I also am a writer and I spend a lot of time reading poetry. And those things also really influence what I do and how I teach.

    Since you work in a number of formats that are outside of what typically gets defined as “art,” I’m curious if you’ve ever felt like you’ve had to grapple with that in how you self-describe? Would you characterize potion-making as an artistic practice?

    I feel like my experience of that inquiry changes on a day-to-day basis. I have never really called myself an artist. And I think that comes from a lot of cultural conditioning around, well, “an artist is someone who is writing every day or is painting every day.” And I know it’s not true. I know that in my body, and I know that through examples of my friends and community and family. But it’s not a word that I have felt comfortable using. However, there is an art to herbalism. There’s an art to magic, there’s an art of poetry, there’s an art of storytelling, and all of those are things that I do.

    There’s something on a deeper level about the history of healing arts and the ways in which the medical profession was created through Renaissance Europe; the ways in which power was taken from mainly women who held these roles as healers and midwives and nurses in a community. And then it became a professionalized thing that only men who had certain levels of education could access. I’m like, those women are artists who are working with the seasons and working with the elements and working with the plants to provide medicine for a community. There’s something there, in how we look at who gets to be an actual artist or who gets to be someone who is in a healing profession. It’s an old wound—it’s something I’m thinking about often.

    I would love to talk to you about plant sentience and how you approach communicating with or “collaborating with plants,” as you describe it on your website. How did you begin communicating with plants?

    There’s definitely layers of self-awareness in terms of how it happened. I could sense energy from plants as a kid. I actually think that’s something that most kids feel and are in tune with. When I talk about flower essences with kids, they get it immediately. And I had a very strong connection with both apple trees and birch trees. Trees were big for me when I was a kid, and I would just spend time with them and get these different images from them in my mind, but then also would sense them in my body. Just through being next to a tree, I would notice that with birch, there was this feeling of movement that would sort of ground in my belly and then move up and out of my body. And then over the years, especially as a teenager, that’s something that I forgot and didn’t pay attention to and didn’t value.

    Then when I circled back to the plants many years later, part of it came just from being in relationship—just being like, I’m going to actually go sit next to a mugwort plant and see what I feel. And I think that that’s actually all it really takes, is showing up season after season. There needs to be a willingness of, I want to become friends with this plant. And then you just ask a question. I mean, it could really be as simple as, “How do I feel you in my body?” Just sitting with the plant and breathing with the plant and seeing where it takes you.

    It is so easy actually, and it’s extremely intuitive work. I think most people, once they have permission [that] this is something that I can do, it’s something that ancestrally we all have done. It’s how we learned from the plants, how all of our ancestors learned about the plants: direct communication and spending time with them, being an active listener. We just forget that that’s something that we’re able to do. I don’t think that anyone’s necessarily better at it than someone else. We all just receive information in really different ways. And for a lot of us, we’ve turned off that form of receiving information.

    Do you feel like in the process of giving yourself that permission and developing those faculties to be able to listen and be receptive to plants, there’s some amount of “de-humaning” you have to do?” Is there some amount of “de-humaning” you need to do in order to develop those faculties?

    I think if anything, you have to become more human, because it’s just foundational humanity. Language is a form of spell-casting. And if we’re telling ourselves the story of, “I don’t know how to do this,” that’s the language we’re running through our head most days, then yeah, you’re not going to feel it. Turning off that voice, the fear of, “I don’t know what I’m doing,” or “I’m doing it the wrong way.” Instead, switching to another very human way of being, which is being in our body, moving from the head and into other places of knowing in our bodies.

    For me, I get so much information from my stomach, and I think a lot of people do, but they don’t think of that as information. So it’s shifting from this very mental, verbal language and moving into experiential. That’s very human to be like, “Where am I feeling this in my body?” Plants give us a lot of non-verbal cues, but so do we, that’s also how we communicate with one another. It is about coming back to the body and trusting in the body, which is something that a lot of people have a really hard time doing.

    You teach many classes related to herbalism and plant divination. How has your approach to teaching evolved?

    One of the biggest things that has changed over the years is that I used to feel a real urgency around providing so much information in a class. I wanted people to get their money’s worth. I wanted them to feel saturated with how much of this knowledge I could offer and give. What I’ve moved more into has been about opening opportunities for people to feel, for them to step into the experience of being with the plants.

    It’s like, yeah, I could tell you 20 different things about what this particular plant does, but what if we just went and felt it together? What if we just went and sat with it and saw what came up? Rather than me telling you what it’s going to do and creating some sort of expectation around what you are going to feel or sense or learn, let’s go see. When I’ve been a student, that’s the kind of learning that I always want to do. So I keep moving more and more into that realm.

    Are you able to support yourself financially through your herbalism work? What has the journey been in terms of financial sustainability with your work?

    I’m able to sustain myself with my work, which is a gift, and I feel very, very lucky to do so. But it is the wearing many different hats piece that makes it work. I don’t think I could sustain myself just from my individual client practice. I need to also teach. My work is shifting right now, so I feel like it’s a really good time to ask me this question. The truth is that I’m entering a big moment of change, and I don’t really know what some of it’s going to look like. Earlier in the year, I stopped selling my product line. So that stream of income has dropped. I just lost my office space this past spring due to a shitty landlord situation. So I’m currently only seeing clients online, which is very limiting.

    I’m also considering opening a school here in the Hudson Valley where I live, and moving a lot of my teaching back offline, because I only really brought it online in 2020. I’m really interested in moving more offline. I just deleted my Instagram last week. I walked away from that. I keep talking about localizing my practice, and I’m going to see what that looks like. I have some money set aside, but I need things to work. There’s a lot about it that feels kind of tenuous right now, but I’m also experimenting.

    I’m curious to hear more about your attitude toward social media these days.

    I’ve been on Instagram for so long, 10 years. It’s a really long time when you think about it. And the app changed so much in the past few years to being so ad-based. That’s just not how I work and not how I relate to the world, through short and sweet bits of information. And I felt addicted to the app and addicted to refreshing it and looking at things that I have absolutely no interest in really.

    For me, there’s been a real reckoning of “How do I really want to be spending my time?” What I really want to do is gather with people in my community. And what I really want to be doing is being a better friend and writing my friends letters, rather than keeping tabs on them on Instagram. The level of communication that I used to feel like was possible on that app has devolved. So it didn’t feel in alignment for me anymore, or even interesting. I just felt bad about myself when I was on the app. It’s terrifying, because there’s a part of me that feels like I need it for my work. I don’t really know how that’s going to go.

    That response makes me wonder about your personal definition of success and how it informs some of these choices you’re making and the ways you choose to show up on the world’s stage.

    Nobody gets into herbalism to become a millionaire. I’m very glad that I’ve been able to sustain the life that I live from this work. But in terms of what I actually value as success is about having a really rich inner life and a really rich relationship with my friends and community. Cooking food for friends feels like success to me.

    I feel like it sounds cheesy, but I’m a pretty simple person in a lot of ways, in terms of what I feel to be successful. If I get to go for a long walk after seeing clients and go jump in a body of water, I’m thrilled. How I want to show up on the world stage is as someone who feels connected to the land, as someone who feels interwoven into the web of life. I want to feel creatively charged by reading poetry. And I just want to read more in general. Things like that to me are what I deem success. Like what’s the vitality of my creative practice? And what I have noticed is that being on Instagram hasn’t been helping that vitality or even my own just energetic vitality. And so I think for me, that level of success has a lot to do with my mental health and making sure that that feels good. It doesn’t always, but the plants help, the plants really do help.

    What are some of the bigger challenges that you’ve faced in pursuing this kind of field of work? Is there any advice you’d like to share for someone trying to build their own sustainable creative practice?

    Some of the challenges for me have been that there’s really not a set way of being an herbalist in the world, which is both a blessing and a curse. There’s a lot of freedom about how you can do your work. And it’s also like, “Oh my god. Am I going in the right direction? Does this feel like it’s going to be worth it?” There’s a lot that just is not guaranteed.

    I currently feel really challenged by climate collapse and climate grief—I am looking at this linden tree outside of my window that was just completely devoured this year by this invasive moth species that came. A lot of my livelihood has to do with [my] relationship to the land and being able to grow the things that I want to grow. With so much changing really quickly, that piece feels scary. All of my friends who are farmers feel the same way.

    In terms of advice, I mean, it’s the most non-business advice that I could ever give, which is if you’re a plant person, the best thing that you can do is ask the plants. And that’s something that I’ve consistently done throughout all of the years of working for myself. When I’m in a moment of not knowing or in challenge, I try to ask for help from the plants. That has been a huge wayfinder in my business and has helped me to trust my intuition. To really lean on that which supports your intuitive knowing is the best advice I could give.

    Liz Migliorelli recommends:

    Getting stung by a nettle in early spring to wake up from winter slumber

    Joy of Man’s Desiring by Jean Giono

    Familiars by Holly Wren Spaulding

    Rosemary Olive Oil Cake

    Foundations Tea from Layla K Feghali</br>


    This content originally appeared on The Creative Independent and was authored by Rene Kladzyk.

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    What It Means to Go Back-to-School in the American Police State https://www.radiofree.org/2024/09/03/what-it-means-to-go-back-to-school-in-the-american-police-state/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/09/03/what-it-means-to-go-back-to-school-in-the-american-police-state/#respond Tue, 03 Sep 2024 22:02:38 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=153255 Every day in communities across the United States, children and adolescents spend the majority of their waking hours in schools that have increasingly come to resemble places of detention more than places of learning. —Investigative journalist Annette Fuentes It’s not easy being a child in the American police state. Danger lurks around every corner and […]

    The post What It Means to Go Back-to-School in the American Police State first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>

    Every day in communities across the United States, children and adolescents spend the majority of their waking hours in schools that have increasingly come to resemble places of detention more than places of learning.

    —Investigative journalist Annette Fuentes

    It’s not easy being a child in the American police state.

    Danger lurks around every corner and comes at you from every direction, especially when Big Brother is involved.

    Out on the streets, you’ve got the menace posed by police officers who shoot first and ask questions later. In your neighborhoods, you’ve got to worry about the Nanny State and its network of busybodies turning parents in for allowing their children to walk to school alone, walk to the park alone, play at the beach alone, or even play in their own yard alone.

    The tentacles of the police state even intrude on the sanctity of one’s home, with the government believing it knows better than you—the parent—what is best for your child. This criminalization of parenthood has run the gamut in recent years from parents being arrested for attempting to walk their kids home from school to parents being fined and threatened with jail time for their kids’ bad behavior or tardiness at school.

    This doesn’t even touch on what happens to your kids when they’re at school—especially the public schools—where parents have little to no control over what their kids are taught, how they are taught, how and why they are disciplined, and the extent to which they are being indoctrinated into marching in lockstep with the government’s authoritarian playbook.

    The message is chillingly clear: your children are not your own but are, in fact, wards of the state who have been temporarily entrusted to your care. Should you fail to carry out your duties to the government’s satisfaction, the children in your care will be re-assigned elsewhere.

    This is what it means to go back-to-school in America today: where parents have to worry about school resource officers who taser teenagers and handcuff kindergartners, school officials who have criminalized childhood behavior, school lockdowns and terror drills that teach your children to fear and comply, and a police state mindset that has transformed the schools into quasi-prisons.

    Instead of being taught the three R’s of education (reading, writing and arithmetic), young people are being drilled in the three I’s of life in the American police state: indoctrination, intimidation and intolerance.

    Indeed, while young people today are learning first-hand what it means to be at the epicenter of politically charged culture wars, test scores indicate that students are not learning how to succeed in social studies, math and reading. Rather, government officials are churning out compliant drones who know little to nothing about their history or their freedoms.

    In turn, these young people are being brainwashed into adopting a worldview in which rights are negotiable rather than inalienable; free speech is dangerous; the virtual world is preferable to the real world; and history can be extinguished when inconvenient or offensive.

    What does it mean for the future of freedom at large when these young people, trained to be mindless automatons, are someday running the government?

    Under the direction of government officials focused on making the schools more authoritarian (sold to parents as a bid to make the schools safer), young people in America are now first in line to be searched, surveilled, spied on, threatened, tied up, locked down, treated like criminals for non-criminal behavior, tasered and in some cases shot.

    From the moment a child enters one of the nation’s 98,000 public schools to the moment he or she graduates, they will be exposed to a steady diet of:

    • draconian zero tolerance policies that criminalize childish behavior,
    • overreaching anti-bullying statutes that criminalize speech,
    • school resource officers (police) tasked with disciplining and/or arresting so-called “disorderly” students,
    • standardized testing that emphasizes rote answers over critical thinking,
    • politically correct mindsets that teach young people to censor themselves and those around them,
    • and extensive biometric and surveillance systems that, coupled with the rest, acclimate young people to a world in which they have no freedom of thought, speech or movement.

    This is how you groom young people to march in lockstep with a police state.

    As Deborah Cadbury writes for The Washington Post, “Authoritarian rulers have long tried to assert control over the classroom as part of their totalitarian governments.”

    In Nazi Germany, the schools became indoctrination centers, breeding grounds for intolerance and compliance.

    In the American police state, the schools have become increasingly hostile to those who dare to question or challenge the status quo.

    America’s young people have become casualties of a post-9/11 mindset that has transformed the country into a locked-down, militarized, crisis-fueled mockery of a representative government.

    Roped into the government’s profit-driven campaign to keep the nation “safe” from drugs, disease, and weapons, America’s schools have transformed themselves into quasi-prisons, complete with surveillance cameras, metal detectors, police patrols, zero tolerance policies, lock downs, drug sniffing dogs, strip searches and active shooter drills.

    Students are not only punished for minor transgressions such as playing cops and robbers on the playground, bringing LEGOs to school, or having a food fight, but the punishments have become far more severe, shifting from detention and visits to the principal’s office into misdemeanor tickets, juvenile court, handcuffs, tasers and even prison terms.

    Students have been suspended under school zero tolerance policies for bringing to school “look alike substances” such as oregano, breath mints, birth control pills and powdered sugar.

    Look-alike weapons (toy guns—even Lego-sized ones, hand-drawn pictures of guns, pencils twirled in a “threatening” manner, imaginary bows and arrows, fingers positioned like guns) can also land a student in hot water, in some cases getting them expelled from school or charged with a crime.

    Not even good deeds go unpunished.

    One 13-year-old was given detention for exposing the school to “liability” by sharing his lunch with a hungry friend. A third grader was suspended for shaving her head in sympathy for a friend who had lost her hair to chemotherapy. And then there was the high school senior who was suspended for saying “bless you” after a fellow classmate sneezed.

    Having police in the schools only adds to the danger.

    Thanks to a combination of media hype, political pandering and financial incentives, the use of armed police officers (a.k.a. school resource officers) to patrol school hallways has risen dramatically in the years since the Columbine school shooting.

    Indeed, the growing presence of police in the nation’s schools is resulting in greater police “involvement in routine discipline matters that principals and parents used to address without involvement from law enforcement officers.”

    Funded by the U.S. Department of Justice, these school resource officers have become de facto wardens in elementary, middle and high schools, doling out their own brand of justice to the so-called “criminals” in their midst with the help of tasers, pepper spray, batons and brute force.

    In the absence of school-appropriate guidelines, police are more and more “stepping in to deal with minor rulebreaking: sagging pants, disrespectful comments, brief physical skirmishes. What previously might have resulted in a detention or a visit to the principal’s office was replaced with excruciating pain and temporary blindness, often followed by a trip to the courthouse.”

    Not even the younger, elementary school-aged kids are being spared these “hardening” tactics.

    On any given day when school is in session, kids who “act up” in class are pinned facedown on the floor, locked in dark closets, tied up with straps, bungee cords and duct tape, handcuffed, leg shackled, tasered or otherwise restrained, immobilized or placed in solitary confinement in order to bring them under “control.”

    In almost every case, these undeniably harsh methods are used to punish kids—some as young as 4 and 5 years old—for simply failing to follow directions or throwing tantrums.

    Very rarely do the kids pose any credible danger to themselves or others.

    Unbelievably, these tactics are all legal, at least when employed by school officials or school resource officers in the nation’s public schools.

    This is what happens when you introduce police and police tactics into the schools.

    Paradoxically, by the time you add in the lockdowns and active shooter drills, instead of making the schools safer, school officials have succeeded in creating an environment in which children are so traumatized that they suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder, nightmares, anxiety, mistrust of adults in authority, as well as feelings of anger, depression, humiliation, despair and delusion.

    For example, a middle school in Washington State went on lockdown after a student brought a toy gun to class. A Boston high school went into lockdown for four hours after a bullet was discovered in a classroom. A North Carolina elementary school locked down and called in police after a fifth grader reported seeing an unfamiliar man in the school (it turned out to be a parent).

    Police officers at a Florida middle school carried out an active shooter drill in an effort to educate students about how to respond in the event of an actual shooting crisis. Two armed officers, guns loaded and drawn, burst into classrooms, terrorizing the students and placing the school into lockdown mode.

    These police state tactics have not made the schools any safer.

    The fallout has been what you’d expect, with the nation’s young people treated like hardened criminals: handcuffed, arrested, tasered, tackled and taught the painful lesson that the Constitution (especially the Fourth Amendment) doesn’t mean much in the American police state.

    Likewise, the harm caused by attitudes and policies that treat America’s young people as government property is not merely a short-term deprivation of individual rights. It is also a long-term effort to brainwash our young people into believing that civil liberties are luxuries that can and will be discarded at the whim and caprice of government officials if they deem doing so is for the so-called “greater good” (in other words, that which perpetuates the aims and goals of the police state).

    What we’re dealing with is a draconian mindset that sees young people as wards of the state—and the source of potential income—to do with as they will in defiance of the children’s constitutional rights and those of their parents. However, this is in keeping with the government’s approach towards individual freedoms in general.

    Surveillance cameras, government agents listening in on your phone calls, reading your emails and text messages and monitoring your spending, mandatory health care, sugary soda bans, anti-bullying laws, zero tolerance policies, political correctness: these are all outward signs of a government—i.e., a monied elite—that believes it knows what is best for you and can do a better job of managing your life than you can.

    This is tyranny disguised as “the better good.”

    Indeed, this is the tyranny of the Nanny State: marketed as benevolence, enforced with armed police, and inflicted on all those who do not belong to the elite ruling class that gets to call the shots.

    This is what the world looks like when bureaucrats not only think they know better than the average citizen but are empowered to inflict their viewpoints on the rest of the populace on penalty of fines, arrest or death.

    So, what’s the answer, not only for the here-and-now but for the future of this country, when these same young people are someday in charge?

    How do you convince someone who has been routinely handcuffed, shackled, tied down, locked up, and immobilized by government officials—all before he reaches the age of adulthood—that he has any rights at all, let alone the right to challenge wrongdoing, resist oppression and defend himself against injustice?

    Most of all, how do you persuade a fellow American that the government works for him when, for most of his young life, he has been incarcerated in an institution that teaches young people to be obedient and compliant citizens who don’t talk back, don’t question and don’t challenge authority?

    As I make clear in my book Battlefield America: The War on the American People and in its fictional counterpart The Erik Blair Diaries, if we want to raise up a generation of freedom fighters who will actually operate with justice, fairness, accountability and equality towards each other and their government, we must start by running the schools like freedom forums.

    The post What It Means to Go Back-to-School in the American Police State first appeared on Dissident Voice.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by John W. Whitehead and Nisha Whitehead.

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    ‘They’re Trying to Pass Laws to Make Dark Money Even Darker’CounterSpin interview with Steve Macek on dark money https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/28/theyre-trying-to-pass-laws-to-make-dark-money-even-darkercounterspin-interview-with-steve-macek-on-dark-money/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/28/theyre-trying-to-pass-laws-to-make-dark-money-even-darkercounterspin-interview-with-steve-macek-on-dark-money/#respond Wed, 28 Aug 2024 16:39:16 +0000 https://fair.org/?p=9041811  

    Janine Jackson interviewed North Central College‘s Steve Macek about “dark money” campaign contributions  for the August 23, 2024, episode of CounterSpin. This is a lightly edited transcript.

     

    Election Focus 2024Janine Jackson: If you use the word “democracy” unsarcastically, you likely think it has something to do with, not only every person living in a society having some say in the laws and policies that govern them, but also the idea that everyone should be able to know what’s going on, besides voting, that influences that critical decision-making.

    “Dark money,” as it’s called, has become, in practical terms, business as usual, but it still represents the opposite of that transparency, that ability for even the unpowerful to know what’s happening, to know what’s affecting the rules that govern our lives. A press corps concerned with defending democracy, and not merely narrating the nightmare of crisis, would be talking about that every day, in every way.

    Our guest has written about the gap between what we need and what we get, in terms of media. Steve Macek is professor and chair of communication and media studies, at North Central College in Illinois, a co-coordinator of Project Censored’s campus affiliate program, and co-editor and contributor to, most recently, Censorship, Digital Media and the Global Crackdown on Freedom of Expression, out this year from Peter Lang. He joins us now by phone from Naperville, Illinois. Welcome to CounterSpin, Steve Macek.

    Steve Macek: Thanks for having me, Janine. I’m a big fan of the show.

    Progressive: Dark Money Uncovered

    Progressive (6/24)

    JJ: Well, thank you. Let’s start with some definition. Dark money doesn’t mean funding for candidates or campaigns I don’t like, or from groups I don’t like. In your June piece for the Progressive, you spell out what it is, and where it can come from, and what we can know about it. Help us, if you would, understand just the rules around dark money.

    SM: Sure. So dark money, and Anna Massoglia of OpenSecrets gave me, I think, a really nice, concise definition of dark money in the interview I did with her for this article. She called it “funding from undisclosed sources that goes to influence political outcomes, such as elections.” Now, thanks to the Supreme Court case in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission in 2010, and some other cases, it is now completely legal for corporations and very wealthy individuals to spend unlimited amounts of money to influence the outcomes of elections.

    Not all of that “independent expenditure” on elections is dark money. Dark money is spending that comes from organizations that do not have to disclose their donors. One sort of organization, I’m sure your listeners are really familiar with, are Super PACs, or, what they’re more technically known as, IRS Code 527 organizations. It can take unlimited contributions, and spend unlimited amounts on influencing elections, but they have to disclose the names of their donors.

    There’s this other sort of organization, a 501(c)(4) nonprofit, which is sometimes known as a “social welfare nonprofit,” who can raise huge amounts of money, but they do not have to disclose the names of their donors, but they are prevented from spending the majority of their budget on political activity, which means that a lot of these 501(c)(4) organizations spend 49.999% of their budget attempting to influence the outcomes of elections, and the rest of it is spent on things like general political education, or research that might, in turn, guide the creation of political ads and so on.

    JJ: When we talk about influencing the outcome of elections, it’s not that they are taking out an ad for or against a particular candidate. That doesn’t have to be involved at all.

    Guardian: Trump-linked dark-money group spent $90m on racist and transphobic ads in 2022, records show

    Guardian (5/17/24)

    SM: Right. So they can sometimes run issue ads. Sometimes these dark money groups, as long as they’re working within the parameters of the law, will run ads for or against a particular candidate.

    But take, for example, Citizens for Sanity, the group that I talked about at the beginning of my Progressive article: This is a group that nobody knows very much about. It showed up back in 2022, and ran $40 million worth of ads in four battleground states. Many of the ads were general ads attacking the Democrats for wanting to erase the border, or over woke culture-war themes, but they’re spending $40+ million on ads, according to one estimate.

    What we do know is the officials of the group are almost identical to America First Legal, which was made up by former Trump administration officials. America First Legal was founded by Stephen Miller, that xenophobic former advisor and sometimes speechwriter to Donald Trump. No one really knows exactly who is funding this organization, because it is a 501(c)(4) social welfare nonprofit, and so is not required by the IRS to disclose its donors.

    It has been running this year, in Ohio and elsewhere, a whole bunch of digital ads, and putting up billboards, for example, attacking Democratic Sen. Sherrod Brown for his stance on immigration policies, basically saying he wants to protect criminal illegals, and also running these general, very snarky anti-“woke” ads saying, basically, Democrats used to care about the middle class, now they only care about race and gender and DEI.

    JJ: Right. Well, I think “rich people influence policy,” it’s almost like “dog bites man” at this point, right? Yeah, it’s bad, but that’s how the system works, and I think it’s important to lift up: If it didn’t matter for donors to obscure their support for this or that, well then they wouldn’t be trying to obscure it.

    And the thing you’re writing about, these are down-ballot issues, where you might believe that Citizens for Sanity, in this case, or any other organization, you might think of this as like a grassroots group that’s scrambled together some money to take out ads. And so it is meaningful to know to connect these financial dots.

    SM: Absolutely. It is meaningful. And since you made reference to down-ballot races, one of the things that I think is so nefarious about dark money, and these dark money organizations, is that they are spending a lot on races for things like school boards or, as I discussed in the article, state attorney generals races.

    There is this organization, it was founded in 2014, called the Republican Attorneys General Association, or RAGA, which is a beautiful acronym, and they have been trying to elect extremely reactionary Republicans to the top law enforcement position in state after state. And in 2022, they spent something like $8.9 million trying to defeat Democratic state attorney generals candidates in the 2022 elections.

    ProPublica: We Don’t Talk About Leonard: The Man Behind the Right’s Supreme Court Supermajority

    ProPublica (10/11/23)

    Now, they are a PAC of a kind, they’re a 527, so they have the same legal status as a Super PAC, so they have to disclose their donors. But the fact is, one of the major donors is a group called the Concord Fund, which has given them $17 million.

    Concord Fund is a 501(c)(4) that was founded by Leonard Leo, the judicial activist affiliated with the Federalist Society, who is basically Donald Trump’s Supreme Court whisperer, who is largely responsible for the conservative takeover of the federal courts. His organization, this fund that he controls, gave $17 million to RAGA.

    And we have no idea who contributed that money to the fund. We can make some educated guesses, but nobody really knows who’s funneling that money into trying to influence the election of the top law enforcement official in state after state around this country.

    That’s alarming because, of course, some of these right-wing billionaires and corporations have a vested interest in who is sitting in that position. Because if it comes to enforcement of antitrust laws, or corruption laws, if they have a more friendly state attorney general in that position, it could mean millions of dollars for their bottom line.

    JJ: And I think, from the point of view of the public, filtered through the point of view of the press, if you heard there’s this one macher, or this one rich person, and they’re pulling the strings and they’ve bought this judge, and they’ve paid for this policy and these ads, that would be one thing. But to have it filtered through a number of groups that are kind of opaque and you don’t really know, a minority point of view can be presented as a sort of groundswell of grassroots support.

    SM: Exactly. It can create this sort of astroturfing effect where, “Oh, there are all these ads being run. It must be that there are lots of people who are really concerned or really opposed to this particular candidate,” when, in fact, it could be a single billionaire who is routing money for a number of different shells and front groups in an effort to influence the outcome of an election.

    Colorado Newsline: Billionaire ‘dark money’ is behind the Denver school board endorsements

    Colorado Newsline (10/21/23)

    So I think attorney generals races are one kind of down-ballot race where we’ve seen a lot of dark money spent. School board elections are another, and this is something that has been really evident in the past couple of years, where various different Super PACs and other dark money groups have spent millions of dollars, that are affiliated with advocates for charter schools, and advocates for school vouchers have been spending money trying to elect school board members that are pro-voucher and pro–charter school.

    In 2023, City Fund, which is a national pro–charter school group, bankrolled in part by billionaire Reed Hastings, donated $1.75 million from its affiliated PAC to a 501(c)(4), Denver Families for Public Schools, to try to elect three “friendly” pro–charter school candidates for the city school board, and all three of the candidates won.

    And I don’t know about you, but I don’t have children who went through the public system here in Naperville, I didn’t pay very close attention to who was running in those races, or who was backing those people. I just would read about it a couple days before the election. Most people don’t pay very close attention, unless they’re employees of the school district, or have children currently in school. They’re not paying that close attention to the school board elections. And so this influx of dark money could very well have tipped those races in the favor of the pro–charter school.

    JJ: And name that group again, because it didn’t say “charter schools.”

    SM: So the charter school group was City Fund, and it donated money to Denver Families for Public Schools….

    JJ: : For “public schools….”

    SM: Right, which is a 501(c)(4) nonprofit. Yes, and it’s got this Orwellian name, because it’s Denver Families for Public Schools. But what they wanted to do was, of course, create more charter schools.

    JJ: It’s deep, and it’s confusing because it’s designed to be confusing, and it’s opaque because, you know….

    And then, OK, so here come media. And we know that lots of people, including reporters, still imagine the US press corps as kind of like an old movie, with press cards in their hat band, or Woodward and Bernstein connecting dots, holding the powerful to account, and the chips are just falling where they may.

    And you make the point in the Progressive piece that there have been excellent corporate news media exposés of the influence of dark money, connecting those dots. But you write that news media have “missed or minimized as many stories about dark money as they have covered.” What are you getting at there?

    ProPublica: Conservative Activist Poured Millions Into Groups Seeking to Influence Supreme Court on Elections and Discrimination

    ProPublica (12/14/22)

    SM: I absolutely believe that. So it is true, as I say, that there have been some excellent reports about dark money. Here in Chicago, we had this reclusive billionaire industrialist, Barre Seide, who made what most people say is the largest political contribution in American history. He donated his company to a fund, Marble Freedom Fund, run by Leonard Leo, again, a conservative judicial activist.

    The Marble Freedom Fund sold the company for $1.6 billion. It’s hard for the corporate media to ignore a political contribution of $1.6 billion. That’s a $1.6 billion trust fund that Leonard Leo, who engineered the conservative takeover of the US Supreme Court, is going to be able to use—he’s a very right-wing, conservative Catholic—to put his particular ideological stamp on American elections and on American culture. And so that got reported.

    And, in fact, there have been some really excellent follow-up reports by ProPublica, among others, about how various Leonard Leo–affiliated organizations have influenced judicial appointments and have influenced judicial elections. So you have to give credit where credit’s due.

    But the problem is that there are so many other cases where dark money is in play. Whether or not you can say it’s determining the outcome of elections or not is another story. But where dark money is playing a role, and it is simply not being talked about.

    Steve Macek

    Steve Macek: “Outside forces who, in some cases, do not have to disclose the source of their funding can spend more on a race than the candidates themselves.”

    Think about the last month of this current presidential election. There hasn’t been much discussion about the influence of dark money. And yet OpenSecrets just came out with an analysis where they say that contributions from dark money groups and shell organizations are outpacing all prior elections in this year, and might surpass the $660 million in contributions from dark money sources that flooded the 2020 elections. So they’re projecting that could be as much as a billion dollars. We haven’t heard very much about this.

    I don’t think necessarily dark money is going to make a huge difference one way or the other in the presidential race, but it certainly can make a difference in congressional races and attorney generals races, school board races, city council races, that’s where it can make a huge difference.

    And I do know that OpenSecrets, among others, have done research, and they found that there were cases where, over a hundred different congressional races, there was more outside spending on those races than were spent by either of the candidates. Which is a scandal, that outside forces who, in some cases, do not have to disclose the source of their funding can spend more on a race than the candidates themselves.

    JJ: And it’s disheartening, the idea that, while you’re swimming in it, it’s too big of an issue to even lift out.

    SM: And I think that’s also part of the reason why it’s accepted, sort of like the weather. And I think that’s part of the reason why there isn’t as much reporting in the corporate media as there ought to be about legal struggles over the regulation of dark money.

    JJ: That’s exactly where I was going to lead you, for a final question, just because we know that reporters will say, well, they can’t cover what isn’t happening. But it is happening, that legal and community and policy pushback on this influence is happening. And so, finally, what should we know about that?

    Roll Call: Senate GOP bill seeks to protect anonymous nonprofit donors

    Roll Call (5/14/24)

    SM: State-level Republican lawmakers, and state legislatures across the country, are pushing legislation that would prohibit state officials and agencies from collecting or disclosing information about donors to nonprofits, including donors to those 501(c)(4) social welfare organizations that I spoke about, that spend money on politics. So they’re trying to pass laws to make dark money even darker, to make this obscure money influencing our elections even harder to track. And I will say there are Republicans in Congress who have introduced federal legislation that would do the same thing.

    Now, the bills that are being pushed through state legislatures, not probably going to be a surprise to anybody who follows this, are based on a model bill that was developed by the American Legislative Exchange Council, or ALEC, which is a policy development organization that is funded by the Koch network of right-wing foundations, millionaires and billionaires. And they meet every year to develop model right-wing, libertarian legislation, that then is dutifully introduced into state legislatures around the country.

    And since 2018, a number of states, including Alabama, Arizona, Iowa, Kansas, Mississippi, Missouri, Oklahoma, South Dakota, Utah, Virginia and West Virginia, have all adopted some version of this ALEC legislation that criminalizes disclosing donors to nonprofits that engage in political activity.

    And in Arizona, where this conservative legislation was made into law, in 2022, there was a ballot referendum by the voters on the Voter’s Right to Know Act, Proposition 211, that would basically reverse the ALEC attempt to criminalize the disclosure of the names of donors. It would require PACs spending at least $50,000 on statewide campaigns to disclose all donors who have given more than $5,000—a direct reversal of the ALEC-inspired law.

    New Yorker: A Rare Win in the Fight Against Dark Money

    New Yorker (11/16/22)

    Conservative dark money group spent a lot of money trying to defeat this, and yet they lost. And then they spent a lot of money challenging the new law, Proposition 211, in court. And it has gone to trial, I think, three times, and been defeated each time.

    Now, the initial battle over Proposition 211 was covered to some degree in the corporate media, the New York Times, Jane Mayer at the New Yorker, who does excellent reporting on dark money issues, discussed it. But since then, we have gotten very little coverage of the court battles that continue to this day over this attempt to bring more transparency to campaign spending in the state of Arizona.

    JJ: So, not to hammer it too hard home, but there are legal efforts, policy efforts around the country, to bring more transparency, to explode this idea of dark money, to connect the dots, and more media coverage of them would actually have an amplifying effect on that very transparency.

    SM: Absolutely right. You would think that media organizations, whether they’re corporate or independent media, would have a vested interest in seeing more transparency in election spending. That would benefit their own reporting, and the reporters. And yet they really haven’t done a great job of covering it.

    JJ: We’ve been speaking with Steve Macek. He’s professor and chair of communication and media studies at North Central College in Illinois, and a co-coordinator of Project Censored’s campus affiliate program. The piece we’re talking about, “Dark Money Uncovered,” can be found at TheProgressive.org. Steve Macek, thank you so much for joining us this week on CounterSpin.

    SM: Oh, it was great. Thank you for having me.


    This content originally appeared on FAIR and was authored by Janine Jackson.

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    Writer Kimberly King Parsons on paying attention to what works best for you https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/27/writer-kimberly-king-parsons-on-paying-attention-to-what-works-best-for-you/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/27/writer-kimberly-king-parsons-on-paying-attention-to-what-works-best-for-you/#respond Tue, 27 Aug 2024 07:00:00 +0000 https://thecreativeindependent.com/people/writer-kimberly-king-parsons-on-paying-attention-to-what-works-best-for-you I love the relationship between Kit, the main character, and her toddler in your new novel, We Were the Universe. There’s this one part where Kit’s talking about a drawer full of acorns and how she calls it Nut Space. I was like, “Oh my god. This is real.” I have sticks in my house and drawers of leaves, and last week we had a bowl of dirt on the counter for a week because there was a tiny worm in it.

    I definitely pull things out of my kids’ mouths quite a bit. I write things down that they say, because as you know, kids are so psychedelic. The way that they view the world is so strange, and also the world is strange to them because they’re trying to make sense of it. When something lodges in their brain like, “Yeah, acorns are these magical things that we collect,” of course you wouldn’t get rid of them. We just had this whole drawer in our bathroom that we called nut space, and that was where the nuts went.

    They make the whole world so playful and vivid and different in this way I did not anticipate. I planned to have my kids, but I anticipated this slog of caretaking, and I didn’t realize how many really fun, strange moments [there would be], and how they totally remake the world in this beautiful way. I was always trying to capture those feelings and write them down so that I wouldn’t forget them.

    The narrator is also incredibly honest about the things that are difficult. We’ve all been there, but it’s almost like you have this social fear of admitting those things.

    Sometimes you have to go through those motions because you’re trying to take care of yourself, or you’re trying to do some real-life thing like pay for parking online. Meanwhile there’s this little voice in the back seat asking you some huge, profound question and you’re trying to balance both.

    The biggest takeaway for me about being a mother is that sensation of being split, and Kit starts the narrative in that place, which is like, I’m here at the playground, but in my mind I’m with this hot girl from my art class in college. There’s always a part of me that’s [aware], at any moment the phone could ring and I could have to stop this interview and go pick up my kids. I don’t know that people necessarily realize how divided your brain has to get to function.

    Did you write before you became a mom, and did it change after that process?

    I got my MFA in 2010, and I had my son in 2011, but I did not develop a writing practice until I had kids. I finally had to quit dicking around and get serious with myself because I would spend the whole day reading in bed and I would write for 30 minutes. I had this sensation that there was all the time in the world, and I would get to it when I got to it, and then suddenly when I had my son, I was paying a babysitter to come watch him just for a few hours a week. I was like, “Wow, I’m paying someone to watch him while I write, so I better fucking write.” That’s how I cultivated my writing practice, honestly, was at the same time as I became a mother.

    I had a lot of years before that of not doing it, a lot of years of pretending to write, but not really getting anything done.

    Can you talk a little bit about the path towards what made you want to get an MFA?

    I didn’t grow up in a house with any books at all, and I didn’t grow up around writers. I was a bad student, a bad high school student, and I read The Stranger as a senior and was blown away by the voice. I studied English as an undergraduate, and I thought for a long time I was going to write literary criticism about Faulkner because my emphasis was on Faulkner studies.

    I applied for one MFA program because I wanted to go to New York, but I had no reason to go to New York. I hadn’t even been there. I didn’t even know what it was like. I didn’t have any money, but I was like, “I’m just going to take out loans and go, and I’ll just be paying on this shit for the rest of my life, and that’s okay. It’s fine.”

    I got in to Columbia. That was the one MFA program that I applied to, largely because I wanted to study with Ben Marcus and Sam Lipsyte. I still think they’re both so great and I got to work with both of them.

    Sam, in particular, was just one of the best mentors I’ve ever had. You could turn in 20 pages every time you workshopped, and I would turn in eight pages. I just was not producing a lot back then, but I was listening and reading a lot, and meeting people and feeling the differences of where I had come from and where I had ended up.

    What do you think is the biggest takeaway you learned from working with him?

    Once we had this meeting during office hours, and he said, ”You’re actually a really funny person, and your work is really serious.” Back then, it was very self-serious. I think I was concerned that being funny would mean I wouldn’t be taken seriously. And so he said, “You really should just try to write in a voice that’s more like you as a person, and you could try that and see how it works.”

    He’s so funny in his work, and I loved Venus Drive, which is the short story collection, and some of them the circumstances are awful, but he is able to write around this core of loneliness in an exuberant, fun way. There’s that playfulness with language. That was critical for me. It took me a while to figure out how to balance a conversational tone or the humor with the craft of all of that love of language and all of these syntactical tricks that you can do.

    How do you know when something’s funny when you put it there?

    It’s hard because you’re writing by yourself, and so even if something was once funny, over revisions it loses its charm. I think I just would try to duplicate that sensation of talking to my friends or being at a party. Or, there’s a little bit of meanness to some of that humor, where it’s like, “I’m going to be observant in this moment and say the thing that we all fucking know is happening, but no one wants to talk about it.” I think it’s also about writing characters from such a place of deep interiority that you don’t have to worry necessarily that they sound like assholes. The other thing I learned from Sam is that it’s really important that every character, whether it’s true or not, believe that they are the worst person in the book, even if the readers are like, “Actually, she’s not that bad. She’s fine.”

    People always talk about how they want characters to change over the course of a novel. My favorite books feel really static, actually. I always want to make the reader change their opinion of the narrator, so that at the beginning they’re like, “This person seems a little insufferable,” but by the end they’re like, “I totally get why she’s like that. It’s because of her life,” or “I understand why she’s over-parenting her own daughter. It’s because she was under-parented herself.” Those realizations really come by a slow accumulation of information about the character. So it’s not just this character that really shows a great change, it’s more that the reader starts to understand the character in a different way, if it’s done correctly, which is of course, the hope.

    Becoming a mom forced you to get your shit together with your writing routine. Have there been periods where you’ve really struggled with keeping yourself in the habit of it?

    I go for long stretches even now without writing. The one thing I try to work on is my feelings about myself when I’m not writing, which are tricky, because when I’m writing, I feel so much better, obviously. I feel like I’m doing what I’m supposed to be doing. But the main thing is about changing my attitude around those periods of time where I’m inactive. Sometimes it’s because I get stuck, and for me, it’s much more beneficial to stop than to try to push through and look at something that I feel is fucked up every day, and to know it’s fucked up. It’s better for me to put it down and go and take a walk in the forest, or meet a friend, or read three books, take my writing time and use it to read.

    The only way I’ve ever solved a problem is by stepping away from it. This book, I was two years late delivering it, and I just couldn’t be rushed. I wanted to be rushed, I want to be the kind of person who can crank shit out. I’m just not that person.

    I try to be gentle with myself when I recognize it’s not going to happen today. I do try to touch the work every day, even if that means just reading it. Anthony Doerr says you don’t want to let the paint dry on a project. If the paint dries, then it just makes it harder. I think that a lot of times I’ll sit down and look at something and instantly know, “Am I going to work today or not?” And sometimes it’s a no, and that’s okay. I’m like, “It’s going to be a while for me,” but it’s okay.

    A couple of years ago, Sarah Manguso published that piece that was about how to have a career as advice to young writers. How she says it is, “Once you’ve truly begun, slow down. The difference between publishing two good books and 40 mediocre books is terribly large. Don’t expend energy in writing and publishing that would be better used in your family and community.”

    I remember having a conversation with a dear friend and super smart editor, who said, “You need to get a book out before you have a baby.” And I was like, “No, because I’m 30. I want to have a baby soon. I’m scared I’m getting too old.” He was like, “Then write the book.” And I was like, “No, this is going to work. It’s going to be fine. I just need to do this this way.”

    I did have this dumb confidence for some reason that I would figure it out or that, I just always have this sensation that things are happening the way they’re supposed to happen. Some of the stories in Blacklight I started in 2005, and I published that in 2019. That’s crazy. My thesis was just a bad version of Blacklight, basically. I’m so glad I didn’t rush that to publication. I could have tried, probably nobody would’ve bought it, but I could have forced it. I had this sensation of, “Just wait, just wait, just wait.”

    I try to do nothing for as long as possible. In my life in general, whenever there’s a problem or some challenge, I’m like, “Do nothing, and then the answers will be revealed.” It hasn’t let me down yet. Maybe one day it will, but I don’t know.

    I think because it’s coming from a place that’s inherently confident, it’s more of an expanded mindset.

    Having kids, too, really does illuminate your ambitions, because suddenly you’re like, “I only have time for one thing now. I have time for caretaking and I have time for my job, and then I have time for my creative endeavor. And so what is that going to be? And is it just going to be that I’m going to be fine not working, not writing, and just watching TV and making dinner at night, or do I really want to do this?” And because your time is so precious, you’re like, “I really want to do it.”

    When everything is structured within a minute of your day, it’s like budgeting your money. When you don’t budget your money, it just goes, and when you don’t budget your time, it just goes. There’s something about having that scarcity that I think can work in a really good way for people.

    You talked a little bit about taking long breaks between your writing. How did you keep the consistency of voice over the whole novel itself?

    The way that I write is with consecution, which is something that I learned from Gary L. Lutz, who first came to Columbia and gave a talk called “The Sentence is a Lonely Place.” It illuminated something that I had already noticed, which was that my very favorite writers were all doing this thing where each sentence became a seed for the next sentence. You’re always actually looking backwards to inform your process moving forwards. So because it’s sentence-based and it’s granular, and you’re really literally only looking at the sentence before, the voice is consistent. So I’m never having to think about story or events or ideas or what happens next. All I’m doing is taking what’s profitable from the last sentence and putting it into the sentence that follows.

    This was also something I further learned with Gordon Lish, who I studied with for several summers in New York after my MFA. All of those writers, like Christine Schutt and Amy Hempel, their work is so different, but they’re all using the same method. When I sit down to work, it’s like a game almost, because all you’re doing is pulling a little string along. You’re just looking from what you’ve got and moving forward. And because there’s so much friction between every sentence, it all is cohesive.

    Sometimes voices come to you and they feel really short. You’re like, “I could probably get 10 pages out of this voice and that’s it.” But I felt like I could listen to [Kit] for a lot longer.

    Have you had to have stops and starts sometimes where you have worked through a voice and want it to be a longer project but then you’ve realized that it’s not working?

    I feel that every project really tells you what it wants to be, really clearly. It’s much more like you start something, and even if you have an idea like, “Maybe this is a chapter or this is the beginning of something,” it will tell you really quickly. With every new sentence, it’s narrowing down and narrowing down, even when you want to be opening it up and opening it up.

    I think certain voices are just resistant. But I do think every project tells you structurally what it wants to be, too. The novels that I love are much more experimental than We Were the Universe turned out to be. The project tells you what it wants to be, if you’re just paying attention, you know?

    I was doing that for a while where I’ve worked through a couple voices on one particular project and it kept not working, and then I finally hit a voice, and I was like, “Oh, that’s the one.”

    There’s the one. The thing that people don’t talk about, because it’s hard to talk about, is how much intuition goes into writing. It’s one of those things where when you tell students, “Just listen. Pay attention to what you’ve just written, and look at the desire in that sentence, and use that sentence to write the next sentence, and just keep doing that over and over again.” Also, it’s okay to have the same preoccupations and obsessions and desires.

    When I look at a writer like Faulkner, who was writing literally the same families over and over again, he couldn’t shake them. It’s not a detriment. It’s really positive to find someone who figures out what their shit is and then just keeps doing it. Do it into the ground.

    I think that’s maybe even better than this idea of having to reinvent the wheel every time, or having to sound so different from one thing to the next. I don’t believe that there are coincidences, I’d be trying to figure out something with this dialogue in my novel, and I’d be stuck. Then I’d I go outside and hear two women talking to each other, and hear one of them say something that’s so strange. When you’re open to the possibility that the world is informing the work, all of these really cool things start to happen.

    I do think it gets easier as you get older, because you’re just like, “I’m not in as much of a rush.” I remember turning 30 and being like, “This is really bad that you haven’t published anything.” I remember feeling like, “Okay, you better hurry up.” Blacklight came out right before I turned 40, and I was like, “Whatever, it’s fine. Okay.”

    I remember feeling so rushed to publish when I first started out. I was like, “If I don’t publish, I’m going to die. If I don’t finish the book, I will be dead.” Or, “I’m going to die and I’m not going to have published it before I die.” This year I had realized that I I actually just don’t feel rushed anymore. I don’t feel that intensity anymore. I was a little bit scared. I was like, “Am I going to keep working on stuff?”

    Actually, that’s power. Not having that sense of being rushed is a form of power, because it’s like, “No, let me tell you about my timeline. This is on my time,” instead of it being like, “Well, if I’m writing my vampire book, I better hurry the fuck up because it’s vampire season.” You can’t follow trends. There’s such a big gulf between when you finish something and when you sell it and when you publish it. If you’re just true to that kernel of voice, whatever it is that’s your north star, as long as you just continue to move in that direction, it will find the right people and it will find the right time, and it will come out on its own timeline.

    That sensation of having to rush to publish is a young person’s game. I think longevity is really appealing. You see a lot of people who come out hot when they’re 25, and then they just burn up and you never see them again. I love Karen Russell. She has been publishing steadily since she was 25, and she’s a magic genius of a person. I am like, it’s amazing how she just came out of the gate like that, which is incredible. But not everybody’s like that. Some people really take a lot longer.

    Kimberly King Parsons Recommends:

    Walking in the Forest First Thing in the Morning

    Pat Kim’s Spinning Tops

    Wilderton Bittersweet Appertivo on Ice (Non-Alcoholic but Burns Like the Real Thing)

    This Acrylic Tray Lets You Write on Your Laptop While Riding Your Peloton

    I Want to Lick These Photos by Texas Artist Mark Lovejoy


    This content originally appeared on The Creative Independent and was authored by Elle Nash.

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    Decoding Democracy: Excerpts From a Series Exploring Critical Media Literacy Education, Independent Journalism, and Civic Engagement https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/26/decoding-democracy-excerpts-from-a-series-exploring-critical-media-literacy-education-independent-journalism-and-civic-engagement/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/26/decoding-democracy-excerpts-from-a-series-exploring-critical-media-literacy-education-independent-journalism-and-civic-engagement/#respond Mon, 26 Aug 2024 18:04:22 +0000 https://www.projectcensored.org/?p=44278 This week on the program, a special episode featuring Project Censored’s recent “Decoding Democracy” series, a collection of interviews showcasing media scholars, journalists, and activists discussing how an informed public and an independent press are vital aspects of any free and just society. These excerpts are part of the larger…

    The post Decoding Democracy: Excerpts From a Series Exploring Critical Media Literacy Education, Independent Journalism, and Civic Engagement appeared first on Project Censored.


    This content originally appeared on Project Censored and was authored by Kate Horgan.

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    The Unequal Effects of School Closings https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/26/the-unequal-effects-of-school-closings/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/26/the-unequal-effects-of-school-closings/#respond Mon, 26 Aug 2024 09:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/school-closures-students-charter-schools-home-schooling-rochester by Alec MacGillis

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    This story is exempt from our Creative Commons license until Oct. 25.

    In the 1990s, when Liberia descended into civil war, the Kpor family fled to Ivory Coast. A few years later, in 1999, they were approved for resettlement in the United States and ended up in Rochester, New York. Janice Kpor, who was 11 at the time, jokingly wonders whether her elders were under the impression that they were moving to New York City. What she remembers most about their arrival is the trees: It was May, yet many were only just starting to bud. “It was, like, ‘Where are we?’” she said. “It was completely different.”

    But the Kpors adapted and flourished. Janice lived with her father in an affordable-housing complex close to other family members, and she attended the city’s public schools before enrolling in St. John Fisher University, just outside the city, where she got a bachelor’s degree in sociology and African American studies. She found work as a social service case manager and eventually started running a group home for disabled adults.

    She also became highly involved in the schooling of her three children, whom she was raising with her partner, the father of the younger two, a truck driver from Ghana. Education had always been highly valued in her family: One of her grandmothers had been a principal in Liberia, and her mother, who remained there, is a teacher. Last fall, when school started, Kpor was the president of the parent-teacher organization at School 10, the Dr. Walter Cooper Academy, where her youngest child, Thomasena, was in kindergarten. Her middle child had also attended the school.

    Kpor took pleasure in dropping by the school, a handsome two-story structure that was built in 1916 and underwent a full renovation and expansion several years ago. The school was in the 19th Ward, in southwest Rochester, a predominantly Black, working- and middle-class neighborhood of century-old homes. The principal, Eva Thomas, oversaw a staff that prided itself on maintaining a warm environment for 299 students, from kindergarten through sixth grade, more than 90% of whom were Black or Latino. Student artwork filled the hallways, and parent participation was encouraged. School 10 dated only to 2009 — the building had housed different programs before that — but it had strong ties to the neighborhood, owing partly to its namesake, a pioneering Black research scientist who, at the age of 95, still made frequent visits to speak to students. “When parents chose to go to this particular school, it was because of the community that they have within our school, the culture that they have,” Kpor told me.

    Because she was also engaged in citywide advocacy, through a group called the Parent Leadership Advisory Council, Kpor knew that the Rochester City School District faced major challenges. Enrollment had declined from nearly 34,000 in 2003 to less than 23,000 last year, the result of flight to the suburbs, falling birth rates and the expansion of local charter schools, whose student population had grown from less than 2,000 to nearly 8,000 during that time. Between 2020 and 2022, the district’s enrollment had dropped by more than 10%.

    Janice Kpor has availed herself of an Urban-Suburban education option in the Rochester area for two of her children, with the third attending School 10 when it was shut down. (Joshua Rashaad McFadden for The New Yorker)

    The situation in Rochester was a particularly acute example of a nationwide trend. Since the start of the coronavirus pandemic, public school enrollment has declined by about a million students, and researchers attribute the drop to families switching to private schools — aided by an expansion of voucher programs in many red and purple states — and to homeschooling, which has seen especially strong growth. In addition, as of last year, an estimated 50,000 students are unaccounted for — many of them are simply not in school.

    During the pandemic, Rochester kept its schools closed to in-person instruction longer than any other district in New York besides Buffalo, and throughout the country some of the largest enrollment declines have come in districts that embraced remote learning. Some parents pulled their children out of public schools because they worried about the inadequacy of virtual learning; others did so, after the eventual return to school, because classroom behavior had deteriorated following the hiatus. In these places, a stark reality now looms: schools have far more space than they need, with higher costs for heating and cooling, building upkeep and staffing than their enrollment justifies. During the pandemic, the federal government gave $190 billion to school districts, but that money is about to run dry. Even some relatively prosperous communities face large drops in enrollment: In Ann Arbor, Michigan, where enrollment has fallen by more than 1,000 students since the fall of 2019, the city is planning to lay off some 90 teachers; Santa Clara, which is part of Silicon Valley, has seen a decrease of 14% in a decade.

    On Sept. 12, 2023, less than a week after the school year started, Rochester’s school board held what appeared to be a routine subcommittee meeting. The room was mostly empty as the district’s superintendent, Carmine Peluso, presented what the district called a “reconfiguration plan.”

    A decade earlier, 2,600 kindergarten students had enrolled in Rochester’s schools — roughly three-quarters of the children born in the city five years before. But in recent years, Peluso said, that proportion had sunk to about half.

    Within 10 years, Peluso said, “if we continue on this trend and we don’t address this, we’re going to be at a district of under 14,000 students.” The fourth-largest city in New York, with a relatively stable population of about 210,000, was projecting that its school system would soon enroll only about a third of the city’s current school-age population.

    Peluso then recommended that the Rochester school district close 11 of its 45 schools at the end of the school year. Kpor, who was watching the meeting online, was taken aback. Five buildings would be shuttered altogether; the other six would be put to use by other schools in the district.

    School 10 was among the second group. The school would cease to exist, and its building, with its new gymnasium-auditorium and its light-filled two-story atrium, would be turned over to a public Montessori school for pre-K through sixth grade, which had been sharing space with another school.

    Kpor was stunned. The building was newly renovated. She had heard at a recent PTA meeting that its students’ overall performance was improving. And now it was being shut down? “I was in disbelief,” she said. “It was a stab in the back.”

    School closures are a fact of life in a country as dynamic as the United States. Cities boom, then bust or stagnate, leaving public infrastructure that is incommensurate with present needs. The brick elementary school where I attended kindergarten and first grade, in Pittsfield, Massachusetts, was closed in the early ’80s, as the city’s population declined, and then was razed to make way for a shopping plaza.

    Still, there is a pathos to a closed school that doesn’t apply to a shuttered courthouse or post office. The abandonment of a building once full of young voices is an indelible sign of the action having moved elsewhere. There is a tangible cost, too. Researchers have found that students whose schools have been closed often experience declines in attendance and achievement, and that they tend to be less likely to graduate from college or find employment. Closures tend to fall disproportionately on majority-Black schools, even beyond what would be expected on the basis of enrollment and performance data. In some cities, efforts to close underpopulated schools have become major political issues. In 2013, Chicago, facing a billion-dollar budget deficit and falling enrollment, closed 49 schools, the largest mass closure in the country’s history. After months of marches and protests, 12,000 students and 1,100 staff members were displaced.

    Now, as a result of the nationwide decline in enrollment, many cities will have to engage in disruption at a previously unseen scale. “School closures are difficult events that rend the community, the fabric of the community,” Thomas Dee, a professor of education at Stanford, said. He has been collecting data on declining enrollment in partnership with The Associated Press. “The concern I have is that it’s going to be yet another layer of the educational harm of the pandemic.”

    Janice Kpor knew that her family was, in a sense, part of the problem. Her oldest child, Virginia, had flourished in the early grades, so her school put her on an accelerated track, but it declined to move her up a grade, as Kpor had desired. Wanting her daughter to be sufficiently challenged, Kpor opted for the area’s Urban-Suburban program, in which students can apply to transfer to one of the many smaller school districts that surround Rochester; if a district is interested in a student, it offers the family a slot. The program began in 1965, and there are now about 1,000 children enrolled. Virginia began attending school in Brockport, where she had access to more extracurricular activities.

    Supporters call Urban-Suburban a step toward integration in a region where city schools are 85% Black and Latino and suburban districts are heavily white. But critics see it as a way for suburban districts to draw some of the most engaged families out of the city’s schools; the selectiveness of the suburban districts helps explain why close to a quarter of the students remaining in the city system qualify for special-education services. (The local charter schools are also selective.) One suburban district, Rush-Henrietta, assured residents that it would weed out participants who brought “city issues” with them, as Justin Murphy, a reporter for the Rochester Democrat & Chronicle, wrote in his book, “Your Children Are Very Greatly in Danger,” a history of segregation in the city’s schools.

    Kpor understood these concerns even as she watched Virginia thrive in the suburbs, then go on to attend the Rochester Institute of Technology. As Kpor saw it, each child’s situation was unique, and she tried to make decisions accordingly. “It’s where they’re at,” she said. “It’s not all or nothing for me.”

    She enrolled her middle child, Steven, in School 10 for kindergarten and immediately liked the school, but stability was elusive. First, the school moved to temporary quarters for the renovation. Then came disagreements with a teacher who thought that her son’s behavioral issues stemmed from ADHD. Then the pandemic arrived, and her son spent the final months of second grade and most of third on Zoom. For fourth grade, she decided to try Urban-Suburban again. He was accepted by Brockport, which sent a bus to pick him up every morning.

    Other parents shared similar accounts with me of the aftermath of the pandemic closures. Ruthy Brown said that, after the reopening, her children’s school was rowdier than before, with more frequent fights and disturbances in the classroom; a charter school with uniforms suddenly seemed appealing. Isabel Rosa, too, moved her son to a charter school, because his classmates were “going bonkers” when they finally returned to in-person instruction. (She changed her mind after he was bullied by a charter school security guard.) Carmen Torres, who works at a local advocacy organization, the Children’s Agenda, watched one of her client families get so frustrated by virtual instruction that they switched to homeschooling. “Enough is enough,” Torres recalled the mother saying. “My kids need to learn how to read.”

    But, when it came time to enroll Thomasena, Kpor resolved to stick with the district, and she was so hopeful about her daughter’s future at School 10 that she took the prospect of its closure with great umbrage. She and other parents struggled to understand the decision. One of the reasons School 10 was chosen to close was that it was in receivership — a designation for public schools rated in the bottom 5% in the state, among Peluso’s criteria for closure — but Kpor knew that the receivership was due not only to low test scores but also to the school’s high rate of absenteeism, which was, she believed, because the school roster was outdated, filled with students who were no longer there. According to a board member, the state had also placed School 10 on a list of dangerous schools, partly owing to an incident in which a student had been found with a pocketknife.

    Making matters worse, for Kpor, was that the building was going to be turned over to another program, School 53, the Montessori school. It would be one thing for School 10 to be shut down because the district needed to cut costs. But the building had just been renovated at great expense, an investment intended for School 10, and now those students and teachers were being evicted to make room for others. “It was more of an insult,” Kpor said, “because now you have this place and all these kids and a whole bunch of new kids in the same building, so what is the logic of, quote-unquote, closing the school?”

    The awkwardness of this was not lost on the parents of School 53. The school had a slightly higher proportion of white families and a lower one of economically disadvantaged students than School 10, and it was expected to draw additional white families once it moved to its new building. “The perception is that you’ve got the kids at this protected, special school — you can see the difference between what they get and what we get,” Robert Rodgers, a parent at School 53, told me. “If I was a parent at School 10, I would be livid.”

    After Peluso announced the plan, the district held two public forums, followed by sessions at the targeted schools. The School 10 auditorium was packed for its session, and Kpor lined up at the microphone to speak. She asked Peluso if Thomasena and her classmates would get priority for placement in School 53, so that they could stay in the building. “I do not want her to go to any other school,” she said. “Every time we think we’re doing something right for our kids, someone comes in and dictates to us that our choices are not valid.” Kpor was encouraged to hear Peluso say that School 10 kids would get priority.

    On Oct. 19, five weeks after the announcement, the school board met to vote on the closures. During the public comment period, a teacher from School 2 pleaded with the board to let its students enroll at the school that would be replacing it. A teacher from School 106 asked that the vote be delayed until after board members visited every school, including hers, which was engaged in a yearlong special project geared toward the coming total solar eclipse, so that they could get a more visceral sense of the school’s value. The principal of School 29, Joseph Baldino, asked that the school’s many students with autism-spectrum disorder be kept together, along with their teachers, during the reassignment. “They’re unique, they’re beautiful, and they don’t do real well with change,” he said. Chrissy Miller, a parent at the school, said of her son, “He loves his staff … he loves his teachers, and he wants everybody to stay together as one.”

    In the end, the closures passed, five to two.

    In September 2020, as many public schools in Democratic-leaning states started the new academic year with remote learning, I asked Randi Weingarten, the president of the American Federation of Teachers, whether she worried about the long-term effects on public education. What if too many families left the system in favor of homeschooling or private schools — many of which had reopened — and didn’t come back? She wasn’t concerned about such hypotheticals. “At the end of the day, kids need to be together in community,” she said.

    The news from a growing number of districts suggests that the institution of public schooling has indeed suffered a lasting blow, even in cities that are better funded than Rochester. In Seattle, parents anticipate the closure of 20 elementary schools. The state of Ohio has witnessed a major expansion of private school vouchers; in Columbus, a task force is recommending the closure of nine schools.

    In Rochester, the continuing effects of the pandemic weighed heavily on some. Camille Simmons, who joined the school board in 2021, told me, “A lot of children felt the result of those decisions.” She went on: “There were a lot of entities at play, there were so many conversations going on. I think we should have brought children back much sooner.”

    Adam Urbanski, the longtime president of the Rochester teachers’ union, said that the union had believed schools should not reopen until the district could guarantee high air quality, and it had not been able to. “When I reflect back on it, I know that I erred on the side of safety, and I do not regret the position that we took,” he said.

    But Rebecca Hetherington, the owner of a small embroidery company and the former head of the Parent Leadership Advisory Council, the group Kpor was part of, feared that the district would soon lack the critical mass to remain viable. “I am concerned there is a tipping point and we’re past it,” she said. Rachel Barnhart, a former TV news reporter who attended city schools and now serves in the county legislature, agreed. “It’s like you’re watching institutions decline in real time,” she told me. “Anchors of the community are disappearing.” School districts have long aspired to imbue their communities with certain shared values and learning standards, but such commonality now seemed inconceivable.

    By the spring of 2024, parents at the 11 targeted schools were too busy trying to figure out where their children would be going in the fall to worry about the long term. A mother at School 39, Rachel Dixon, who lived so close to the school that she could carry her kindergartner there, was on the waitlist for School 52 but had been assigned to School 50. She wasn’t even sure where that was. Chrissy Miller was upset that School 29’s students with autism were being more broadly dispersed than promised; she worried that her son’s assigned school wasn’t equipped for students with special needs. Many of her fellow School 29 parents were now considering homeschooling or moving, she said, and added, “We don’t have trust in the district at all.” It was easy to envision how the closures could compound the problem, leading to even fewer students and even more closures.

    School 39 was one of 11 that the Rochester City School District Board of Education voted to close. (Joshua Rashaad McFadden for The New Yorker)

    Thomasena had been assigned to School 45, which was close to her family’s home but less convenient for Kpor than School 10, which was closer to her work. Kpor wondered how many other families were in similar situations, with assignments that didn’t take into account the specific context of their lives. “All of this plays into why kids are not going to school,” she said. “You’re placing kids in locations that don’t meet the families’ needs.”

    She had taken Peluso’s word that students from School 10 would be given priority at the Montessori school taking its place, and she was disappointed to learn that Thomasena was 30th on the waitlist there. It was also unclear to her which branch of the central office was handling placement appeals. “It’s all a jumble, and no one really knows how things work,” she said.

    On March 26, as families were dealing with the overhaul, Peluso announced that he was leaving the district to become the superintendent of the Churchville-Chili district, in the suburbs. The district was far smaller than Rochester, with some 3,800 students, more than 70% of them white, but the job paid nearly as much. “It’s one of the hardest decisions I’ve had,” Peluso said at a news conference. “There’s a lot of ­commitment I’ve had to this district.” Rodgers, the School 53 parent, told me: “This hurts. It’s another situation where the suburbs are taking something from the city.”

    Parents and district staff tried to make sense of Peluso’s departure. Some people speculated that he had grown tired of the treatment he was receiving from certain board members. Other people wondered if he simply wanted a less challenging district. Peluso told me, “It was the best decision for me and my family.”

    In late June, I returned to Rochester for the final days of the school year. I stayed at School 31 Lofts, a hotel in a former schoolhouse that was built in 1919. (The website advertises “­Whimsy~History~Serenity.”) An empty hallway was still marked with a “Fallout Shelter” sign. I stayed in a room that, judging from its size and location, might have been a faculty lounge.

    One afternoon, I met with Demario Strickland, a deputy superintendent who’d been named interim superintendent while the school board searched for a permanent replacement for Peluso. Strickland, a genial 39-year-old Buffalo native who moved to Rochester last year, was the seventh superintendent of the district since 2016. He told me that he was not surprised the closures had prompted such protests. “School closures are traumatic in itself,” he said.

    But he defended the district against several of the criticisms I had heard from parents. School 10 had been improving, he said, but still fell short on some metrics. “Even though they met demonstrable progress, we still had to look at proficiency, and we still had to look at receivership,” he said. And, he added, School 53 had limited slots available, so the district had made no promises to parents of School 10 about having priority.

    Still, he said, the district could perhaps have been more empathetic in its approach. “This process has taught me that, in a sense, people don’t care about the money,” he said. “When you make these decisions, you really have to think about the heart. That’s something we could have done a little more. It makes sense — we’re wasting money, throwing money away, we have all these vacancies, that makes sense to us. But our families don’t care about that. Our families want their school to stay open — they don’t want to do away with it.”

    I asked him whether he worried that the district’s enrollment decline might continue until the system could no longer sustain itself, as Hetherington and Barnhart feared. “I try not to get scared about the future,” he said.

    On the second-to-last day of the school year, I went to School 10 to join Kpor at the end-of-year ceremony for Thomasena’s kindergarten class. She and her 14 classmates sang songs, demonstrated spelling on the whiteboard and rose one by one to say what they had liked best about kindergarten. “Education and learning,” Thomasena, a tall girl with her front teeth just coming in, said. “When it’s the weekend,” one boy said, to the laughter of parents.

    It was not hard to see why Kpor and other parents were sorry to leave the school, with its gleaming new tile work and hardwood-composite hallway floorboards. A few weeks earlier, the latest assessment results had shown improvement for School 10, putting it close to citywide averages. “All of us are going to be going to different places, but I hope one day that I get to see you again,” the class’s teacher, Karen Lewis, said.

    Kpor was still waiting to find out if she had moved up on the list for School 53. I asked if she might have Thomasena apply for Urban-Suburban, like her siblings, and she said she was hoping it would work out in the district. “I still have faith,” she said. Outside, I met a parent who was worried about how her daughter would fare at her new school after having been at School 10 with the same special-needs classmates and teacher for the past three years. “The school has been amazing,” she said.

    The next day, I attended a schoolwide Rites of Achievement ceremony in the gym. Parents cheered as students received awards for Dr. Walter Cooper Character Traits — Responsibility, Integrity, Compassion, Leadership, Perseverance and Courage. (Thomasena won for Courage.) Thomas, the principal, called up the school’s entire staff, name by name. The shrieks from the assembled children for their favorite teachers and aides indicated the hold that even a school officially deemed subpar can have on its students and families: this had been their home, 180 days a year, for as long as seven years.

    Walter Cooper himself was there, watching from a thronelike chair with gilt edges. Eventually, he addressed the children for the last time, recounting his upbringing with a father who had received no formal schooling, a mother who preached the value of education and six siblings, all but one of whom had gone to college. “The rule was we had to have a library card at 7. We didn’t have a lot in this community, but we had books,” he said. “There are always things in the street for you, but there is much more in books. … The guiding thesis is: Books will set you free.”

    The children sang a final song: “I am a Cooper kid, a Dr. Walter Cooper kid, I am, I am / I stand up for what’s right even when the world is wrong.” Sylvia Cooksey, a retired administrator who is also a pastor, gave the final speech. “No matter where you go, where you end up, you are taking part of this school with you,” she said. “You are taking Dr. Walter Cooper with you. We’re going to hear all over Rochester, ‘That child is from School 10.’”

    After the assembly, I asked Cooper what he made of the closure. “It’s tragic,” he said. “It points to the fundamental instability in the future of the schools. Children need stability, and they aren’t getting it in terms of the educational process.”

    Wanda Zawadzki, a physical education teacher who had worked at the school for eight years and received some of the loudest shrieks from the kids, stood looking forlorn. She recalled the time a class had persuaded the city to tear down an abandoned house across the street, and the time a boy had brought her smartphone to her after she dropped it outside. “My other school, that phone would have been gone,” she said. “It’s the integrity here.” Like many teachers at the targeted schools, she was still waiting for her transfer assignment. “This was supposed to be my last home,” she said.

    And then it was dismissal time. It was school tradition to have the staff come out at the end of every school year and wave at the departing buses as they did two ceremonial loops around the block. Speakers blared music from the back of a pickup, and the teachers danced and waved. “We love you,” Principal Thomas called out.

    It was quieter over at School 29, the school with many special-needs kids. The children were gone, and one teacher, Latoya Crockton-Brown, walked alone to her car. She had spent 19 years at the school, which will be closing completely. “We’re not doing well at all,” she said, of herself and her colleagues. “This was a family school. It’s very disheartening. Even the children cried today.”

    She was wearing a T-shirt that read “Forever School 29/1965 to Now.” The school had done a lot in recent days to aid the transition — bringing in a snow cone truck and a cotton candy machine, hosting a school dance. “One girl said she feels like she’s never going to make friends like she had here,” Crockton-Brown said. “But we have to move on. We have no other choice.”


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Alec MacGillis.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/26/the-unequal-effects-of-school-closings/feed/ 0 490460
    A 10-Year-Old Pointed a Finger Gun. The Principal Kicked Him Out of His Tennessee School for a Year. https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/23/a-10-year-old-pointed-a-finger-gun-the-principal-kicked-him-out-of-his-tennessee-school-for-a-year/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/23/a-10-year-old-pointed-a-finger-gun-the-principal-kicked-him-out-of-his-tennessee-school-for-a-year/#respond Fri, 23 Aug 2024 10:30:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/tennessee-school-threats-expulsions by Aliyya Swaby

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    When Belle got a call last September that her 10-year-old had been sent to the vice principal’s office, she rushed over to the school. Her son Lee looked on anxiously as the vice principal explained the situation: The fifth grader had angrily pointed his finger in the shape of a gun.

    Belle scolded him for not thinking before he acted, agreeing with administrators at the East Tennessee public elementary school who felt that he had misbehaved.

    While Lee sat at home for a few days serving a suspension, the principal called Belle. The school had conducted an investigation and determined that Lee would be kicked out for an entire calendar year. “I regret that it has come to this,” the principal wrote in a subsequent letter, which Belle provided to ProPublica. (At Belle’s request, ProPublica is identifying her and her son only by their middle names and leaving out the name of the district and school to prevent her child from being identifiable.) In the letter, the principal added that the district and the state of Tennessee “take such threats very seriously.”

    Belle was horrified. Lee had never even been sent to school detention before. His grades sometimes flagged, but he had been working hard to improve them. The family didn’t own a gun and Lee would have no idea where to get one. Belle recalls the principal saying on the phone that she knew Lee was a good kid. His punishment, Belle thought, seemed like an extreme overreaction.

    The assistant director of schools declined ProPublica’s request for comment, even though Belle signed a form giving school officials permission to speak about Lee’s case.

    The principal’s action was the result of a new state law that had gone into effect just months earlier, heightening penalties for students who make threats at school. Passed after a former student shot and killed six people at The Covenant School in Nashville, the law requires students to be expelled for at least a year if they threaten mass violence on school property, making it a zero-tolerance offense.

    Tennessee lawmakers claimed that ramping up punishments for threats would help prevent serious acts of violence. “What we’re really doing is sending a message that says ‘Hey, this is not a joke, this is not a joking matter, so don’t do this,’” state Sen. Jon Lundberg, a co-sponsor of the legislation, told a Chattanooga news station a week and a half after the law went into effect.

    Over the last couple of years, Tennessee and several other states have been making it easier for schools to suspend or expel students. But study after study has shown that harsh disciplinary practices such as mandatory expulsions are ineffective at reducing violence in schools. What’s more, research shows that such practices often lead to Black students and students with disabilities being disproportionately suspended and expelled, making them more likely to end up in the criminal justice system.

    Tennessee school officials have used the law to expel students for mildly disruptive behavior, according to advocates and lawyers across the state who spoke with ProPublica. (In Tennessee and a number of other states, expulsions aren’t necessarily permanent.) Some students have been expelled even when officials themselves determined that the threat was not credible. Lawmakers did put a new fix in place in May that limits expulsions to students who make “valid” threats of mass violence. But that still leaves it up to administrators to determine which threats are valid.

    In some cases last school year, administrators handed off the responsibility of dealing with minor incidents to law enforcement. As a result, the type of misbehavior that would normally result in a scolding or brief suspension has led to children being not just expelled but also arrested, charged and placed in juvenile detention, according to juvenile defense lawyers and a recent lawsuit.

    While they are expelled, some students have found it hard to get any kind of education. Tennessee allows school districts to decline to enroll students who have been suspended or expelled in another district. Some children expelled for making threats, like Lee, end up staying at home and muddling through online programs alone — or getting no education at all.

    Lee’s mom worried that her son’s minor mistake could derail his future. “He’s kind of turned into a little bit of a recluse,” she said. “He doesn’t want to go back to school at all.”

    Students like Lee who’ve been disciplined for making threats may have trouble finding another school they can attend. (Andrea Morales for ProPublica)

    When he started fifth grade last fall, Lee was a new kid at his elementary school. His family had recently moved to the area from Middle Tennessee. Normally outgoing and sociable, he had a hard time making friends. In the second month of the school year, a girl in Lee’s class asked him if he had been vaccinated for COVID-19, Lee’s mom said. Lee told her he wasn’t sure. The following week, as students walked outside for recess, Lee realized his classmates were avoiding him and he had no one to play with, according to his mother. She said he assumed that the girl had spread a rumor that he hadn’t been vaccinated and discouraged others from talking with him.

    As the fifth graders filed back into the school at the end of recess, Lee expressed his frustration to a classmate, Belle told ProPublica. Her son told her that he said, “I’m so angry, I could just —” and then folded his hand into a gun shape and mimicked a machine gun’s staccato. According to Belle, the classmate reported what Lee had said to a teacher, who told school administrators.

    The principal’s letter, which offers scant details of the incident, gave Belle the option to appeal the expulsion, but Belle instead decided to homeschool Lee. She worried that teachers and other students at the school would consider Lee a bad kid, especially given the pervasive fear in the months after the Nashville school shooting. “I was like, ‘These people are going to totally overreact about this,’” she said. “There’s no way that they would be able to treat him fairly after this.”

    Get in Touch

    Do you have a tip about how officials in education, law enforcement or the courts are handling threats of mass violence in Tennessee schools? Contact reporter Aliyya Swaby at aliyya.swaby@propublica.org. She can also be reached by text or securely on Signal at 404-981-1190. If you’re concerned about confidentiality, check out our advice on the most secure ways to share tips.

    Months later, when her concern for her son’s struggles with learning from home made her even angrier about the school’s actions, she consulted a lawyer. But the window to appeal had long passed, and the lawyer told her that the law seemed to allow the school’s actions. “There’s really no point in fighting this,” Belle recalled thinking.

    Tennessee makes it difficult to determine how many students have been expelled for threats of mass violence; the state does not collect data on the reasons for expulsions. It asks school districts to inform the state of all incidents related to threats of mass violence, but some districts have reported accidentally sending inaccurate data.

    ProPublica requested the number of expulsions for threats of mass violence from the state’s 20 largest school districts as well as five other smaller school districts where we received tips about specific cases. Ten school districts provided those numbers, reporting a total 66 expulsions last school year. Tennessee has nearly 150 school districts.

    Several districts provided data showing they expelled students for making threats more often once the law was on the books. For example, Metro Nashville Public Schools reported 42 expulsions for making any type of threat in the 2023-2024 school year, including 16 threats of mass violence. The prior school year, before the law existed, the district expelled 22 students for making any type of threats, despite investigating roughly the same number of incidents. A spokesperson for Metro Nashville Public Schools attributed the increase to the creation of the zero-tolerance law, along with the seriousness of the offenses and “heightened sensitivity and awareness following the Covenant shooting.”

    South of Nashville, Rutherford County Schools reported 33 expulsions for making threats last school year, including 27 expulsions specifically for threats of mass violence. The previous school year, it reported just six expulsions for any type of threat, despite investigating a larger number of incidents. When ProPublica asked officials to explain why the number had gone up so significantly, a spokesperson cited a change in state law “that required expulsions for mass threats.”

    State law leaves it up to the school districts to decide whether students who have committed a zero-tolerance offense are required to attend alternative school while they are expelled. Some districts, like Metro Nashville, require it, while others, like Rutherford County, do not in most cases. Alternative schools in Tennessee primarily serve students with disciplinary issues who have been suspended or expelled from their traditional schools.

    Several school districts told ProPublica that students who make threats of mass violence may be sent to alternative schools without officially being expelled. This past school year, Anderson County Schools, northwest of Knoxville, sent 17 students to its alternative school or offered them virtual education options. Robertson County Schools, just outside of Nashville, sent four students — two 8-year-olds, a 7-year-old and one 6-year-old — to the local alternative school. The 7-year-old and one of the 8-year-olds were removed from their regular schools for an entire calendar year.

    A lawsuit filed in May on behalf of two families with children in Williamson County Schools, a suburban Nashville district, illuminates the way some officials hastily removed students from school in response to the new law. The lawsuit was first reported by Tennessee Lookout. It describes how a 14-year-old student was arrested, held in juvenile detention and kept out of school for weeks last August — and alleges that it all stemmed from an unsubstantiated rumor that he had joked about shooting up the school. The complaint said the middle schooler had been talking about another student who he heard bragging about the number of guns his grandfather owned.

    The student was sent to the local alternative school, located in the juvenile justice center, where he received a “significantly inferior” education to that offered by his regular school, according to the lawsuit. He sat in a classroom trying to teach himself on a Chromebook while a teacher went over different material with other students in the room.

    At first, the school principal told the family that the law required the school to suspend the 14-year-old for a full year. The family appealed the discipline at the school level. When the school denied the appeal, the family then went to the district superintendent. Under the law, only a superintendent can reduce the punishment of a student who makes a threat of mass violence. About a month after the student was suspended, the superintendent allowed him to return to school, saying he had served “an appropriate amount of time” at the alternative school.

    After the teenager returned, the principal allegedly told him he never thought of him as a threat and that his suspension was a result of the zero-tolerance law. “You can blame Governor Bill Lee,” the principal told the family, according to the lawsuit.

    The Williamson County school board filed a motion in August to dismiss the lawsuit, stating that the students “received all the process they were due under the law.” The 14-year-old was notified of the charges against him and given chances to defend himself, the board wrote in a separate filing, and “the process he was provided worked in his favor by significantly reducing his suspension.”

    The school board also said in the filing that threats “made in jest” disrupt students’ learning and strike fear into parents, staff and other students, especially in the aftermath of recent school shootings. “While both threats may not have been serious,” the board wrote, “they nevertheless warranted punishment.”

    The board also argued in the filing that school officials had to punish the students to the full extent of the law, noting that its policy “required that Plaintiffs be punished as zero-tolerance offenders regardless of the threat level because they made threats of mass violence.”

    The school district did not respond to questions or to requests for its total number of suspensions or expulsions for threats of mass violence.

    Tennessee has put in place a safeguard to prevent students from receiving overly harsh punishments for inconsequential threats.

    Threat assessments — which bring together school officials and police officers to determine whether students pose a real danger to others — provide context before school officials finalize discipline. They also can help determine whether students need other resources, such as mental health services. Some Tennessee districts have been carrying out threat assessments for more than a decade, but the state only required all school districts to use them starting in 2023. A new state law that went into effect in May clarified that a threat assessment had to be complete and determine a threat was valid before school officials can proceed with expulsion.

    But according to parents and juvenile defense lawyers who spoke with ProPublica, school officials often carry out threat assessments inconsistently, with districts using varying definitions for what makes a threat valid or credible. And some officials allow law enforcement to take the lead in incidents that would otherwise be handled at the school level.

    “It just essentially delegates all of what should be handled as a relatively minor matter in the school,” said Larry Crain, the lawyer representing the families in the lawsuit against Williamson County’s school board. (A third family recently joined the lawsuit, which also now names the local district attorney as a defendant.) “There’s an almost automatic reaction to anything of this nature that’s referred to law enforcement, which is horrible for the child.”

    The lawsuit states that school officials let law enforcement take charge of investigating the 14-year-old’s comments during the threat assessment process. After police arrested the teenager and took him into custody, the principal told parents there was nothing he could do, the lawsuit says.

    In its legal response, Williamson County’s school board said state law “compelled” school administrators to report the “threat-related speech” to law enforcement and does not allow any discretion on that matter.

    The district attorney for the 21st Judicial District did not respond to a request for comment.

    The tenor of a disciplinary investigation or threat assessment often becomes more serious once law enforcement gets involved, lawyers and advocates told ProPublica. A recent analysis by the Government Accountability Office found that arrest rates more than doubled in schools with police compared to those without and that arrests were more common when police were involved in student discipline.

    Cashauna Lattimore, an assistant public defender in East Tennessee, has represented several students in cases involving threats of mass violence over the last few years. All of them, she said, were expelled, and most were arrested.

    Lattimore described the alleged details of one incident from last school year: In the Jefferson County School District, a high school student who was known as a class clown made an offhand joke about committing an act of violence. Rumors spread among the students about his comment, warping it in the process. He was called to the principal’s office, where a waiting police officer asked whether he had a gun in his backpack. He showed them that he didn’t and insisted that he had just been making a joke, encouraging them to search his house if they didn’t believe him. Law enforcement did not send anyone to his home. School officials initiated a threat assessment and gathered statements from the students who heard the joke, which were then used as evidence against him. He was expelled for a year.

    The school’s investigation was not intended to protect the student from unfair discipline, Lattimore said. “That was to make their case against this young man. It was not to determine whether or not the threat was real.”

    According to data that the Jefferson County School District provided to ProPublica, just two students were expelled for making threats last school year, even though in both cases the threats were labeled as “transient,” which the district describes as having “no sustained intent to harm.” In both cases, according to the district’s data, the students were also charged in juvenile court. Conversely, several students made what the district considered to be “substantive” threats, but none were charged or expelled.

    School officials declined to answer questions from ProPublica about the disparities that the data revealed or the case Lattimore described.

    Lattimore said schools should help keep students who don’t pose a threat from being arrested instead of referring the incidents to law enforcement. “They’re taking the easy way out so that they as the educational entity don’t have to deal with it,” she said. “Because once law enforcement gets involved, they can just expel the kid and wash their hands of it.”

    After a student is disciplined for making a threat of mass violence, no matter the specifics of the incident, the punishment can function like a scarlet letter.

    The 14-year-old boy whose family sued Williamson County Schools has transformed from a top student into a disengaged one, according to the lawsuit. He has struggled to make up assignments he missed during the weekslong appeals process. Once he returned, he noticed classmates gossipping behind his back, saying they were scared of him and falsely calling him a drug dealer. “He suffered a severe and serious emotional injury and was unable to adequately cope with the mental stress engendered by the circumstances of his case,” the lawsuit says.

    Lee, who turned 11 during his expulsion, also struggled to adjust. Instead of sitting in a classroom in front of his teacher, he spent the rest of the school year and summer with his mother in her small home office, using an online program to finish fifth grade. He complained to Belle when her phone calls to her boss and colleagues distracted him from his lessons.

    Lee struggled to finish the fifth grade online during his expulsion.

    In some ways, Belle has watched her son drift backward, becoming less able to emotionally regulate without the structure of a school day or the opportunity to regularly socialize with kids his own age. Just before the expulsion, he had finally caught up to grade level in math after falling behind during pandemic remote learning. But while learning from home, he howled in frustration when he couldn’t understand a math problem. Belle took time to help him with his lessons, which sometimes meant relearning the subject herself — and falling behind on her own work. She sent him up to his room to play video games to give him a mental break between assignments. “It is pulling teeth every single day,” Belle said.

    In late July, after school administrators declined to comment to ProPublica on Lee’s case, Belle emailed the director of schools and asked her to shorten the expulsion. Belle hoped he could start his first year of middle school on day one rather than weeks later. The director of schools responded that he could start middle school immediately. “Before any expulsion was put into place,” the email stated, “you chose to remove him … and homeschool him. Therefore, the expulsion was never activated.” (The original letter Belle received was clear about Lee’s expulsion, and a follow-up two days later explained that Lee was barred from re-enrolling regardless of whether he was withdrawn to be homeschooled. District officials did not respond to ProPublica’s questions about the expulsion not being activated.)

    Belle was overwhelmed by a mix of confusion, relief and apprehension at the news that her son would be returning to school. She wrote a long email to all of Lee’s teachers introducing herself and explaining that he might need a bit of extra help filling gaps in his knowledge after months of homeschooling. “I will do what I can to get him in a good place,” she wrote.

    But Belle still worries that her son will struggle in school or make another mistake. She wonders if she should quit her job so she can homeschool him full time. It’s not an easy choice, but she wants to protect him from what might happen at school.

    Paige Pfleger of WPLN contributed reporting.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Aliyya Swaby.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/23/a-10-year-old-pointed-a-finger-gun-the-principal-kicked-him-out-of-his-tennessee-school-for-a-year/feed/ 0 490108
    Scholasticide: Erasing Memory, Silencing Dissent, and Waging War on Education from Gaza to the West https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/23/scholasticide-erasing-memory-silencing-dissent-and-waging-war-on-education-from-gaza-to-the-west/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/23/scholasticide-erasing-memory-silencing-dissent-and-waging-war-on-education-from-gaza-to-the-west/#respond Fri, 23 Aug 2024 06:01:04 +0000 https://www.counterpunch.org/?p=331139 The full scope of Israel’s assault on Gaza is revealed through its relentless military actions, characterized by indiscriminate violence against women, children, the elderly, and non-combatants. According to the Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor, the scale of destruction imposed on Gaza is not only devastating but ethically unimaginable. Since the start of the war, and as of the end of November 2023, Israel has reportedly dropped over 25,000 tons of explosives on the Gaza Strip, a force equivalent to two nuclear bombs. This means that the destructive power of the explosives dropped on Gaza in just over two months exceeded that of the bomb dropped on Hiroshima.[4] According to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, the use of such highly destructive bombs in residential areas constitutes a war crime. More

    The post Scholasticide: Erasing Memory, Silencing Dissent, and Waging War on Education from Gaza to the West appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

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    UNRWA school in Gaza being used as a shelter by Palestinian refuges, bombed by Israelis. Photo: UNRWA.

    State Terrorism in the Age of Killing Zones

    What sets Israel’s war on Gaza apart is not only its violent military operations, marked by the indiscriminate killing of women and children, but also its relentless assault on dissent, criticism, and even the mildest opposition to its internationally condemned human rights violations and war crimes. Israel’s ongoing and brutal military campaign, coupled with its “policies of extreme inhumanity against the Palestinian people,” is inextricably linked to a state-sanctioned effort to legitimize and normalize its actions in Gaza.[1] This includes waging an ideological war of censorship and defamation against any challenge—no matter its source—to what Kenneth Roth, co-founder of Human Rights Watch, condemns as “Israel’s system of apartheid,” [2]  and what Aryeh Neier, Holocaust survivor and co-founder of Human Rights Watch, describes as “genocide against Palestinians in Gaza.” [3]

    The full scope of Israel’s assault on Gaza is revealed through its relentless military actions, characterized by indiscriminate violence against women, children, the elderly, and non-combatants. According to the Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor, the scale of destruction imposed on Gaza is not only devastating but ethically unimaginable. Since the start of the war, and as of the end of November 2023, Israel has reportedly dropped over 25,000 tons of explosives on the Gaza Strip, a force equivalent to two nuclear bombs. This means that the destructive power of the explosives dropped on Gaza in just over two months exceed that of the bomb dropped on Hiroshima.[4] According to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, the use of such highly destructive bombs in residential areas constitutes a war crime.

    The consequences of these bombings were tragically displayed on August 10, 2024, when Israel bombed the Tab’een School in Gaza, a distressingly common occurrence. The school had provided shelter to nearly 2,500 people fleeing demolished areas, many of whom were children. The Israeli bombs targeted a prayer hall at dawn, where hundreds were praying. According to an investigation by Euro-Med Monitor, “over 100 Palestinians were killed, including several [entire] families.” The bombs’ immense destructive power reduced victims’ bodies to shredded and burned remains, leaving numerous others with severe injuries.[5] CNN reported that Fares Afana, director of Ambulance and Emergency Services in northern Gaza, stated that all those targeted “were civilians—unarmed children, the elderly, men, and women.”[6] Euro-Med Monitor found no evidence that the school “was being used for military objectives.”[7] Despite the documented evidence of Israel’s ongoing killings, abductions, forced starvation, and torture of Palestinians, including children,[8] Netanyahu and his cabinet members have astonishingly claimed that Israel has “the most moral army in the world.”[9]

    Israel has killed over 40,000 Palestinians. Save the Children reports that “more than 15,000 children are estimated to have been killed by Israel’s relentless assault on the strip [while estimating]that up to 21,000 are missing.”[10]  The overall number of deaths may be vastly understated. Rasha Khatib, Martin McKee, and Salim Yusuf, three health officials, stated in The Lancet, a prestigious peer-reviewed British medical journal,  that as a result of deaths caused by indirect rather than direct violence it is likely that the actual number of deaths is closer to 186,000.[11] Andre Damon writing on the World Socialist Web Site observes that Israel is waging a war of extermination against the Palestinian people and its aim is to not only “…massacre tens of thousands but also to destroy all aspects of civilization in Gaza, contributing to the deaths of tens of thousands through malnutrition, communicable diseases and lack of healthcare.”[12]  The egregious horror of this violence is underscored by its engagement in acts of profound brutality, including the bombing of schools, the torture of prisoners,[13] the use of starvation as a weapon, and the targeting of hospitals and a large part of Gaza’s health facilities, among other barbarous policies.

    Such acts have been condemned as genocide by legal groups like the Center for Constitutional Rights, over 50 governments including South Africa, and various United Nations agencies and non-governmental organizations.[14]Additionally, the International Criminal Court (ICC) is considering a request by the court’s prosecutor, Karim Khan, to issue arrest warrants against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant for committing “war crimes against humanity in the Gaza Strip.”[15] Khan has also requested similar arrest warrants for certain Hamas leaders.

    As Jewish scholar Judith Butler points out, Israel’s far-right leaders have been both public and unapologetic about their eliminationist plans following the Hamas attack on October 7th. Their goal has been to systematically undermine “the livelihood, the health, the well-being, and the capacity [of the Palestinians] to persist” amidst Israel’s vengeful and disproportionate military assault. [16] After the surprise Hamas terrorist attack, Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant called for a complete siege of Gaza, declaring, “There will be no electricity, no food, no fuel, everything is closed. We are fighting human animals, and we act accordingly.” [17] Some Israeli ministers have called for the dropping of an atomic bomb on Gaza.[18]

    In a statement that defies moral and legal boundaries, Israel’s finance minister, Bezalel Smotrich, claimed that “no one in the world will allow us to starve 2 million people, even though it might be justified and moral in order to free the hostages.”[19] Smotrich’s remark not only trivializes the suffering of millions but also overlooks a critical fact: the deliberate starvation of civilians is unequivocally a war crime. This is the language of fascist politicians who speak with the weight of corpses in their mouths and blood on their hands. Such dehumanizing rhetoric doesn’t merely target Hamas fighters; it extends to the entire population of Gaza, effectively labeling all Palestinians as terrorists and less than human. By dehumanizing an entire group, this rhetoric facilitates and legitimizes Israel’s oppression of all Palestinians, justifying the denial of basic human needs and the commission of war crimes.

    The ultimate aim of Israel’s war in Gaza appears to be the eradication of any possibility of a Palestinian state and the eventual expulsion of Palestinians from their land. This is evident in the “complete siege” taking place in  Gaza, and Netanyahu’s explicit opposition to the future existence of a Palestinian state. Given Israel’s current assault on Gaza, which has nearly obliterated the daily survival prospects of its inhabitants, this aim becomes clearer.  Sharon Zhang underscores this point by noting that Netanyahu has explicitly stated his intent “to quash any hope of the existence of a Palestinian state in its entirety.” [20] She writes:

    “Advocates for Palestinian rights have said that this has been Israeli officials’ plan all along, as Israeli forces slaughter Palestinians en masse in Gaza while working to erase evidence that Palestinians ever existed in the region. However, this is one of the clearest statements yet from Netanyahu himself amid the current siege, suggesting his confidence that he will be able to carry it through with help from allies like the U.S.[21]

    In a number of articles, Kenneth Roth has written eloquently about Israel’s violations of international law.[22] He argues that none of Hamas’s actions, however horrific, justify Israel’s violation of the laws of war. He states that “that the Israeli government has repeatedly violated international humanitarian law in ways that amount to war crimes.” He points to Israel’s attack on civilian structures including schools, museums, and libraries. He cites Haaretz’s claim that “Israel has created ‘kill zones’ where soldiers shoot anyone who enters, armed or not.” He points to Israel’s destruction of hospitals, its torture of detained Palestinians and how some detainees “have died in military custody [while others] have reportedly needed to have their limbs amputated due to injuries sustained from prolonged handcuffing. He argues that the Israeli government has “imposed enormous obstacles to the delivery of aid, particularly food—a policy that amounts to using starvation as a weapon of war.”[23] What Roth makes clear and what many Western nations have ignored is that Israel is a rogue state guilty  of horrendous war crimes and has repeatedly violated international law.

    War crimes do more than destroy bodies; they erode morality, memories, and the deeply rooted habits of public consciousness. The brutality of Israel’s military actions in Gaza is painfully evident in the images of children’s bodies, torn apart amidst bombed mosques, hospitals, and schools. These atrocities are often justified by a discourse of dehumanization and self-defense—a state-sanctioned narrative as morally appalling as the suffering it enables, particularly among the most vulnerable. What is frequently overlooked, especially by mainstream media, is that Israel’s war on Gaza is not just a physical assault but an attack on history, memory, and cultural institutions. This erasure is a calculated effort to obscure its war crimes, brutal violence, and history of settler colonialism, all cloaked “under the security of the blanket of historical amnesia.”[24]

    Scholasticide as a Structural and  Ideological War

    Genocide manifests itself  not only in the creation of “kill zones,” where soldiers indiscriminately shoot Palestinians and in the use of lethal force against non-military targets such as hospitals and schools but also in the systematic destruction of Gaza’s entire intellectual, cultural, and civic infrastructure.[25] This calculated erosion seeks to eliminate the very fabric of Gaza’s society, extending beyond physical violence to the obliteration of its historical and cultural identity.[26]

    The ongoing and increasingly meticulous documentation of Israel’s war crimes not only exposes the horrific realities on the ground but also sheds light on the broader implications of these violations. The unfolding crisis extends beyond the immediate brutality and physical destruction in Gaza, revealing a deeper, insidious form of violence that transcends the battlefield. This violence is rooted in an ideological agenda that legitimizes such barbarism while systematically attacking any form of  education and criticism that seeks to expose it. This assault manifests as both a soft and hard war on education, history, critical inquiry, and any viable movement of dissent. Karma Nabulsi of the University of Oxford called this “war on education” a form of scholasticide and argued that it would affect generations of Palestinian children.[27] At the heart of this war on dissent and education are repeated attempts by Israel’s right-wing government to dismiss all critiques of Israel’s war on Gaza as a form of antisemitism. For example, when the war on Gaza is occasionally contextualized and historicized in reports, the Israeli government and its defenders swiftly weaponize the charge of antisemitism against critics, especially Palestinians, but also Jews. Historian Ilan Pappe highlights how this accusation is wielded by Israel’s far-right government to silence not only critics of the war but any narrative that exposes its five-decade-long campaign by “occupational forces to inflict persistent collective punishment on the Palestinians… exposing them to constant harassment by Israeli settlers and security forces and imprisoning hundreds of thousands of them.”[28]

    The expansive, indiscriminate, and staggering violence unleashed on Gaza by Israel demands not only a new vocabulary but also a deeper understanding of the politics of education and the education of politics. It also requires a redefined comprehension of what constitutes a war crime, coupled with a mass international movement resisting the far-right Israeli government’s deliberate and brutal attacks on the Palestinian people and their quest for freedom and sovereignty. Additionally, it is crucial to recognize that this violence in its multiple forms, includes a  less visible form of violence that is often overlooked. This form of violence, frequently obscured by the genocidal slaughter and annihilation unfolding in Gaza, is the violence of organized forgetting—the systematic erasure of dangerous memories, histories, and collective remembrance.

    This is the violence of “scholasticide.” This type of violence seeks to erase the Nakba from history, to destroy institutions that preserve the memory of the forced removal of 700,000 Palestinians from their land, and to enforce historical amnesia as a means of preventing future generations from learning about Palestinian resistance against colonial violence, dispossession, and erasure that has persisted for decades. Isabella Hammad, British-Palestinian author, rightly expresses outrage on how the pedagogical incubators of soft scholasticide work to condemn Palestinian protesters and cover up crimes of genocide. She is worth quoting at length:

    “Israel’s war in Gaza targets not only memory, knowledge, and critical inquiry but also extends to the destruction of educational institutions where history exposes past crimes and the movements for liberation and resistance. This is a war waged not just against bodies but also against history itself—against memories, legacies of cruelty, schools, museums, and any space where a people’s history and collective identity are preserved and transmitted to present and future generations. This assault on historical consciousness, remembrance, critical ideas, and the enduring history of settler colonialism represents a form of ideological violence that strategically underpins the tangible, bloody war that destroys Palestinian lives and the institutions safeguarding vital memories. In this context, the concept of “scholasticide” emerges, signifying the deliberate destruction of educational spaces that pass on essential knowledge, memories, and values, becoming a central element in Israel’s broader war against the Palestinian people.[29]

    As a form of historical, political and social amnesia, scholasticide works through what Rob Nixon calls “slow violence” — a gradual, incremental, and often less visible form of harm. In this context, scholasticide manifests through verbal contortions marked by diversions, lies, fear, threats, and intimidation. Language, images, and sensationalized tsunamis of hate across various media outlets and platforms are used to distract people from the crimes taking place in Gaza. As a result, scholasticide works to normalize the bloody war on Gaza and suppress free speech. However, it is crucial to recognize that scholasticide also takes on a more brutal and immediate expression in what I call the “savage structural violence of scholasticide.” This form of scholasticide targets the destruction of schools, universities, and museums while systematically repressing dissenting scholars, students, and others. It involves real weapons of mass destruction, attacking not just bodies and minds but also the institutions that sustain intellectual life.

    In what follows, I will analyze the brutal structural violence of scholasticide taking place in Gaza, where educational institutions are systematically targeted and destroyed. I will then examine the ideological violence of scholasticide, characterized by the suppression of free speech and academic freedom, increasingly enforced through state mechanisms of surveillance, job losses, and other punitive measures, including detention. These two forms of scholasticide are not isolated; they reinforce each other, serving a larger project of imposing a repressive state in Israel. This analysis will also reveal how these practices signal a broader, insidious trend in the West, where censorship, repression, and various forms of pedagogical terrorism are aggressively deployed to suppress dissent and critical thought, leading to a brutal global trajectory of intellectual and academic oppression. These two forms of scholasticide—ideological and structural—are deeply interconnected. The ideological assault on free speech and academic freedom lays the groundwork for the physical destruction of institutions essential to critical education as a practice of freedom and liberation. In this way, the ideological forces of scholasticide act as a precursor and precondition for the eventual annihilation of the very foundations of emancipatory education.

    Scholasticide in Gaza

    Israel’s brutal war in Gaza not only targets bodies but also attacks the preservation of history, knowledge, and critical thought. By destroying educational institutions, it aims to erase narratives of past crimes and Palestinian movements for liberation. This is a war against history itself—against memories, legacies of resistance, and the institutions that safeguard a people’s collective identity for future generations. The repression of historical consciousness and the history of settler colonialism is a form of ideological violence that fuels the ongoing conflict devastating Palestinian lives and erasing vital memories. This deliberate destruction of educational institutions, spaces, and history, known as “scholasticide,” is central to Israel’s broader war against the Palestinian people. Chandni Desai, writing in The Guardian, describes scholasticide as an act of ethical savagery and pedagogical repression, noting: “It obliterates the means by which a group—in this instance, Palestinians—can sustain and transmit their culture, knowledge, history, memory, identity, and values across time and space. It is a key feature of genocide.” [30]

    The structural violence of scholasticide in Gaza since the horrific October 7th Hamas attack is undeniable and practically unthinkable. The world has witnessed Israel’s deliberate targeting of schools, universities, and other cultural sites in Gaza. As Sharon Zhang notes, “It is a war crime to target civilian infrastructure in war, but Israel has a long history of flagrantly violating international law with impunity — including targeting educational institutions that preserve Palestinian history, identity, and culture.”[31] According to the UN, 90 percent of Gaza’s schools have been destroyed, and all 12 universities have been bombed, damaged, or reduced to rubble. Chandni Desai reports that “approximately 90,000 Palestinian university students have had their studies suspended; many will be driven to forced displacement through genocide, as Gaza has become uninhabitable.”[32]  It gets worse. UN officials and the Palestinian ministry of education report that Israeli military operations have killed at least 5,479 students, 261 teachers, and 95 university professors in Gaza, including deans, university presidents, award-winning physicists, poets, artists, and prominent activists. [33]

    Schools in Gaza faced significant challenges even before the war, including overcrowding, double shifts, a shortage of buildings, and restricted access to construction materials and school supplies. As Stephen McCloskey highlights, “in June 2022, Save the Children reported that 80 percent of children in Gaza were ‘in a perpetual state of fear, worry, sadness, and grief.”[34] The war has only exacerbated these issues, leaving Gaza’s youth to grapple with repeated traumas, mental health crises, and the constant threat of death or injury. These hardships are compounded by extreme poverty, continuous violence, forced displacement, and inadequate health care.

    Moreover, the brutal realities extend beyond the battlefield. It is well-documented that many children held without charge in Israeli detention centers have been subjected to physical, sexual, and mental abuse. Save the Children has collected testimonies from children that reveal increasing levels of violence, particularly since October, when stricter rules were implemented that block visits from parents or lawyers. Some children have reported broken bones and beatings, highlighting the severe abuse occurring in these detention centers.”[35] Amid such a dire humanitarian crisis, Palestinian children and their parents are left with an agonizing choice: “between dying of exposure, disease, bombs, starvation, infectious disease, or leaving.” [36] This grim reality underscores that the destruction of Gaza’s education system is part of a broader campaign by Israel to render the region unlivable.

     Israel’s war on education and culture extends further, targeting the very fabric of Gaza’s identity. The bombing and destruction of numerous libraries, archives, publishing houses, cultural centers, activity halls, museums, bookstores, cemeteries, monuments, and archival materials illustrate a systematic effort to erase Palestinian heritage. [37] Various news outlets and social media have provided stories and images confirming that Israeli soldiers are not only destroying but also stealing archeological artifacts. In one particularly egregious instance reported on social media, stolen artifacts from the Gaza Strip were openly displayed in a small showcase in the Israeli parliament, known as the Knesset. [38]

    Israel’s policy of scholasticide, aimed at destroying Palestinian education, especially its less violent methods, are not limited to Gaza. They also extend to students, faculty, and other critics of the war within Israel.  Israeli scholar, Professor Maya Wind, argues that Israel’s universities have become centers of military research, propaganda, and repression.[39] For instance, she notes . that “academic disciplines, degree programs, campus infrastructure, and research laboratories   service Israeli occupation and apartheid.”  She is worth quoting at length:

    “Hebrew University, among others, are training intelligence soldiers to create target banks in Gaza. They are producing knowledge for the state… which is state propaganda, or legal scholarship to help thwart attempts to hold Israel accountable for its war crimes, such as the case brought to the ICJ by South Africa. And they are, in fact, actually granting university course credit to reserve soldiers returning from Gaza to their classrooms. So, Israeli universities are deeply complicit in this genocide.[40]

    Writing  in The New York Review of Books In addition, Neve Gordon and Penny Green reported that Shalhoub-Kevorkian, a Palestinian citizen of Israel, who is the Lawrence D. Biele Chair in Law at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem was arrested for signing a petition titled “Childhood Researchers and Students Calling for Immediate Ceasefire in Gaza.”[41] She was one of many Palestinian educators intimidated by the far-right Netanyahu government for criticizing the war.[42] The reach of Israeli state censorship and punishment also includes Jewish faculty members such as the renowned Professor Peled-Elhanan subjected to a disciplinary hearing because she sent messages on a staff WhatsApp that was deemed supportive of Hamas.

    Gordon and Green also noted that  “in the three weeks following Hamas’s attack, well over a hundred Palestinian students in Israel, nearly 80 percent of them women, faced disciplinary actions for private social media posts that supported the end of the siege on Gaza… expressed empathy with Palestinians in the Strip, or simply included memes about suffering Palestinian children.”[43] Attempts by the Israeli state to destroy education in Palestine is part of a broader project to destroy any vestige of a liberation movement in Palestine. Wind notes this is obvious not only in terms of the repression of Palestinian critics in Gaza and Israel, but also in the West Bank, including West Jerusalem. She states that Palestinian universities are routinely raided  by the IDF. She adds:

    “Student activists and organizers in over 411 Palestinian student groups and associations that have been declared unlawful by the Israeli state are routinely abducted from their campus, from their homes in the middle of the night. They are subjected to torture. They are held in administrative detention without charge or trial for months. And so, what we’re really seeing is a systemic attack of the Israeli military and the Israeli military government on Palestinian higher education, and particularly on Palestinian campuses as sites of organizing for Palestinian liberation.[44]

    Conclusion 

    What stands out regarding Israel’s policy of scholasticide is not only the visceral killing, suffering, and terror inflicted upon the Palestinian people in Gaza but also the calculated effort to obliterate institutions that preserve Palestinian history, educate current and future generations, and forge links between the past and a future of freedom and justice. This is not just an assault on memory; it is an attack on the very essence of education as a liberating force—indispensable for a society where informed judgment, civic courage, and critical agency are essential to upholding the ideals of freedom and justice through mass resistance.

    It is crucial for critical educators and anti-war activists to acknowledge that this war on education in Gaza parallels the ongoing assault on higher education in the United States and other authoritarian regimes, revealing a disturbing global alignment in the attack on intellectual freedom and historical truth. The strategy of scholasticide is both a violent structural project and a calculated ideological and pedagogical effort to silence dissent within and outside of higher education, particularly dissent that holds Israel’s genocidal war and its apparatuses of ideological indoctrination and repression accountable. The horrors unfolding in Gaza represent the extreme endpoint of a broader, insidious campaign aimed at crushing dissent across universities in the United States, Europe, and beyond, including nations like Hungary. In the U.S., schools and cultural institutions may not be bombed, but they are systematically defunded and turned into fortresses of academic repression. Books are banned, student protesters face police brutality, faculty are purged, and history is whitewashed. Meanwhile, billionaire elites and administrative enforcers ruthlessly work to “engineer the intellectual, social, and financial impoverishment of the educational sector,” silencing anyone who dares to challenge their pursuit of national and ideological conformity.[45]

    Scholasticide is a modern form of McCarthyism that intensifies from silencing opposition to the outright destruction of academic and cultural institutions that enable both individual and collective resistance. It begins by targeting informed judgment, historical memory, and dissent, and then escalates to obliterating civic infrastructures like schools and museums. In its wake, it leaves a trail of bloodshed, broken limbs, wounded women and children, and a chilling legacy of violence, mass deaths, and ethical emptiness. Scholasticide is the canary in the coal mine, signaling an imminent and grave threat to academic freedom, free speech, critical education, and democracy itself.

    Notes.

    [1] Gerald Sussman, “The US-Israeli Regime of Despair,” Counter Punch (July 21, 2024). Online: https://www.counterpunch.org/2024/07/21/the-us-israeli-regime-of-despair/

    [2] Kenneth Roth, “Crimes of War in Gaza” The New York Review of Books [July 18, 2024]. Online: https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2024/07/18/crimes-of-war-in-gaza-kenneth-roth/

    [3] Aryeh Neier, “Is Israel Committing Genocide?” The New York Review of Books[June 6, 2024]. Online: https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2024/06/06/is-israel-committing-genocide-aryeh-neier/

    [4] HuMedia, “Israel hits Gaza Strip with the equivalent of two nuclear bombs,” Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor (November 2, 2023). Online: https://euromedmonitor.org/en/article/5908/Israel-hits-Gaza-Strip-with-the-equivalent-of-two-nuclear-bombs#:~:text=Geneva%20%2D%20Israel%20has%20dropped%20more,a%20press%20release%20issued%20today

    [5] Editorial, “Initial Euro-Med Monitor investigation finds no evidence of military presence at site of Tab’een School massacre in Gaza,” Countercurrents.org (August 24, 2024). Online: https://countercurrents.org/2024/08/initial-euro-med-monitor-investigation-finds-no-evidence-of-military-presence-at-site-of-tabeen-school-massacre-in-gaza/

    [6] Irene Nasser, Abeer Salman, Ibrahim Dahman, Mohammed Tawfeeq, Lex Harvey and Allegra Goodwin, “Israeli strike on mosque and school in Gaza kills scores, sparking international outrage,” CNN World (August 11, 2024).  Online: https://www.cnn.com/2024/08/10/middleeast/israeli-school-strike-gaza-intl-hnk/index.html

    [7] HuMedia, “Initial Euro-Med Monitor investigation finds no evidence of military presence at site of Tab’een School massacre in Gaza,” Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor (August 11, 2024). Online: https://euromedmonitor.org/en/article/6432/Initial-Euro-Med-Monitor-investigation-finds-no-evidence-of-military-presence-at-site-of-Tab%E2%80%99een-School-massacre-in-Gaza

    [8] Miranda Cleland, “Why Israel can torture detained Palestinian children with impunity,” Middle East Eye (December 1, 2023). Online: https://www.middleeasteye.net/opinion/israel-palestine-war-torture-detained-palestinian-children-impunity

    [9] Greg Shupak, “Israel may have the least ‘moral army’ in the world: The rate of civilian death during Israel’s assault on Gaza has few precedents this century,” Canadian Dimension (February 17, 2024). Online: https://canadiandimension.com/articles/view/israel-may-have-the-least-moral-army-in-the-world

    [10] Arwa Mahdawi, “Nearly 21,000 children are missing in Gaza. And there’s no end to this nightmare” The Guardian [June 27, 2024]. Online: https://www.theguardian.com/global/commentisfree/article/2024/jun/27/gaza-missing-children

    [11] Rasha Khatib, Martin McKee, Salim Yusuf, “Counting the dead in Gaza: difficult but essential” The Lancet [July 5, 2024]. Online: https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(24)01169-3/fulltext

    [12] Andre Damon, “Lancet warns Gaza death toll could be over 186,000,” World Socialist Web Site (July 7, 2024). Online: https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2024/07/08/xgqe-j08.html

    [13] Press Release, “UN report: Palestinian detainees held arbitrarily and secretly, subjected to torture and mistreatment,” United Nations Human Rights (July 31, 2024). Online: https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/07/un-report-palestinian-detainees-held-arbitrarily-and-secretly-subjected

    [14] Gerald Imray, “Genocide case against Israel: Where does the rest of the world stand on the momentous allegations?,” Associated Press (January 14, 2024). Online: https://apnews.com/article/genocide-israel-palestinians-gaza-court-fbd7fe4af10b542a1a4e2c7563029bfb;

    [15] Mike Corder, “International Criminal Court judges mulling arrest warrants consider legal arguments on jurisdiction,” Associated Press(August 9, 2024). Online: https://apnews.com/article/israel-palestinians-icc-court-warrants-jurisdiction-12df89805cf654df030a56264ad38bb8#:~:text=THE%20HAGUE%2C%20Netherlands%20(AP),attacks%20by%20Hamas%20in%20Israel.

    [16] Amy Goodman, “Palestinian Lives Matter Too: Jewish Scholar Judith Butler Condemns Israel’s “Genocide” in Gaza.”  Democracy Now[October 26, 2023]. Online: https://www.democracynow.org/2023/10/26/judith_butler_ceasefire_gaza_israel

    [17] Sanjana Karanth, “Israeli Defense Minister Announces Siege On Gaza To Fight ‘Human Animals’,” The Huff Post (October 9, 2023). Online: https://www.huffpost.com/entry/israel-defense-minister-human-animals-gaza-palestine_n_6524220ae4b09f4b8d412e0a

    [18] Patrick Kingsley, “Top U.N. Court Decision Adds to Israel’s Growing Isolation”  New York Times [May 24, 2024]. Online: https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/24/world/middleeast/icj-israel-rafah-isolation.html

    [19] Guardian Staff and Agencies, “Israel minister condemned for saying starvation of millions in Gaza might be ‘justified and moral’,” The Guardian (August 8, 2024). Online: https://www.theguardian.com/world/article/2024/aug/08/israel-finance-minister-bezalel-smotrich-gaza-starve-2m-people-comments

    [20] Sharon Zhang, “Netanyahu Says Israel’s Goal Is to Wipe Out All Possibility of Palestinian State,” Truthout (January 18, 2024). Online: https://truthout.org/articles/netanyahu-says-israels-goal-is-to-wipe-out-all-possibility-of-palestinian-state/#:~:text=War%20%26%20Peace-,Netanyahu%20Says%20Israel’s%20Goal%20Is%20to%20Wipe%20Out%20All%20Possibility,amid%20Israel’s%20genocide%20in%20Gaza.&text=Honest%2C%20paywall%2Dfree%20news%20is,a%20donation%20of%20any%20size.

    [21] Ibid.

    [22] Kenneth Roth, “Crimes of War in Gaza” The New York Review of Books [July 18, 2024]. Online: https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2024/07/18/crimes-of-war-in-gaza-kenneth-roth/; See also, an interview with Roth in Carolyn Neugarten, “The Right Fight” The New York Review [July 27, 2024]. Online: https://www.nybooks.com/online/2024/07/27/the-right-fight-kenneth-roth/

    [23] All of the quotes in this paragraph are from  Kenneth Roth, “Crimes of War in Gaza” The New York Review of Books [July 18, 2024]. Online: https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2024/07/18/crimes-of-war-in-gaza-kenneth-roth/

    [24] Donalyn White, Anthony Ballas, “Settler Colonialism and the Engineering of Historical Amnesia” Counter Punch [July 11, 2024]. Online: https://www.counterpunch.org/2024/07/11/settler-colonialism-and-the-engineering-of-historical-amnesia/

    [25] See, Kenneth Roth, “Crimes of War in Gaza” The New York Review of Books [July 18, 2024]. Online: https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2024/07/18/crimes-of-war-in-gaza-kenneth-roth/. A brilliant, critical, and encompassing analysis of Israel’s war crimes can be found in Jeffrey St. Clair’s Gaza Dairy Archives published in CounterPunch.

    [26] Gaza Academics and Administrators, “Open letter by Gaza academics and university administrators to the world.” Al Jazeera [May 29, 2024]. Online: https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2024/5/29/open-letter-by-gaza-academics-and-university-administrators-to-the-world

    [27] Faisal Bhabha, Heidi Matthews, Stephen Rosenbaum, “OPEN LETTER FROM NORTH AMERICAN ACADEMICS CONDEMNING SCHOLASTICIDE IN GAZA” Google Docs [April 2024]. Online: https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSc7_K7qybzbeiBAg7sYTxbp1VOyYBrYPaxRf8jvHuBa0kQHlg/viewform?pli=1

    [28] Ilan Pappe, “Why Israel wants to erase context and history in the war on Gaza.” Al Jazeera [November 5, 2023]. Online: https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2023/11/5/why-israel-wants-to-erase-context-and-history-in-the-war-on-gaza

    [29] Isabella Hammad, “Acts of Language” The New York Review of Books [June 13, 2024]. Online: https://www.nybooks.com/online/2024/06/13/acts-of-language-isabella-hammad/

    [30] Chandni Desai, “Israel has destroyed or damaged 80% of schools in Gaza. This is scholasticide” The Guardian [June 8, 2024]. Online: https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/article/2024/jun/08/israel-destroying-schools-scholasticide

    [31] Sharon Zhang, “Israel Bombs Girls’ School in Gaza, Killing 30 and Wounding Over 100,” Truthout (July 29, 2024). Online: https://truthout.org/articles/israel-bombs-girls-school-in-gaza-killing-30-and-wounding-over-100/

    [32] Ibid. Chandni Desai.

    [33] Chris Hedges, “Israel destroyed my university. Where is the outrage?” The Real News [February 9, 2024]. Online: https://therealnews.com/israel-destroyed-my-university-where-is-the-outrage

    [34] Stephen McCloskey, “Israel’s War on Education in Gaza” Z Network [January 8, 2024]. Online: https://znetwork.org/znetarticle/israels-war-on-education-in-gaza/

    [35] News Release, “Palestinian children in Israeli military detention report increasingly violent conditions,” Save the Children (February 29, 2024). Online: https://www.savethechildren.net/news/palestinian-children-israeli-military-detention-report-increasingly-violent-conditions

    [36] Chris Hedges, “Israel destroyed my university. Where is the outrage?” The Real News [February 9, 2024]. Online: https://therealnews.com/israel-destroyed-my-university-where-is-the-outrage

    [37]  Ibid. Chandni Desai.

    [38] Palestine Chronicle Staff, “Israeli Forces Display Stolen Gaza Artifacts in Knesset,” The Palestine Chronicle (August 14, 2024). Online: https://www.palestinechronicle.com/israeli-forces-display-stolen-gaza-artifacts-in-knesset-reports/

    [39] Maya Wind, Towers of Ivory and Steel: How Israeli Universities Deny Palestinian Freedom (New York: Verso, 2024).

    [40] Amy Goodman, “”Towers of Ivory and Steel”: Jewish Scholar Says Israeli Universities Deny Palestinian Freedom” Democracy Now[March 15, 2024]. Online: https://www.democracynow.org/2024/3/15/maya_wind_towers_of_ivory_and

    [41] Neve Gordon and Penny Green, “Israel’s Universities: The Crackdown” The New York Review of Books [June 5, 2024]. Online: https://www.nybooks.com/online/2024/06/05/israel-universities-the-crackdown/

    [42] Ibid. Maya Wind.

    [43] Ibid. Neve Gordon and Penny Green.

    [44] Amy Goodman, “Maya Wind: Destruction of Gaza’s Universities Part of Broader Israeli Project to Destroy Palestinian Liberation” Part 2. Democracy Now [March 15, 2024]. Online: https://www.democracynow.org/2024/3/15/maya_wind_part_2

    [45] Ruth Ben-Ghiat, “How Authoritarians Target Universities,” Lucid  (July 11, 2023). Online: https://lucid.substack.com/p/from-fascism-to-hungary-and-the-us

    The post Scholasticide: Erasing Memory, Silencing Dissent, and Waging War on Education from Gaza to the West appeared first on CounterPunch.org.


    This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Henry Giroux.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/23/scholasticide-erasing-memory-silencing-dissent-and-waging-war-on-education-from-gaza-to-the-west/feed/ 0 490064
    Cookie & Zo’e: A Georgia Family Wrestles With School Choice 60 Years After the Start of Desegregation https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/22/cookie-zoe-a-georgia-family-wrestles-with-school-choice-60-years-after-the-start-of-desegregation/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/22/cookie-zoe-a-georgia-family-wrestles-with-school-choice-60-years-after-the-start-of-desegregation/#respond Thu, 22 Aug 2024 09:05:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/cookie-zoe-macon-georgia-school-segregation-documentary by Liz Moughon

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    In 1964, Samaria “Cookie” Mitcham Bailey was among the first Black students to desegregate public schools in Macon, Georgia. Sixty years later, her 13-year-old great-granddaughter, Zo’e Johnson, attends a private school that opened as white families fled desegregation. Researchers call schools like these “segregation academies.”

    “So what touched you most about Grandma’s story?” asked Alyse Bailey, Zo’e’s great-aunt, as they sat at Cookie’s dining room table this year. Zo’e paused for a moment. “How she took people’s comments and racial things,” she said. “It didn’t stop her from what she wanted to do in life.”

    Cookie still carries hurtful experiences from the year she desegregated a white high school. One instance happened during an English class. “This girl asked me if I had a tail,” Cookie recalled. She turned to the girl and demanded to know if she could see a tail.

    “I’m a human being,” Cookie said.

    Cookie hoped that her work desegregating schools would lead to more equal educational opportunities for future generations. Yet, when Zo’e began to have problems at her local public middle school, her family searched for options. Almost all were schools that remain largely segregated.

    The family chose First Presbyterian Day, a predominantly white school known for its strong academics and Christian worldview. With the help of a state voucher-like tuition grant, Cookie has paid for Zo’e’s seventh grade year at the school. But she’s not sure she can continue to afford it.

    Watch this 12-minute documentary to learn more about the challenge the family now faces.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Liz Moughon.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/22/cookie-zoe-a-georgia-family-wrestles-with-school-choice-60-years-after-the-start-of-desegregation/feed/ 0 489905
    In a Town Full of Segregation Academies, One Black Family Grapples With the Best School Choice for Their Daughter https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/22/in-a-town-full-of-segregation-academies-one-black-family-grapples-with-the-best-school-choice-for-their-daughter/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/22/in-a-town-full-of-segregation-academies-one-black-family-grapples-with-the-best-school-choice-for-their-daughter/#respond Thu, 22 Aug 2024 09:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/macon-georgia-segregation-academies-school-vouchers by Jennifer Berry Hawes, photography by Sarahbeth Maney

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    The spry 76-year-old woman finds her spot at the dining room table, prepared to discuss a problem her family has confronted, in one form or another, for half a century. Back when Samaria “Cookie” Mitcham Bailey was a teenager in 1964, she was among the first Black students to desegregate public schools here in Macon, Georgia. She endured the snubs and sacrifices with hope that future generations would know an equality that she had not.

    All these years later, that equality remains elusive. Cookie’s hope now centers on the child across the table.

    Her 13-year-old great-granddaughter, Zo’e Johnson, doesn’t say much at first. Last year, when she was in sixth grade, Zo’e struggled at the public middle school, which she felt was “chaotic.” Her family canvassed their options for another school in Macon, most of them still largely segregated by race. They chose First Presbyterian Day School, known for its rigorous academics and Christian worldview. It also has a strong tennis program, a draw for a family of tennis standouts.

    But FPD isn’t just any private school. It was among the hundreds that opened during desegregation as white children fled the arrival of Black students. Black students like Cookie.

    Researchers call these private schools “segregation academies.” Macon was — and is — especially saturated with them. Using archival research and an analysis of federal data, ProPublica identified five that still operate in the city. They include the three largest private schools in town. For generations, they have siphoned off swaths of white families who invested their more plentiful resources in college-sized tuition, fees and fundraisers. Today, most of Macon’s public schools are nearly all Black — and, because of the city’s persistent wealth gap, they grapple with concentrations of poverty.

    At the dining room table on this March day, Zo’e’s family is torn over whether to keep her at FPD for another school year — whether they can afford it and whether the cost makes sense.

    All of the schools founded as segregation academies in Macon, a majority-Black city, remain vastly white. FPD, with 11% Black enrollment as of the 2021-22 school year, has the highest proportion of Black students among them. Tuition at these schools can be insurmountable to many Black families. In Macon, the estimated median income of Black households is about half that of white ones.

    Zo’e’s family makes it work largely because FPD helped them apply to get almost half of the roughly $17,000 seventh-grade tuition paid through a state voucher-style program — and because Cookie has been able to pay the difference. That’s about $900 a month.

    But she isn’t sure she can keep paying. She recently cut her work hours as a medical laboratory supervisor with hopes of retiring in the next few years. At the table, her tone unusually subdued, she notes she’s had COVID-19 twice. Her memory sometimes falters.

    “I’m older,” she says. “I’m getting old.”

    Zo’e’s mother, Ashley Alexander, is a single parent who works part time and cannot foot the extra bill. She and Zo’e live with Cookie and her husband, a retiree who once worked as an attorney.

    Ashley takes a seat between Zo’e and Cookie. “I feel like you get the better opportunity at the Caucasian school. The education is better,” Ashley says. “It’s just so expensive. We’ve been looking for some alternatives.”

    But Zo’e doesn’t want to leave FPD. She likes the Christian emphasis. And she appreciates the structure and the calm, both important to a family that’s deeply protective of her.

    Zo’e and her great-grandmother, Samaria “Cookie” Mitcham Bailey, after a game of tennis. A love of the sport runs deep in the family. Zo’e in her bedroom. Among the things that she likes about FPD is its tennis team. Her old school doesn’t have one.

    When Zo’e was 6, her father was shot and killed a mile away from this house. A mural of his face stretches across a nearby building, where she sometimes goes to take pictures and to pray. Her father had supported sending his now-adult son, who plays in the NFL, to another private school in town. It’s one reason Zo’e thinks he would be proud of her succeeding at FPD.

    She also has made good friends — Black and white. She likes the challenging academics, the orderly classes and, especially, its tennis team. Her old school doesn’t have one.

    At the table, Zo’e speaks up: “I love FPD.”

    Watch a Short Documentary This 12-minute documentary examines one family’s struggles with Georgia’s segregated schools.

    Once sleepy, depressed even, downtown Macon is enjoying a rebirth in this city that is home to almost 157,000 people. Mercer University, Cookie’s alma mater, brings collegiate vibrance. Several grand churches, Catholic schools and a hospital add to the bustle, along with the gleaming Tubman African American Museum. In a first-floor exhibit, Cookie’s high school graduation photograph hangs on a long wall that pays tribute to students’ work desegregating Macon’s public schools.

    Just beyond the downtown streets lined with coffee shops and restaurants, and the circles of poverty that surround them, Cookie’s brick home sits in a mostly white middle-class neighborhood. She has lived in this house for three decades, trodding its handsome wood floors and adorning it with family photographs.

    A few weeks before the dining table discussion, she arrives home wearing a green tracksuit from Florida A&M University, where one of her three daughters played tennis. Cookie just left a tennis tournament. In a tight match, Zo’e beat a fellow FPD player who had bested her several times before. The other player smacked her racket on the court, then kicked it. Cookie was thrilled. She and her husband met playing tennis, and they have multiple collegiate tennis players in their family.

    Ashley and Zo’e walk in later with diminished enthusiasm. Zo’e lost her final match, and she’s exhausted and grumpy. She heads to her bedroom where a brown teddy bear awaits along with a poster labeled “Vision Board.” She decorated it with words like “Forgive” and “College” and “God Only.”

    “She did good!” Cookie calls down the hall.

    Zo’e first dabbled in tennis when she was 6, around the time of her father’s murder. On the court, she could live in the moment, thinking only of the match at hand. It provided relief and focus, especially when anxiety crept in.

    She keeps with her a newspaper clipping about her father’s death at 39. To some who read news coverage of his killing, he was a gang leader who spent time in prison. But she and many in the community knew the man who wanted his children and others in the neighborhood to dodge the traps of life — traps she’d begun to encounter at the public middle school.

    After Zo’e enrolled at FPD, Ashley began driving her each morning in the opposite direction of the public middle school, which sits a mile away past a strip mall anchored by a Family Dollar.

    Instead, they cruised for 15 minutes toward the leafy neighborhoods to the city’s north. At a stretch of white ranch fencing, they turned and drove over gentle hills and then veered onto the main drive into FPD’s campus. Red flags emblazoned with its crest hang on street lamps that line the road as it passes brick buildings, an athletic center, expansive ball fields and a tennis complex along its 248-acre campus.

    Although she felt strange there at first, Zo’e made good friends and came to like FPD.

    Zo’e isn’t the first in her family to attend private school. Her older half-brother on her father’s side who plays football went to Stratford, a similarly elite school in town that also was founded as a segregation academy. And a cousin who coaches her in tennis and is now playing on a scholarship at Tuskegee University went to FPD his junior and senior years. He had a mostly good experience, a big reason Cookie took a chance on the school.

    Even so, Zo’e felt strange arriving on campus. At her old school, almost 90% of her classmates were Black. Classes were in one building, all near one another. FPD looked like a small college bustling with white students. She worried about what they would think of her.

    Yet, she felt welcomed. Most of the kids seemed nice. And they weren’t all white. About 1 in 10 was Black.

    She didn’t know it, but after George Floyd was killed in 2020, the head of school had issued a letter warning: “I will not allow racism or a lack of respect of any kind towards anyone.”

    As Zo’e settled in with a diverse new group of friends, academics proved her toughest adjustment. So she focused on learning study skills and discipline — and set out to prove herself on the tennis court, which only made Cookie prouder.

    Zo’e has lived with Cookie most of her life. She calls her great-grandmother sweet nicknames like Precious. “You are the cookie to my monster!” Zo’e wrote in Cookie’s birthday card.

    Much as she respects Cookie, the history of school segregation wasn’t at the forefront of her daily concerns as she assimilated at FPD. But she did notice that she hadn’t seen a single Black teacher at the school. The only Black staff members she saw worked as janitors or in the cafeteria.

    Cookie’s own journey into the world of white education began in 1964 with an announcement over the loudspeaker at her all-Black high school. The voice sought volunteers to transfer to a school for white girls. Cookie raised her hand.

    Her mother, Annie Mae Mitcham, had grown up in a rural outpost called Cat Ridge. As a child in the 1930s and 1940s, Annie Mae walked from her segregated all-Black school with its hand-me-down books to go clean the white kids’ classrooms. She and her husband, who had a third-grade education, raised their 10 children to focus on school achievement.

    Cookie holds a photograph of her nine siblings and parents. Scholastic achievement was at the heart of their upbringing.

    By volunteering to enroll at the white school, Cookie wanted to see if she was as smart as everyone said she was. She also wanted to know what advantages the white kids were getting — and that Black students ought to have, too. She enrolled her senior year.

    When she arrived at the white high school, Cookie didn’t suffer the violence that many Black children who desegregated schools across the South did. But there was one day in English class that still, 60 years later, hurts.

    A white girl turned to ask: “Do you have a tail?”

    At her old high school, Cookie was an A student. She’d been in the marching band and the concert band. She’d played piano and was a stellar singer. Yet this white girl was comparing her to a monkey? It cut deeply enough to scar.

    Something similar happened to Zo’e a semester into her own experience at a mostly white school. She came home from school one day upset. She told Cookie and her mother that she had found a friend, who is Black, crying in a hallway saying that a white boy had just called her a “monkey.”

    A month later at the dining room table, the family revisits the monkey comment. Zo’e says she has since heard the boy who said it was suspended. Her mother points out that one student’s comment doesn’t define a school.

    “Let’s not make too big an issue of it,” Ashley says. But for Cookie, it rips open the old wound from English class. She grows furious. “They’re still calling Black folks monkeys!”

    At the white high school, Cookie’s teachers and most students had treated her well enough. The headmistress did not. The guidance counselor was the worst, with her pursed lips, pearls and horn-rimmed glasses. When Cookie told the counselor she wanted to apply at Mercer University, the woman replied with a sneer and an insult.

    “Go to your own school,” the woman said. In other words, a college for Black students.

    Cookie stormed from the office and marched to Mercer with a friend. She enrolled on her own and ultimately graduated, among the first Black students to do so from the private university. Yet, even by then, only a smattering of Black students had been admitted to Macon’s white public schools. White Maconites were battling full integration at every turn, especially in the courts.

    First image: Cookie looks through her 1966-67 yearbook from Mercer University in Macon, Georgia. She was among the first Black students to graduate from the private university. Second image: Cookie’s graduation regalia from Mercer.

    More quietly, they were also busy forging another kind of resistance: They were organizing new private schools for their white children.

    Macon sits 90 miles south of Atlanta in Georgia’s stretch of the Black Belt, a sickle-shaped swath of rich soil across the Southeast that once fueled cotton plantation riches. To preserve their control after emancipation, Georgia’s white leaders segregated every facet of life, including the classroom. In 1954, the U.S. Supreme Court upended that when the justices ruled in Brown v. Board of Education that state-mandated public school segregation is unconstitutional.

    White residents responded with staunch resistance.

    “Klan Urges State-Wide Private School System,” a Macon Telegraph headline announced in January 1960. Two months later, the newspaper reported that a local attorney was leading the charge to create an alternative to the county school system that served Macon. He planned a closed-door meeting with dozens of “persons interested in establishing a private school in case the public schools of Bibb County are closed by the desegregation crisis.”

    That fall, Stratford Academy opened. Its leaders chose the name “because of the association of the name with Robert E. Lee and Shakespeare,” officials said at the time. The school — still among the city’s largest and most prestigious academies — was “besieged with applications.”

    As white residents fought integration, Sylvia McGee was growing up in the segregated city. She had started her education at an all-Black public elementary school in Macon just a few years after the Brown ruling. She was about to start middle school in 1963 when Black parents sued the local school board in what became Bibb County’s key desegregation lawsuit. The case slogged on for almost seven years.

    Finally, in February 1970, an appeals court forced local schools to desegregate — within days. McGee was a high school senior. Whites had fought integration for so long after the Brown decision that she had gone through her entire public school education during that resistance.

    That fall, five private schools, including FPD, opened in Macon, doubling the number in town.

    Their leaders rarely said publicly that the schools opened to preserve all-white education. Instead, they nodded to “quality” and “Christian” education.

    Yet in fall 1970, leaders of the Southern network of the Presbyterian Church urged members to keep their children in public schools. In a statement, they called enforced racial segregation “contrary to the will of God” and warned against undermining public education by establishing and supporting private academies “whose deliberate purpose or practical effect is to maintain racial isolation.”

    And even back then, some Southern newspapers called the new private schools “segregation academies.”

    An article from The Macon Telegraph in January 1960. Two months later, the newspaper reported that a local attorney was leading the charge to create an alternative to the county school system that served Macon. (Newspapers.com)

    “Only the very gullible could deny that race was a factor,” Andrew Manis, a local resident and history professor, wrote in his book “Macon Black and White.”

    But FPD’s current spokesperson denied the school was founded as a segregation academy. She told ProPublica it “was established based on the desire of Macon families to provide their children with a strong education, grounded in biblical principles.” The school has a tuition assistance program and a nondiscrimination policy, she added. She did not answer additional questions.

    Indeed, in 1975, several years after it opened, FPD’s headmaster likewise told a newspaper reporter that the school had a nondiscrimination policy. FPD was willing to admit a Black student, he said, “but we’ve never had one to apply.”

    To Black residents like McGee, that felt disingenuous. “The climate and the culture of the time said you don’t apply to FPD,” she said. Black parents would have feared for their children’s safety at the academies. Private schools also had to adopt such policies or risk losing their tax-exempt status.

    McGee graduated in 1970 with the final class before full desegregation. Because so many white students had fled to private schools, by fall 1973, the Bibb County public school system was predominantly Black for the first time.

    McGee, who became a social worker and ultimately acting superintendent until 2011, watched the district’s infrastructure crumble. Gone were many of the white parents who had money to pour into PTA fundraisers and time to fill volunteer needs.

    In the early 2000s, decades after they opened, FPD, Stratford and most of the other academies in Macon reported that about 1% to 2% of their students were Black each year.

    Even in recent years, Black children have made up only about 6% of most academies’ students — in a county that is 57% Black.

    “It holds everybody back,” McGee said. “I think people miss that point.”

    One morning in May, with the end of seventh grade approaching, Zo’e arrives on FPD’s campus and heads to a hallway of art classrooms. It stretches quiet, the walls lined with impressive student artwork, classes not yet starting for the day. Several students sit on the hall floor, backs against the wall, engrossed in the papers or cellphones in front of them.

    For weeks, Zo’e had been living in a tortuous state of uncertainty about whether she would return to FPD in the fall. She tried hard not to complain. She didn’t want to put extra financial pressure on Cookie, who is about to turn 77, or her mom, who has enough on her plate.

    Ashley was doing her best to try to make things work for Zo’e. She was in the running for a full-time job at the Bibb County Sheriff’s Office that would give them more of a financial cushion — and enable her to pay FPD’s tuition.

    Now, this morning, Zo’e is about to burst with joy. She spots a friend in the hallway and hurries over, stifling her smile. When they get close enough, she whispers, “You know how I told you if my mom doesn’t get the job, I’m not going to be able to stay?”

    Her friend looks pensive. Zo’e wrings her hands in front of her.

    “She got the job!”

    Zo’e with classmates during lunchtime at FPD. She isn’t the first in her family to attend private school. Her older half-brother on her father’s side went to one in town and a cousin went to FPD his junior and senior years.

    Her friend lets out a high-pitched squeal of joy, then glances down the hall.

    Zo’e adds, “So I’m gonna be able to stay.”

    But as the next few weeks pass, her hope fades. Delays creep in. Ashley’s starting date gets pushed back.

    The multiple generations of women in Cookie’s family are quick to debate the bigger reasons why public schools struggle, including Miller Fine Arts Magnet Middle School, the one Zo’e went to.

    “There’s a reason why the teachers at Miller are stressed out,” Cookie’s youngest daughter, Alyse Bailey, said after joining her family at the dining room table back in March. “There’s a reason why the kids are not acting how they’re supposed to act. What are those reasons? What are the root causes?”

    “They’re a product of the environment,” Ashley responded.

    “Right, but then, why?” Alyse asked. “It’s like you got to constantly be asking, why?”

    Black children lack resources, Alyse argued, because of the wealth gap stemming from slavery and Jim Crow. “The more you go back, the more you see where it is rooted in systemic injustice.”

    To many local families, Miller is the best option among public middle schools. While it functions as a regular neighborhood school, Miller also draws students from across the district who attend its fine arts magnet component. It often tops the district’s six middle schools on the state’s standardized tests. Almost three-quarters of its eighth graders read on grade level or above compared with the district average of 62%. (Private schools don’t have to release such data.)

    Schools like Miller will soon find it even harder to retain top students, particularly those with more resources.

    Starting next year, private schools will skim another layer of students from the public schools. In April, as part of a nationwide Republican push, Georgia adopted a new program that, similar to the existing one, uses taxpayer dollars to fund private school tuition. At least 21,000 more students could receive up to $6,500 each. Last year, almost 22,000 students tapped into the current program. The average tuition grant was about $4,600.

    While it functions as a regular neighborhood school, Miller also draws students from across the district who attend its fine arts magnet component.

    Supporters often tout these programs as means for students to escape low-performing public schools. But the reality is, the tuition grants don’t often cover even half of private school tuition bills, especially for college prep-style schools like FPD and Stratford. (Stratford was the only of the four other academies that responded to ProPublica. Its head of school noted it gives $1.5 million in financial assistance a year and is “contributing to moving middle Georgia and the Macon community toward a future that looks very different than the past.”)

    But tuition assistance and voucher-style programs often don’t pay the whole bill. Families like Cookie’s must come up with the difference — and, if they can, decide if the financial hardship is worth it.

    As they wrestle with this question, Zo’e’s family puts her on a waiting list for a charter school that performs well and, like many of the private schools, draws large numbers of white children. But 40 students are ahead of her.

    By the time summer break arrives, Zo’e faces reality. Her mom almost certainly won’t start the new job in time to pay looming tuition bills. Zo’e will return to the public school her family felt had fallen short of her needs. And FPD will have one fewer Black student.

    In late June, Cookie’s birthday approaches. When her oldest daughter arrives from Florida for a visit, they lay in bed watching tennis together. In dispirited tones, Cookie mentions that she cannot afford Zo’e’s tuition anymore.

    But her daughter presses her to think beyond FPD’s benefits to what public school can provide, if Zo’e works hard and stays focused: “It’s nothing she can’t get somewhere else.”

    Cookie concedes, “She can get it somewhere else.” Including Miller. She decides that the family must focus on reinforcing the academic and social self-discipline that Zo’e will need to succeed at Miller. They can help train her in tennis.

    In the next room, Zo’e watches Disney Channel cartoons in her bedroom while making a poster for her mom, who shares a birthday with Cookie. She glues photographs onto it along with a message of love in sparkly lime green letters. Then she writes her mother a birthday note. “You’re not only a life-giver but you are a hard worker,” she writes. She thanks Ashley for so much love. “You were the one to step in when my father had to step out. You have been my best friend, a laughing buddy and a role model.”

    Zo’e works on the floor below her vision board. It includes a cutout of a tiger’s eyes, intent and fixed. They remind her of focus. As she accepts the likelihood of returning to Miller, she becomes determined to take the discipline she learned at FPD with her. She also remembers that, at this time last year, she had wanted to stay at Miller.

    A few weeks later, in mid-July, Ashley gets the formal job offer. She will become a sheriff’s deputy with a start date of July 29. She is overjoyed and relieved.

    It comes too late to send Zo’e back to FPD. Public schools are about to begin the new year. So, the family firms up their plan for her. Zo’e will return to Miller for eighth grade to give Ashley time to save money for tuition. After that, when Zo’e begins high school, they plan to send her back to private school.

    Zo’e will return to Miller for eighth grade to give her mother time to save money for tuition. After that, when Zo’e begins high school, her family plans to send her back to private school.

    Mollie Simon contributed research.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jennifer Berry Hawes, photography by Sarahbeth Maney.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/22/in-a-town-full-of-segregation-academies-one-black-family-grapples-with-the-best-school-choice-for-their-daughter/feed/ 0 489994
    Can Vice-Presidential Pick Tim Walz Make Democrats the Education Party Again? https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/14/can-vice-presidential-pick-tim-walz-make-democrats-the-education-party-again/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/14/can-vice-presidential-pick-tim-walz-make-democrats-the-education-party-again/#respond Wed, 14 Aug 2024 05:55:49 +0000 https://www.counterpunch.org/?p=330800 In choosing Minnesota Governor Tim Walz to be her running mate, Vice President and Democratic presidential candidate Kamala Harris has not only picked a progressive governor and a Midwestern populist to lead the party’s national ticket but she also may have signaled that the Democratic Party is ready to take back its reputation as the education party. More

    The post Can Vice-Presidential Pick Tim Walz Make Democrats the Education Party Again? appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

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    Photograph Source: Office of Governor Tim Walz & Lt. Governor Peggy Flanagan – Public Domain

    In choosing Minnesota Governor Tim Walz to be her running mate, Vice President and Democratic presidential candidate Kamala Harris has not only picked a progressive governor and a Midwestern populist to lead the party’s national ticket but she also may have signaled that the Democratic Party is ready to take back its reputation as the education party.

    Walz, a former public school teacher and football coach in Mankato, Minnesota, draws on his experience as an educator to inform his political persona and policy beliefs, saying in a 2007 interview with Education Week—after he was elected to Congress—that teachers are “more grounded in what people really care about.”

    As governor of Minnesota, he acted on that philosophy of caring by pushing for and signing into law a $72 billion state budget in May 2023 that significantly increased funding for the state’s public schools, provided for a new $1,750-per-child tax creditfree college tuition for families earning less than $80,000 per year, funding for free school meals for K-12 students statewide, and paid sick leave for workers, as well as a paid family and medical leave.

    The “historic” education spending Walz approved included a $5.5 billion increase over the next four years, a substantial raise to the state’s per-pupil funding formula, and an increase in funding for full-service community schools consisting of $7.5 million for two years and then $5 million per year in the future. Community schools practice a holistic education approach that entails attending to the non-academic needs of students and families, including access to technology, social services, physical and mental health care, adult education, and after-school and summer programs.

    It’s also telling that in picking Walz to be her running mate Harris rejected Pennsylvania Governor Josh Shapiro, who prominent centrist Democrats claimed was Harris’s “best chance” of wooing political moderates in an election that is expected to be a close race to the finish.

    But Shapiro had set off alarms among public school advocates. In a letter sent in July 2024 to the Harris campaign, which was picked up by numerous media outlets, more than two dozen grassroots education groups warned against selecting Shapiro because of his support for taxpayer-funded private school vouchers.

    The letter stated that Shapiro “has supported education policies mirroring Project 2025,” the right-wing manifesto from the Heritage Foundation that is expected to provide a blueprint for a new Trump administration and “includes measures to funnel federal education funds directly to families through education savings accounts,” stated WITF.

    “Through Project 2025,” the letter further read, “[conservatives] have made it abundantly clear the end goal of gutting public education and privatizing what is left via irresponsible voucher systems like those in Florida and Arizona.”

    “Walz has pretty much been the best governor on education in Minnesota in decades,” wrote Sarah Lahm in an email to Our Schools. Lahm is a veteran education journalist based in the state and an Our Schools contributing writer. Choosing Walz to be the nominee “is good news,” she said, “especially compared to Shapiro and his school choice record.”

    No doubt, in selecting a running mate, the Harris team weighed numerous issues, but the fact that opposition to school vouchers came to the fore is unusual in Democratic political circles where education is often not considered to be an important national issue.

    When Democrats Were the Education Party

    The last time the Democratic Party had a former K-12 school teacher running for vice president was in 1960, and the candidate was Lyndon Johnson. Although most experts insist that vice presidents have little influence on federal policies, Johnson ultimately became president and was instrumental in pushing through the landmark Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) in 1965 that is still, in its current version called Every Student Succeeds Act, and is the blueprint for federal education policy today.

    The Democratic Party burnished its reputation as the education party in 1979 when then-Democratic President Jimmy Carter approved legislation to create the U.S. Department of Education as a Cabinet-level entity.

    In 2004, Frederick Hess and Andrew Kelly of the right-wing American Enterprise Institute wrote, “Historically, Democrats have enjoyed a substantial advantage over the Republicans on education due to their support for education spending and their decades-old alliance with unions and public employees.”

    But that advantage began to erode in the late 1980s, Hess and Kelly contended, due to “Reaganite critiques of liberalism and expensive social programs.” Democrats responded to those attacks by “seek[ing] a more moderate course on domestic policies, including education,” they noted, and by late 2002, when Congress passed the bipartisan No Child Left Behind (NCLB) law, popular opinion on which party was best on education was nearly split.

    Nevertheless, Democrats seemed to have regained the advantage by 2012 when polling by Pew Research Center found, “By about two-to-one (53 percent to 27 percent), more [voters] say Democrats can do a better job improving the education system in the country.”

    But the Democrats’ resurgence as the favored party for education didn’t last, and when Pew surveyed voters again in 2014, the party had only a 4 percent advantage over Republicans in handling education.

    “Taken as a whole, the data suggest that Democrats are struggling more on education than at any other time in the past two decades,” Hess wrote in 2022 when he again examined which party had the best education cred.

    The Democratic party’s declining reputation for supporting public schools did not mean Republicans were gaining much favorability, Hess found, but “Democrats have been losing voters’ confidence for a half-decade, and that decline has become noticeably steeper over the past two years,” he wrote, noting that nearly one in five voters didn’t trust either party.

    Also in 2022, a poll of voters in key battleground states conducted by Hart Research for the American Federation of Teachers found 39 percent of voters trusted Republicans compared to 38 percent who showed confidence in the Democrats on education issues. Another poll conducted the same year by Democrats for Education Reform, an organization that advocates for privatizing schools with charters and vouchers, found a more lopsided Republican advantage, with 47 percent saying they trusted Republicans “to handle education” and 43 percent saying they trusted Democrats.

    What Happened?

    Republicans would have you believe that the source for the shift in popular approval on education policy away from Democrats was due to mask mandates that Democratic government officials supported during the COVID-19 pandemic.

    Another narrative that right-wing operatives like to spin is that when the pandemic forced students to shift to remote learning, parents saw firsthand that their children were being instructed in so-called leftist ideology and “Democratic indoctrination.”

    Although many media outlets have reported these narratives as factual, they really aren’t.

    First, surveys of parents during the pandemic years found that they were mostly supportive of how schools responded to the situation, and when schools went back to face-to-face learning, parents remained satisfied with the schools.

    Also, as the above survey data from Pew in 2014 show, voters started to sour on the Democratic Party’s education politics before the COVID-19 outbreak.

    Without a doubt, the Democratic Party’s declining popularity related to education has something to do with the policies the party supported or failed to support. During the years that Pew was tracking the party’s declining reputation on education issues, the Obama presidential administration’s education agenda and his ham-handed Secretary of Education Arne Duncan were so disastrous that Congress was spurred to rewrite ESEA to rein in some of the federal government’s powers to shape local education policies.

    Further, during President Trump’s administration, while Republicans coalesced around so-called school choice policies that give parents taxpayer funds to pull their kids out of public schools, the Democratic Party countered with, well, basically nothing.

    It bears noting that when Joe Biden ran for president, he did not continue with the education policies of the Obama administration, and his administration, likely at the urging of the strong public school advocacy of First Lady Jill Biden, returned to a relatively safe narrative of education as an essential “investment.” But he never really gave the Democrats a programmatic education brand the party could hang its hat on.

    Having Tim Walz on the Democratic Party’s presidential campaign is an opportunity to change that.

    ‘Sitting on the Edge of Our Seats’

    Based on his accomplishments in Minnesota, Walz has demonstrated his inclination to back education policies that matter most. He also eschews policy gimmicks that have been favored by both parties.

    In his 2007 interview with Education Week, Walz criticized NCLB as a “bureaucratic nightmare” and said “the application of it [had] very little impact on real student achievement.”

    As governor, he has “stood firmly against school voucher programs,” according to the Baltimore Sun, and opposed Minnesota’s Republican-controlled Senate that wanted to create education savings accounts that give parents taxpayer money to pull their children out of public schools and use other education options.

    With Walz now elevated to a vice-presidential nominee, public education advocates and policy experts are “sitting on the edge of our seats to see the policy implications of a teacher as the vice president of the United States of America,” wrote education professor Phelton Moss in an August 2024 op-ed for Education Week. “A Harris-Walz administration could be a historic next phase in education policy,” he wrote.

    Of course, it’s still early in the long presidential campaign season to say whether or not education becomes a prominent issue. A Harris-Walz victory is far from being assured, and vice presidents often have little influence over policy directions in a presidential administration.

    But Harris’s decision to choose Walz as her running mate creates an opportunity to overhaul the outdated education policies of the Democratic Party establishment and remake the party’s image of being a genuine hero for public schools and children.

    This article was produced by Our Schools.

    The post Can Vice-Presidential Pick Tim Walz Make Democrats the Education Party Again? appeared first on CounterPunch.org.


    This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Jeff Bryant.

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    NZ rallies protest over Israeli killings of children as world condemns latest school ‘bloody massacre’ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/10/nz-rallies-protest-over-israeli-killings-of-children-as-world-condemns-latest-school-bloody-massacre/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/10/nz-rallies-protest-over-israeli-killings-of-children-as-world-condemns-latest-school-bloody-massacre/#respond Sat, 10 Aug 2024 10:13:21 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=104799 Asia Pacific Report

    Speakers at a large rally in the heart of New Zealand’s largest city today strongly condemned Israel’s indiscriminate killing of Palestinian children in its 10-month genocidal war on the besieged Gaza Strip.

    The 2000-strong rally was replicated in “Stop the war on children” protests across New Zealand this weekend.

    Ironically, the demonstrations came as world leaders and humanitarian organisations condemned the latest atrocity by the Israeli military.

    An Israeli strike on a school-turned-shelter for displaced Palestinians in Gaza City has killed more than 100 people, mostly women and children, according to Palestinian officials who expect the death toll to rise.

    Almost 40,000 Palestinians have been killed in the war on Gaza, more than 15,000 of them chidren, and at least 92,002 have been wounded.

    While the Israeli military claimed in a statement that its air force on Saturday struck a “command and control centre” that “served as a hideout for Hamas terrorists and commanders” at the al-Tabin school.

    However, it did not provide evidence and claimed it had taken steps to reduce the risk of harming civilians while questioning the accuracy of the reported death toll.

    “There has been no evidence to back up the claims made by the Israeli military over the last 10 months when targeting civilian infrastructure and densely populated areas that are filled with displaced Palestinians,” reports Hamdah Salhut of Al Jazeera.

    “Right after the Gaza City school was struck with three air strikes by the Israeli army, the military released a statement claiming that they were targeting Hamas operatives inside both the school and the mosque.

    The Israeli carnage at Gaza's al-Tabin school
    The Israeli carnage at Gaza’s al-Tabin school . . . world condemnation. Image: AJ screenshot APR

    “They say that they use precise munitions in order to minimise the civilian damage and death, that this was an intelligence-based attack carried out in coordination with the Shin Bet, the internal security agency.

    ‘Pictures show different story’
    “But pictures show a different story. The sources on the ground, the medics and the Civil Defence workers who are picking up body parts of Palestinians that have been blown to pieces tell a different story.

    “We also heard from an Israeli army spokesperson in English who said that the military is denying the fact that more than 100 Palestinians were killed, based on Israeli military intelligence, which again was not provided.”

    Al Jazeera has been banned by the Israeli government from reporting or broadcasting within Israel. It is reporting the Israeli side of the war from Amman, capital of the neighbouring state of Jordan.

    Jordan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement that Israel’s attack went against “all humanitarian values” and was “an indication of the Israeli government’s attempt to block [peace] efforts and postpone them”.

    It added that “the absence of a decisive international stance to restrain Israeli aggression and compel it to respect international law and stop its aggression against Gaza” was resulting in “unprecedented killings, deaths and human catastrophe”.

    Five Israeli attacks on Gaza schools this week
    Five Israeli attacks on Gaza schools this week . . . at least 179 people killed and 154 wounded or missing. Graphic: Al Jazeera CC (creative commons) 10 August 2024

    Other reactions to the attack include:

    Qatar
    Qatar’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said the attack constituted a “horrific massacre and a brutal crime against defenceless civilians”.

    It called for an independent UN fact-finding mission to investigate attacks on shelters for displaced Palestinians in Gaza and demanded that the international community oblige Israel to ensure their protection and uphold international law.

    Qatar, Egypt and the United States are the mediators between Israel and Gaza and have called for a new round of ceasefire negotiations for Thursday as fears grow of a broader conflict involving Iran and its Lebanese ally Hezbollah.

    Auckland "Stop The War on Children" protesters in Te Komititanga Square
    Auckland “Stop The War on Children” protesters in Te Komititanga Square today. Image: David Robie/APR

    Hamas
    “The massacre at al-Tabin school in the Daraj neighbourhood in central Gaza City is a horrific crime that constitutes a dangerous escalation,” said the movement that governs the Gaza Strip.

    Izzat al-Rishq, a member of the Palestinian group’s political bureau, said there were no armed men at the school.

    Hamas said in its statement that Israel’s claims of the school being used as the group’s command centre were “excuses to target civilians, schools, hospitals, and refugee tents, all of which are false pretexts and expose lies to justify its crimes”.

    “We call on our Arab and Islamic countries and the international community to fulfill their responsibilities and take urgent action to stop these massacres and halt the escalating Zionist aggression against our people and defenseless citizens,” the statement said.

    Ismail al-Thawabta, the director-general of Gaza’s Government Media Office, called on the international community and UN Security Council “to pressure Israel to end this cascading bloodbath among our people, namely innocent women and children”.

    Fatah
    Fatah, the rival Palestinian faction that last month signed a “national unity” agreement with Hamas, said the attack was a “heinous bloody massacre” that represented the “peak of terrorism and criminality”.

    “Committing these massacres confirms beyond a shadow of a doubt its efforts to exterminate our people through the policy of cumulative killing and mass massacres that make living consciences tremble,” it said in a statement.

    A distraught Gazan mother wails for her family killed
    A distraught Gazan mother wails for her family killed in an Israeli attack on al-Tabin school killing at least 100 people people. Image: AJ screenshot APR

    Iran
    Ali Shamkhani, secretary of the Supreme National Security Council of Iran, said the Israeli government’s goal was to thwart ceasefire negotiations and continue the war.

    Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesman Nasser Kanaani said Israel had again shown it was not committed to international law as he condemned the attack as genocide and a war crime.

    He urged immediate action from the UN Security Council and said Israel’s actions in Gaza were a threat to international peace and security.

    Protesters at the "Stop the War on Children" rally in Auckland
    Protesters at the “Stop the War on Children” rally in Auckland’s Te Komititanga Square today. Image: David Robie/APR

    Egypt
    The Ministry of Foreign Affairs said Israel’s “deliberate killing” of unarmed Palestinians showed it lacked the political will to end the war in Gaza.

    In a statement cited by the state-run Middle East News Agency, it accused Israel of repeatedly committing “large-scale crimes” against “unarmed civilians” whenever there was an international push for a ceasefire.

    It said such attacks reflected “an unprecedented disregard” for international law.

    Saudi Arabia
    The Ministry of Foreign Affairs said it denounced the attack in the “strongest terms” and stressed that “mass massacres” in the enclave “need to stop”.

    Gaza is “experiencing an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe due to the ongoing violations of international law”, the ministry said.

    Lebanon
    The strike offered clear evidence of the Israeli government’s disregard for international humanitarian law and its intention to prolong the war and expand its scope, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said.

    It called on the international community to take a unified stance and stressed that stopping the war in Gaza is necessary to prevent an escalation in the region.

    Turkey
    “Israel has committed a new crime against humanity by massacring more than a hundred civilians who had taken refuge in a school,” Turkey’s Foreign Ministry said.

    It accusing Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of wanting “to sabotage ceasefire negotiations”.

    UNRWA
    Philippe Lazzarini, the head of the UN agency for Palestinian refugees, called for an end to the “horrors unfolding under our watch”.

    “We cannot let the unbearable become a new norm,” he wrote on X.

    “The more recurrent, the more we lose our collective humanity,” he said, reiterating his call for a “ceasefire now”.

    Gaza civil defence workers and community volunteers trying to save lives
    Gaza civil defence workers and community volunteers trying to save lives after the Israeli bombing of the al-Tabin school in Gaza City. Image: AJ screenshot APR

    Organisation of Islamic Cooperation
    The strike was “an extension of the brutal massacres and genocide committed by the Israeli occupation for more than ten months in the Gaza Strip”, the OIC said.

    It called on the international community, especially the UN Security Council, to oblige Israel to respect its obligations as an occupying power under international law and provide protection to the Palestinian people.

    European Union
    The European Union’s foreign policy chief, Josep Borrell, said he was “horrified” by the images of the attack, adding that at least 10 schools had been targeted in the past week.

    “There’s no justification for these massacres,” he said.

    UN rapporteur
    Francesca Albanese, the UN’s special rapporteur on the occupied Palestinian territory, condemned the world’s “indifference” to mass bloodshed in Gaza.

    “Israel is genociding the Palestinians one neighborhood at the time, one hospital at the time, one school at the time, one refugee camp at the time, one ‘safe zone’ at the time. With US and European weapons,” Albanese posted on X.

    “May the Palestinians forgive us for our collective inability to protect them, honouring the most basic meaning of international law.”

    Save the Children
    Tamer Kirolos, a regional director for the United Kingdom-based charity, called it the “deadliest attack on a school since last October”.

    “It is devastating to see the toll this has taken, including so many children and people at the school for dawn prayers,” Kirolos said, adding that “children make up around 40 percent of the population and of people killed and injured since October” in the enclave.

    “Civilians, children, must be protected. An immediate definitive ceasefire is the only foreseeable way that will happen.”


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Democracy Now! Mourns the Passing of Education Director Simin Farkhondeh at 61 https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/07/democracy-now-mourns-the-passing-of-education-director-simin-farkhondeh-at-61-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/07/democracy-now-mourns-the-passing-of-education-director-simin-farkhondeh-at-61-2/#respond Wed, 07 Aug 2024 16:29:31 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=63bf9e29bbb5293f9e6c85c7a6d9e8dc
    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/07/democracy-now-mourns-the-passing-of-education-director-simin-farkhondeh-at-61-2/feed/ 0 487598
    Democracy Now! Mourns the Passing of Education Director Simin Farkhondeh at 61 https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/07/democracy-now-mourns-the-passing-of-education-director-simin-farkhondeh-at-61/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/07/democracy-now-mourns-the-passing-of-education-director-simin-farkhondeh-at-61/#respond Wed, 07 Aug 2024 12:53:50 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=cd1adbb29329d97734be855b625295f6 Seg4 simin

    We remember our dear colleague Simin Minou Farkhondeh, who died August 5 after a battle with cancer. She was 61 years old. Farkhondeh was a lifelong educator, filmmaker and activist who served as Democracy Now!’s education director for 13 years, helping to bring lessons on media literacy and independent journalism to thousands of students. When the COVID-19 pandemic made in-person lessons impossible, Farkhondeh used virtual online classes to expand the reach of the education program to students in countries around the world. Before joining Democracy Now!, she was part of a group from Deep Dish and Paper Tiger that produced a series in the early 1990s, before the Gulf War started, called The Gulf Crisis TV Project that challenged the rampant militarism that seemed to be leading to war. Her work has been featured at the Whitney Museum, the Museum of Modern Art and elsewhere. She is survived by her partner of 20 years, Eric Hiltner, and her daughter AnaLouisa.


    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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    Caitlin Johnstone: US presidential races hide the criminality of the Empire https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/27/caitlin-johnstone-us-presidential-races-hide-the-criminality-of-the-empire/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/27/caitlin-johnstone-us-presidential-races-hide-the-criminality-of-the-empire/#respond Sat, 27 Jul 2024 10:54:06 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=104164 COMMENTARY: By Caitlin Johnstone

    The thing I hate about Western electoral politics in general and US presidential races in particular is that they take the focus off the depravity of the US-centralised Empire itself, and run cover for its criminality.

    In the coming months you’re going to be hearing a lot of talk about the two leading presidential candidates and how very very different they are from each other, and how one is clearly much much worse than the other.

    But in reality the very worst things about both of them will not be their differences — the worst things about them will be be the countless ways in which they are both indistinguishably in lockstep with one another.

    Donald Trump is not going to end America’s non-existent “democracy” if elected and rule the United States as an iron-fisted dictator, and he’s certainly not going to be some kind of populist hero who leads a revolution against the Deep State.

    He will govern as your standard evil Republican president who is evil in all the usual ways US presidents are evil, just like he did during his first term.

    His administration will continue to fill the world with more war machinery, implement more starvation sanctions, back covert operations, uprisings and proxy conflicts, and work to subjugate the global population to the will of the empire, all while perpetuating the poisoning of the earth via ecocidal capitalism, just as all his predecessors have done.

    And the same will be true of whatever moronic fantasies Republicans wind up concocting about Kamala Harris between now and November. She’s not going to institute communism or give everyone welfare, implement Sharia law, weaken Israel, take everyone’s guns, subjugate Americans to the “Woke Agenda” and make everyone declare their pronouns and eat bugs, or any of that fuzzbrained nonsense.

    She will continue to expand US warmongering and tyranny while making the world a sicker, more violent, and more dangerous place for everyone while funneling the wealth of the people and the planet into the bank accounts of the already obscenely rich. Just as Biden has spent his entire term doing, and just as Trump did before him.


    Caitlin Johnston’s article on YouTube.

    The truth is that while everyone’s going to have their attention locked on the differences between Trump and Harris these next few months, by far the most significant and consequential things about each of these candidates are the ways in which they are similar.

    The policies and agendas either of them will roll out which will kill the most people, negatively impact the most lives and do the most damage to the ecosystem are the areas in which they are in complete agreement, not those relatively small and relatively inconsequential areas in which they differ.

    You can learn a lot more about the US and its globe-spanning empire by looking at the similarities between presidential administrations than you can by looking at their differences, because that’s where the overwhelming majority of the abusiveness can be found.

    But nobody’s going to be watching any of that normalised criminality while the drama of this fake election plays out. More and more emotional hysteria is going to get invested in the outcome of this fraudulent two-handed sock puppet popularity contest between two loyal empire lackeys who are both sworn to advance the interests of the Empire no matter which one wins, and the mundane day-to-day murderousness of the Empire will continue to tick on unnoticed in the background.

    The other day the US Navy’s highest-ranking officer just casually mentioned that the AUKUS military alliance which is geared toward roping Australia into a future US-driven military confrontation with China will remain in place no matter who wins the presidential election.

    “Regardless of who is in our political parties and whatever is happening in that space, it’s allies and partners that are always our priority,” said Admiral Lisa Franchetti in response to the (completely baseless) concern that Trump will withdraw from military alliances and make the US “isolationist” if elected.

    How could Franchetti make such a confident assertion if the behaviour of the US war machine meaningfully changed from administration to administration? The answer is that she couldn’t, and it doesn’t. The official elected government of the United States may change every few years, but its real government does not.

    To be clear, I am not telling you not to vote here. These elections are designed to function as an emotional pacifier for the American people to let them feel like they have some control over their government, so if you feel like you want to vote then vote in whatever way pacifies your emotions.

    I’ve got nothing invested in convincing you either way.

    Whenever I talk about this stuff I get people accusing me of being defeatist and interpreting this message as a position that there’s nothing anyone can do, but that’s not true at all. I’m just saying the fake election ritual you’ve been given by the powerful and told that’s how you solve your problems is not the tool for the job.

    You’re as likely to solve your problems by voting as you are by wishing or by praying — but that doesn’t mean problems can’t be solved. If you thought you could cure an infection by huffing paint thinner I’d tell you that won’t work either, and tell you to go see a doctor instead.

    Just because the only viable candidates in any US presidential race will always be murderous empire lackeys doesn’t mean things are hopeless; that’s just what it looks like when you live in the heart of an empire that’s held together by lies, violence and tyranny, whose behavior has too much riding on it for the powerful to allow it to be left to the will of the electorate.

    Your vote won’t make any difference to the behavior of the empire, but what can make a difference is taking actions every day to help pave the way toward a genuine people’s uprising against the empire later on down the road.

    You do this by opening people’s eyes to the reality that what they’ve been taught about their government, their nation and their world is a lie, and that the mainstream sources they’ve been trained to look to for information are cleverly disguised imperial propaganda services.

    What we can all do as individuals right here and now is begin cultivating a habit of committing small acts of sedition. Making little paper cuts in the flesh of the beast which add up over time. You can’t stop the machine by yourself, but you can sure as hell throw sand in its gears.

    Giving a receptive listener some information about what’s going on in the world. Creating dissident media online. Graffiti with a powerful message.

    Amplifying an inconvenient voice. Sharing a disruptive idea. Supporting an unauthorised cause. Organizing toward forbidden ends. Distributing eye-opening literature.

    Creating eye-opening literature. Creating eye-opening art. Having authentic conversations about real things with anyone who can hear you.

    Every day there’s something you can do. After you start pointing your creativity at cultivating this habit, you’ll surprise yourself with the innovative ideas you come up with.

    Even a well-placed meme or tweet can open a bunch of eyes to a reality they’d previously been closed to. Remember: they wouldn’t be working so frantically to restrict online speech if it didn’t pose a genuine threat to the Empire.

    Such regular small acts of sabotage do infinitely more damage to the imperial machine than voting, talking about voting or thinking about voting, which is why voting, talking about voting and thinking about voting is all you’re ever encouraged to do.

    The more people wake up to the fact that they’re running to nowhere on a hamster wheel built by the powerful for the benefit of the powerful, the more people there will be to step off the wheel and start pushing for real change in real ways that matter — and the more people there will be to help wake up everyone else.

    Once enough eyes are open, the people will be able to use the power of their numbers to force real change and shrug off the chains of their abusers like a heavy coat on a warm day.

    There is nothing that could stop us once enough of us understand what’s happening. That’s why so much effort goes into obfuscating people’s understanding, and keeping everyone endlessly diverted with empty nonsense like presidential elections.

    Caitlin Johnstone is an Australian independent journalist and poet. Her articles include The UN Torture Report On Assange Is An Indictment Of Our Entire Society. She publishes a website and Caitlin’s Newsletter. This article is republished with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    World has ‘failed’ Palestinians, says Palestine’s UN envoy https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/27/world-has-failed-palestinians-says-palestines-un-envoy/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/27/world-has-failed-palestinians-says-palestines-un-envoy/#respond Sat, 27 Jul 2024 04:30:31 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=104126 Asia Pacific Report

    Palestine’s Permament Observer at the United Nations, Riyad Mansour, has slammed the UN Security Council for failing to secure a ceasefire and bring an end to Israel’s genocidal war on the Gaza Strip reports Al Jazeera.

    “We have collectively failed. This council has failed,” the Palestinian envoy said during a special council session on the humanitarian response in Gaza.

    “We can continue counting aid trucks and speaking of routes and imagining alternatives, but the only true measure of our success is our ability to alleviate human suffering — and the suffering of Palestinians is Israel’s goal and desire,” Mansour said.

    “Whatever solutions you come up with, [Israel] will continue ensuring they fail until it is forced to change course.

    “And the first, indispensable step is an immediate ceasefire.”

    Palestine's Ambassador Riyad Mansour at the UN
    Palestine’s Ambassador Riyad Mansour at the UN . . . “The first, indispensable step is an immediate ceasefire..” Image: AJ screenshot APR

    Meanwhile, in Paris yesterday at the opening of the Olympic Games 2024, the Palestinian Palestine’s Olympic team made its entry into the Paris Games on a boat in the River Seine.

    Much support was shared for Palestine during the Asian Cup in Qatar earlier this year and a similar response during Paris 2024 is expected.

    Call for ban on Israel
    Pro-Palestine activists have been calling for Israel to be banned from the Olympics, accusing the Games’ bosses of double standards by allowing Israel to participate while barring Russia.


    Olympic double standards over Israeli.         Video:Al Jazeera

    In Washington, a briefing by UNRWA is under way at the UN Security Council.

    Members of the council wanted to highlight the humanitarian situation in Gaza and it is perhaps no coincidence that Israeli President Benjamin Netanyahu is in the US at this time.

    Russia, China and Algeria — with Russia holding the presidency at present — called for this meeting after Netanyahu’s speech to the US Congress this week.

    Several UNRWA representatives outlined the latest updates on the dire situation for the people of Gaza, including people’s inability to satisfy their basic needs due to the continued displacement, insecurity and lawlessness.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Why Education Advocates Shouldn’t Get Behind Josh Shapiro as Harris’s Vice President https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/26/why-education-advocates-shouldnt-get-behind-josh-shapiro-as-harriss-vice-president/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/26/why-education-advocates-shouldnt-get-behind-josh-shapiro-as-harriss-vice-president/#respond Fri, 26 Jul 2024 20:55:56 +0000 https://progressive.org/public-schools-advocate/why-education-advocates-shouldnt-get-behind-josh-shapiro-as-harris-vice-president-greene-20240726/
    This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Peter Greene.

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    Neglect at Boarding School for Autistic Youth Left a Student With Vision Loss, Lawsuit Alleges https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/26/neglect-at-boarding-school-for-autistic-youth-left-a-student-with-vision-loss-lawsuit-alleges/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/26/neglect-at-boarding-school-for-autistic-youth-left-a-student-with-vision-loss-lawsuit-alleges/#respond Fri, 26 Jul 2024 09:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/shrub-oak-international-school-lawsuit-washington-state-autism by Jodi S. Cohen and Jennifer Smith Richards

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    It was during a summer visit to their son’s boarding school that Cian Roy’s parents said they realized something had gone terribly wrong.

    Cian, who has autism and intellectual disabilities, could no longer make out the numbers on the elevator buttons, his parents said. He held his iPad up to his nose to try to see images like the icon for the Netflix app. He struggled to distinguish level ground from stairs. His eyes looked cloudy.

    Michael Roy and D’Arcy Forbes, who had driven about 2,900 miles from their home near Seattle to New York in August 2022 with plans to mountain bike with their son, decided instead to take him home to try to save his eyesight.

    “We were concerned he’d be blind by Christmas,” Michael Roy told ProPublica.

    By then, Cian had spent about six months at Shrub Oak International School, a private, for-profit school that enrolls students with complex needs who are often rejected by other schools. Shrub Oak leaders opened the school in 2018; they had experience in other education areas but had never run a boarding school. But Cian’s parents said school officials assured them that they could handle the then-20-year-old’s diagnosis of autism with a language impairment as well as his impulse control disorder.

    The school also said it could handle Cian’s unusual and dangerous behavior: compulsively poking his eyes.

    Instead, Shrub Oak workers did not follow Cian’s detailed behavioral plan and their neglect caused him to have a “catastrophic eye injury” that has permanently impaired his vision, the family alleges in a lawsuit filed in late January in King County Superior Court, a Washington trial court.

    The lawsuit alleges that both Shrub Oak and Cian’s public school district “routinely ignored their obligations by neglecting” Cian. Shrub Oak failed to keep him safe and the Lake Washington School District, which agreed to pay hundreds of thousands of dollars to send Cian to Shrub Oak, failed to ask about Cian’s “condition, achievement, or safety” while at the school, according to the lawsuit.

    The lawsuit — which appears to be the first by a family against the school — asks for an unspecified amount of damages that include past and anticipated medical costs. Shrub Oak and the Lake Washington district, in responding to the lawsuit, denied responsibility for any injuries.

    Shrub Oak did not respond to questions and a request for comment from ProPublica. The Lake Washington district said it is “committed to the health and safety of all of our students” but declined to comment further because of the lawsuit. A trial is set for next year.

    D’Arcy Forbes, left, helps her son Cian Roy use a magnifier to identify the small font on a number puzzle at their home. “What I want for him is access to opportunities and not have people assume he can’t do something,” said Forbes. (Sarahbeth Maney/ProPublica) Mike Roy, left, D’Arcy Forbes and Cian Roy prepare to do yard work at their home. To stay on task, Forbes writes a list of activities for her son to complete. (Sarahbeth Maney/ProPublica)

    A ProPublica investigation published in May documented numerous allegations of abuse and neglect of students at Shrub Oak in its short time in operation; one former worker recently was convicted of endangering the welfare of a student from Chicago.

    The investigation revealed how Shrub Oak has not sought or obtained approval from New York to operate as a special education school, which means it largely escapes oversight by education authorities and other state officials. It is also not a licensed residential facility. Though private, the school is mostly funded with public money through contracts with school districts across the country that send students there, then sometimes struggle to monitor residents’ progress or wellbeing.

    A Seattle Times and ProPublica investigation in 2022 found similar problems with oversight, as well as allegations of abuse and substandard academics, at privately run, publicly funded special education schools in Washington. After that investigation was published, Washington’s largest network of these schools, called the Northwest School of Innovative Learning, shut down while under investigation from the state education department, and lawmakers expanded the agency’s oversight powers.

    The Roy family’s experience — detailed through interviews as well as medical, school, court and police records — reflects concerns raised by disability rights advocates about the difficulty in monitoring out-of-state facilities such as Shrub Oak, which serve some of the most vulnerable students.

    Students from at least 13 states and Puerto Rico went to Shrub Oak this past school year, but some states are now reevaluating their relationship with the school. Disability rights advocates in Connecticut have urged officials not to send more students there. Massachusetts has said publicly funded students would have to leave.

    Washington, which has seven students at Shrub Oak, is the latest state to take action. In a letter to Shrub Oak dated July 2, the office of the state superintendent said it had decided to not allow public school districts to send more students to the school during the 2024-25 school year. Shrub Oak, it said, did not have a license to operate in New York and also had not undergone health inspections; it must meet those standards before any Washington school district enters into a new contract with Shrub Oak.

    The state’s decision to halt new enrollments came after officials visited the school last month and after they gathered information from school districts and ProPublica stories, the agency said. It said in its letter to Shrub Oak that there were “no immediately visible health and safety concerns” during the visit last month.

    Shrub Oak has criticized ProPublica for reporting “influenced by isolated incidents and the perspectives of a few individuals” and not sharing others’ positive experiences at the school. A school spokesperson previously has said Shrub Oak works with students who have been rejected by other schools and who struggle with “significant self-injurious behaviors,” aggression, property destruction and other challenges, and that its staffing is adequate. The school has posted a response to ProPublica’s reporting on its website.

    But Shrub Oak had only about 85 students enrolled earlier this year, with a total of 170 since it opened, and dozens of families and workers have raised concerns about conditions there.

    At first, Cian’s parents were so excited about Shrub Oak that they took legal action against their school district to get Cian placed there after the district balked at sending him to a residential school.

    In its contract with Shrub Oak, the school district agreed to pay $54,641 a month — what would have been $655,692 for a year — for tuition and a 24-hour aide dedicated to Cian, records show.

    The contract required that Shrub Oak provide records about his behavior and send all incident reports about his safety to the district within 24 hours.

    But it does not appear that Lake Washington received those required reports, according to district records obtained through a Freedom of Information Act request. Lake Washington provided ProPublica only one incident report it received during Cian’s time at Shrub Oak, which was unrelated to Cian’s eye poking, and said that there were no emails from Shrub Oak alerting the district to safety concerns.

    One of Cian’s attorneys, Joseph Gehrke, said the school district abdicated its legal responsibility to make sure Cian was safe.

    “Lake Washington never asked the school, ‘We haven’t heard anything from you. What is going on with the student we sent to you?’” Gehrke said.

    Before Cian started at Shrub Oak in February 2022, his family gave the school a 27-page plan that detailed what to do when Cian poked at his eyes. He had arm splints that prevented his hands from reaching his eyes and a helmet with a plexiglass visor.

    A helmet recommended by Seattle Children’s Autism Center to prevent Cian Roy from touching his eyes during a crisis. (Sarahbeth Maney/ProPublica)

    According to Cian’s parents, the school did not have the expertise it advertised and Cian was harmed.

    Shrub Oak didn’t use the arm splints, according to the lawsuit and internal notes kept by school health staff and provided to ProPublica by Cian’s parents. In April, the school called 911 to seek help with a new eye injury, which the caller said had been caused by his eye poking, according to police records. The school’s notes say his left eye was “protruding out, like a bubble.” He was given eye drops but a scar formed on his left eye, permanently damaging it, according to the lawsuit.

    The 911 Call A portion of the 911 call made by Shrub Oak International School about Cian Roy’s injury. (Yorktown Police Department)

    An aide was supposed to be with Cian all night, in part to keep him from poking his eye as he fell asleep. But in May, notes from the school’s health staff say “he was eye poking all night and is bulging.”

    His parents knew that their son’s left eye had been injured. But when they visited again in August for the two-week break they’d planned to spend mountain biking, his right eye was red and it, too, was damaged, according to the lawsuit. They decided to take him home to try to save the eyesight in his right eye.

    They say Cian had spent much of his time at Shrub Oak isolated in his dorm room, missing class, even eating meals there.

    “The key to the program was having people to stop Cian from poking his eye and redirecting him to what he should be doing. The staff didn’t know the plan at all,” said Forbes, his mother.

    A former chiropractor, Forbes years ago returned to school for a master’s degree in education to gain skills to help her son. She is a board certified behavior analyst and a licensed speech-language pathologist and spends most days caring for her son and taking him to activities.

    “It’s a question of what happens in 10 or 20 years,” said Cian’s brother, Aidan. “A lot of the things going on with Cian have been successful because of my mother.” (Sarahbeth Maney/ProPublica)

    His parents say Cian’s limited vision prevents him from doing basic tasks as well as the activities he most enjoys. He has trouble plugging in appliances because he can’t see the outlet slots. When trying to garden, he can’t see the holes in the dirt to know where to plant seeds.

    He still bikes with his father, but he now stays on wide, paved paths instead of biking through trees.

    At this home earlier this month, Cian used a magnifying device to read and relied on color-coded measuring spoons to make banana bread. He took a Zumba class with his mom at his side.

    His mother started to cry as she talked about Cian’s future. She was setting up a puzzle in which he puts numbered stickers on a grid to form a picture. He used to do the puzzles easily, but he now struggles to put the numbers in the right spaces.

    “It’s taken some time to get his interest back into things” and adjust to his worsened vision, Forbes said. “You can’t bring the eyesight back.”

    Sarahbeth Maney of ProPublica and Mike Reicher and Lulu Ramadan of The Seattle Times contributed reporting.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jodi S. Cohen and Jennifer Smith Richards.

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    70 years on from tests, Marshallese women still fight for nuclear justice https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/26/70-years-on-from-tests-marshallese-women-still-fight-for-nuclear-justice/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/26/70-years-on-from-tests-marshallese-women-still-fight-for-nuclear-justice/#respond Fri, 26 Jul 2024 08:59:07 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=104079 The first report in a five-part web series focused on the 15th Triennial Conference of Pacific Women taking place in the Marshall Islands this week.

    SPECIAL REPORT: By Netani Rika in Majuro

    Women continue to fight for justice 70 years after the first nuclear tests by the United States caused devastation on the people and environment of the Marshall Islands.

    And, as Pacific women gathered on Majuro this week to discuss ways to end gender-based violence, they heard from local counterparts about a battle for justice older than many of the delegates.

    Ariana Kilma, chair of the Marshall Islands National Nuclear Commission and descendant of survivors of weapons testing, shared a story of survival, setting the backdrop for the 15th Triennial Conference of Pacific Women.

    15TH TRIENNIAL CONFERENCE OF PACIFIC WOMEN
    15TH TRIENNIAL CONFERENCE OF PACIFIC WOMEN

    “I am here to share with you our story. This is a story not only of suffering and loss, but also of strength, unity, and unwavering commitment to justice,” Kilner told delegates from across the region.

    “The conference theme ‘an pilinlin koba komman lometo’ (a collection of droplets creates an ocean)” reflects the efforts of the many Marshallese women before me, and together, we call on you, our Pacific sisters and brothers, to stand united in our commitment to justice, healing, and a brighter future for the Pacific.”

    The triennial will focus on three specific areas – climate change, gender-based violence, and the health of women and girls.

    Nuclear weapon testing in Marshall Islands
    The current story of Marshallese women began in the aftermath of World War II when the group of atolls in the Northern Pacific was selected as ground zero for a nuclear weapon testing programme. Image: RNZ Pacific

    Marshall Islands President, Dr Hilda Heine, acknowledged that nothing less than a collective, regional effort was needed to effectively address the three issues at the centre of the regional conference.

    “Our gender equality journey calls on Pacific leadership to be intentional, innovative and bold in our responses to the gaps that we see in our efforts,” Heine said.

    ‘We must take risks’
    “We must take risks, create new partnerships, and be unwavering in our commitment to bring about substantive gender equality for the region.”

    In the area of gender equality, young Marshallese women like Kilner are forging pathways to ensure that justice is done, even if the battle for restitution takes another 70 years. In a bold, innovative move, women of the Marshall Islands have taken their cry to the World Council of Churches and the United Nations.

    “Marshallese women have shown remarkable resilience and leadership,” Kilma said.

    “From the early days of testing, they raised their voices against the injustices inflicted upon our people. They documented health issues, collected evidence, and demanded accountability.”

    The current story of Marshallese women began in the aftermath of World War II when the group of atolls in the Northern Pacific was selected as ground zero for a nuclear weapon testing programme.

    This was the beginning of a profound and painful chapter which continues today.

    “The people of Bikini and later Enewetak were displaced from their home islands in order for the tests to commence,” Kilner said.

    Infamous Bravo test
    “For a period of 12 years, between 1946 and 1958, 67 nuclear tests were conducted in our islands, including the infamous Bravo test on Bikini Atoll in 1954. Despite a petition from the Marshallese to cease the experiments, the testing continued for another four years with 55 more detonations.”

    Containment of nuclear waste in the Marshall Islands.
    Containment of nuclear waste in the Marshall Islands. Image: RNZ Pacific

    Immediately after the Bravo test, people fell ill — their skin itching and peeling, eyes hurting, stomachs churning with pain, heads split by migraines and fingernails changing colour because of nuclear fallout.

    It was not long before women gave birth to what have been described jellyfish babies.

    “So deformed, [were our] babies sometimes born resembling the features of an octopus or the intestines of a turtle, in some instances, a bunch of grapes or a strange looking animal,” Kilner told delegates at the regional forum this week.

    “The term jellyfish babies was coined after the birth of many babies who were born without limbs or a head, whose skin was so transparent their mothers saw their tiny hearts beating within.

    “We were told by those scientists that our babies were a result of incest.”

    Despite a 2004 study by the United States National Cancer Institute which concluded that the Marshallese could expect an estimated 530 “excess” cancers, half of which had yet to be detected, the US has made no move towards reparation for the islanders.

    The study showed that the fallout resulted in elevated cancer risks, with women being disproportionately affected.

    Twenty years after the study, the Marshall Islands continues to fight for justice, women at the forefront of the struggle, just as they have been since 1 March 1954.

    If anyone has the resilience to fight for justice, it is the Marshallese women.

    Netani Rika e is communications manager of the Pacific Conference of Churches and is in Majuro, Marshall Islands, covering the 15th Triennial Conference of Pacific Women. Published with the author’s permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Does the End Matter? https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/25/does-the-end-matter/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/25/does-the-end-matter/#respond Thu, 25 Jul 2024 15:52:08 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=152234 Among the subjects of instruction in schools are the local language, spoken and written; the techniques of computation, arithmetic and algebra or geometry; the principles of the physical world, chemistry and physics; and the story of the country in which the school is located—unless it is a colony in which case the story of the […]

    The post Does the End Matter? first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
    Among the subjects of instruction in schools are the local language, spoken and written; the techniques of computation, arithmetic and algebra or geometry; the principles of the physical world, chemistry and physics; and the story of the country in which the school is located—unless it is a colony in which case the story of the country that rules it. That story and its episodes is what is commonly known as history. Sometimes it is taught generally. At some point a distinction may be made between local or national history and the greater odyssey know as world history. In the Anglo-American educational tradition established by Matthew Arnold and John Dewey, the aim of school instruction is to instill in the pupil or student a sense of virtue and national pride capable of sustaining citizenship and duty to the State (euphemistically described as democracy in the US).

    History is first and foremost a moral subject, as opposed to a scientific investigation, something like catechism or homilies at mass. The graduate should have imbibed enough of the national theodicy to continue to judge the affairs of which he learns in a manner consistent with the national ideals. The pupil is carefully shielded from that contentious atmosphere otherwise known as historical scholarship, lest it interfere with indoctrination. If history is written by the victors, the first place they celebrate is in the history books used in formal education.

    When in the wake of 1989, many scholars claimed the “end of history” had arrived, they also meant the end to any necessity of contemplating other ways to explain the events constituting the American Empire. However, in 1865, the victors in the civil war aka as the war between the States and among the vanquished the “war of Northern aggression”, the history books were written to explain and justify the defeat of the southern states, the destruction of their economy, and the military occupation of their territory. In the campaign to expand US power into the western peninsula of Eurasia in 1917, the history books had to be re-written to make all the immigrants from belligerent countries into sanitized Americans who could then be recruited to invade the lands of their forefathers bearing moral superiority. After 1945, the history of the hostilities formally declared on 7 December 1941 was revised to obscure the support for fascism and highlight the perennial battle against communism. When the US continued its efforts to control the Asian mainland after the defeat of Japan, the government found itself compelled to end Jim Crow. The reaction to this intrusion into the social order established to reconcile North and South was the introduction of “sub-national history” in the former Confederacy, reviving the rebuttals of abolitionism and industrial expansionism that had been the formal motives for the attacks on Southern sovereignty. Even after the so-called Civil Rights Era had ended, a South Carolinian was taught quasi-national history more intensively than national or world history combined. Memory of a war that had ended more than a century ago constituted the essence of South Carolinian identity for those who attended school.

    Bruce Cumings, in his works recounting and analysing the war whose beginning in Korea is dated in 1951, has written that “civil wars do not start, they come.” His definitive two-volume study The Origins of the Korean War establishes that the core of the conflict was a civil war in the Korean nation. As such the enduring conflict whose greatest violence exploded between 1951 and 1953, arose in Korean society and with the defeat of Imperial Japan exploded in the vacuum created by that brief cessation of foreign domination. That is the Korean War which continues to this day, the war unknown in the US because US national history does not recognize the sovereignty of other nations, especially those populated by brown, yellow or red peoples. Professor Cumings also wrote that the Korean War has been erroneously called the “forgotten war” when it should be called the “unknown war”.

    Of course the thousands of US soldiers, sailors and airmen who participated in the wholesale slaughter of Koreans and the wanton destruction of at least half of the peninsula did not forget the war, even if they reluctantly discussed it. Nor have the Koreans who survived the heaviest saturation bombing campaign ever conducted (until Vietnam) forget the war.

    Already during the active combat operations, journalist I.F. Stone was able to establish the US government’s policy of concealing the war from the public at large. In his Hidden History of the Korean War (review), Stone relied solely on official pronouncements and the reporting by the mainstream media to show how what was known about the war was consistently kept as unknown as possible. Needless to say once the Chinese Peoples’ Volunteer Army had forced the US war machine, operating behind a UN fig leaf, to accept a stalemate, the hiding continued.

    Not only was the civil war character of the Korean conflict denied—and hence the Korean authority to resolve the internal domestic disputes—the actual role of the US as a party to war against all of Korea was hidden by the claim that US Forces were merely commanding UN troops. Hence the active imperial objectives of the US government (and the interests it represents) were never officially recognized and or negotiated. Neither the Korean state constituted by the US nor that constituted by Koreans in the north were able to dispute the legitimacy of the US as an invader of their country.

    So the Korean War is unknown in two senses. The essentially Korean nature of the civil war is denied and, therefore, untaught. The US invasion of Korea in 1945, as part of its manifest destiny to control China through Japan, Korea, Taiwan and the Philippines, is completely obscured or distorted by an utterly false implied analogy with the occupation of Germany.

    In recent years there have been some attempts to at least show the extent of US barbarism in Korea. In fact everything Americans had come to hear about their war against the Vietnamese had been practiced full throttle in Korea. The virtue of telling a history of the Korean War might be to demonstrate the patterns in US warfare against target countries. It might show that the myths of US wars for freedom have always been just that. That knowledge might lead to a more critical view and consideration of contemporary lies and concealment by government, armed or civilian. Recounting US atrocities can be instructive. However, without adequate context, pupils are left with shock and awe but little to ripen their understanding. Since the task of history instruction remains unchanged, exposures such as the massacres perpetrated by US troops remain anecdotes, even if very brutal ones. In contrast, an examination of the origins of civil war in other countries, like Korea, not only acknowledges that other countries have histories independent of the United States. It also permits consideration of such questions as “what would have happened had the British successfully intervened on the side of the Confederacy in the US Civil War?” That could lead to recognition why Britain was actually considered an enemy of the US until 1917?

    While it may often be impossible to identify the beginning of something, it is therefore crucial to examine the end of it. The Korean War has not ended, either for Koreans still deprived of their 1000-year-old sovereignty, which Americans helped Japan end in the beginning of the last century. It has also not ended for the US which pretends it is not a formal belligerent whose intervention in the peninsula was driven by grand strategic goals in East Asia, goals the pursuit of which it has yet to abandon. In the nearly century of endless wars waged by the US throughout the world, the refusal to acknowledge either starts or finishes is part of the policy of deniability. No one attacked by the US or NATO or some American force wearing “UN Blue” can ever openly claim its rights to self-determination or self-defence under the UN Charter because those attacks are extra-legal, extra-territorial, and extra-vicious. If history instruction is to contain more than national apologetics and catechism, then it might start with viewing the nation among the community of nations. The gaps that need to be filled are those which comprise international law, aka the law of nations, and the international humanitarian law adopted with the UN Charter, as a ratified treaty binding elements of US law. Then one could begin to ask pupils and students to reflect on the conduct of their government in accordance with international standards rather than parochial rules fabricated in foreign policy think tanks or departmental committee rooms. Then the massacres and carpet bombing of Korea would not be mere shock and awe anecdotes but the point of departure for investigating the content of a truly moral and responsible role for the US in the world.

    The post Does the End Matter? first appeared on Dissident Voice.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by T.P. Wilkinson.

    ]]>
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    Does the End Matter? https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/25/does-the-end-matter/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/25/does-the-end-matter/#respond Thu, 25 Jul 2024 15:52:08 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=152234 Among the subjects of instruction in schools are the local language, spoken and written; the techniques of computation, arithmetic and algebra or geometry; the principles of the physical world, chemistry and physics; and the story of the country in which the school is located—unless it is a colony in which case the story of the […]

    The post Does the End Matter? first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
    Among the subjects of instruction in schools are the local language, spoken and written; the techniques of computation, arithmetic and algebra or geometry; the principles of the physical world, chemistry and physics; and the story of the country in which the school is located—unless it is a colony in which case the story of the country that rules it. That story and its episodes is what is commonly known as history. Sometimes it is taught generally. At some point a distinction may be made between local or national history and the greater odyssey know as world history. In the Anglo-American educational tradition established by Matthew Arnold and John Dewey, the aim of school instruction is to instill in the pupil or student a sense of virtue and national pride capable of sustaining citizenship and duty to the State (euphemistically described as democracy in the US).

    History is first and foremost a moral subject, as opposed to a scientific investigation, something like catechism or homilies at mass. The graduate should have imbibed enough of the national theodicy to continue to judge the affairs of which he learns in a manner consistent with the national ideals. The pupil is carefully shielded from that contentious atmosphere otherwise known as historical scholarship, lest it interfere with indoctrination. If history is written by the victors, the first place they celebrate is in the history books used in formal education.

    When in the wake of 1989, many scholars claimed the “end of history” had arrived, they also meant the end to any necessity of contemplating other ways to explain the events constituting the American Empire. However, in 1865, the victors in the civil war aka as the war between the States and among the vanquished the “war of Northern aggression”, the history books were written to explain and justify the defeat of the southern states, the destruction of their economy, and the military occupation of their territory. In the campaign to expand US power into the western peninsula of Eurasia in 1917, the history books had to be re-written to make all the immigrants from belligerent countries into sanitized Americans who could then be recruited to invade the lands of their forefathers bearing moral superiority. After 1945, the history of the hostilities formally declared on 7 December 1941 was revised to obscure the support for fascism and highlight the perennial battle against communism. When the US continued its efforts to control the Asian mainland after the defeat of Japan, the government found itself compelled to end Jim Crow. The reaction to this intrusion into the social order established to reconcile North and South was the introduction of “sub-national history” in the former Confederacy, reviving the rebuttals of abolitionism and industrial expansionism that had been the formal motives for the attacks on Southern sovereignty. Even after the so-called Civil Rights Era had ended, a South Carolinian was taught quasi-national history more intensively than national or world history combined. Memory of a war that had ended more than a century ago constituted the essence of South Carolinian identity for those who attended school.

    Bruce Cumings, in his works recounting and analysing the war whose beginning in Korea is dated in 1951, has written that “civil wars do not start, they come.” His definitive two-volume study The Origins of the Korean War establishes that the core of the conflict was a civil war in the Korean nation. As such the enduring conflict whose greatest violence exploded between 1951 and 1953, arose in Korean society and with the defeat of Imperial Japan exploded in the vacuum created by that brief cessation of foreign domination. That is the Korean War which continues to this day, the war unknown in the US because US national history does not recognize the sovereignty of other nations, especially those populated by brown, yellow or red peoples. Professor Cumings also wrote that the Korean War has been erroneously called the “forgotten war” when it should be called the “unknown war”.

    Of course the thousands of US soldiers, sailors and airmen who participated in the wholesale slaughter of Koreans and the wanton destruction of at least half of the peninsula did not forget the war, even if they reluctantly discussed it. Nor have the Koreans who survived the heaviest saturation bombing campaign ever conducted (until Vietnam) forget the war.

    Already during the active combat operations, journalist I.F. Stone was able to establish the US government’s policy of concealing the war from the public at large. In his Hidden History of the Korean War (review), Stone relied solely on official pronouncements and the reporting by the mainstream media to show how what was known about the war was consistently kept as unknown as possible. Needless to say once the Chinese Peoples’ Volunteer Army had forced the US war machine, operating behind a UN fig leaf, to accept a stalemate, the hiding continued.

    Not only was the civil war character of the Korean conflict denied—and hence the Korean authority to resolve the internal domestic disputes—the actual role of the US as a party to war against all of Korea was hidden by the claim that US Forces were merely commanding UN troops. Hence the active imperial objectives of the US government (and the interests it represents) were never officially recognized and or negotiated. Neither the Korean state constituted by the US nor that constituted by Koreans in the north were able to dispute the legitimacy of the US as an invader of their country.

    So the Korean War is unknown in two senses. The essentially Korean nature of the civil war is denied and, therefore, untaught. The US invasion of Korea in 1945, as part of its manifest destiny to control China through Japan, Korea, Taiwan and the Philippines, is completely obscured or distorted by an utterly false implied analogy with the occupation of Germany.

    In recent years there have been some attempts to at least show the extent of US barbarism in Korea. In fact everything Americans had come to hear about their war against the Vietnamese had been practiced full throttle in Korea. The virtue of telling a history of the Korean War might be to demonstrate the patterns in US warfare against target countries. It might show that the myths of US wars for freedom have always been just that. That knowledge might lead to a more critical view and consideration of contemporary lies and concealment by government, armed or civilian. Recounting US atrocities can be instructive. However, without adequate context, pupils are left with shock and awe but little to ripen their understanding. Since the task of history instruction remains unchanged, exposures such as the massacres perpetrated by US troops remain anecdotes, even if very brutal ones. In contrast, an examination of the origins of civil war in other countries, like Korea, not only acknowledges that other countries have histories independent of the United States. It also permits consideration of such questions as “what would have happened had the British successfully intervened on the side of the Confederacy in the US Civil War?” That could lead to recognition why Britain was actually considered an enemy of the US until 1917?

    While it may often be impossible to identify the beginning of something, it is therefore crucial to examine the end of it. The Korean War has not ended, either for Koreans still deprived of their 1000-year-old sovereignty, which Americans helped Japan end in the beginning of the last century. It has also not ended for the US which pretends it is not a formal belligerent whose intervention in the peninsula was driven by grand strategic goals in East Asia, goals the pursuit of which it has yet to abandon. In the nearly century of endless wars waged by the US throughout the world, the refusal to acknowledge either starts or finishes is part of the policy of deniability. No one attacked by the US or NATO or some American force wearing “UN Blue” can ever openly claim its rights to self-determination or self-defence under the UN Charter because those attacks are extra-legal, extra-territorial, and extra-vicious. If history instruction is to contain more than national apologetics and catechism, then it might start with viewing the nation among the community of nations. The gaps that need to be filled are those which comprise international law, aka the law of nations, and the international humanitarian law adopted with the UN Charter, as a ratified treaty binding elements of US law. Then one could begin to ask pupils and students to reflect on the conduct of their government in accordance with international standards rather than parochial rules fabricated in foreign policy think tanks or departmental committee rooms. Then the massacres and carpet bombing of Korea would not be mere shock and awe anecdotes but the point of departure for investigating the content of a truly moral and responsible role for the US in the world.

    The post Does the End Matter? first appeared on Dissident Voice.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by T.P. Wilkinson.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/25/does-the-end-matter/feed/ 0 485648
    Polarised media undermines democracy, professor warns at Pacific media conference https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/25/polarised-media-undermines-democracy-professor-warns-at-pacific-media-conference/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/25/polarised-media-undermines-democracy-professor-warns-at-pacific-media-conference/#respond Thu, 25 Jul 2024 03:59:54 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=104026 By Kaneta Naimatau in Suva

    In a democracy, citizens must critically evaluate issues based on facts. However in a very polarised society, people focus more on who is speaking than what is being said.

    This was highlighted by journalism Professor Cherian George of the Hong Kong Baptist University as he delivered his keynote address during the recent 2024 Pacific International Media Conference at the Holiday Inn, Suva.

    According to Professor George when a media outlet is perceived as representing the “other side”, its journalism is swiftly condemned — adding “it won’t be believed, regardless of its professionalism and quality.”

    PACIFIC MEDIA CONFERENCE 4-6 JULY 2024
    PACIFIC MEDIA CONFERENCE 4-6 JULY 2024

    Professor George, an author and award-winning journalism academic was among many high-profile journalists and academics gathered at the three-day conference from July 4-6 — the first of its kind in the region in almost two decades.

    The gathering of academics, media professionals, policymakers and civil society organisation representatives was organised by The University of the South Pacific in partnership with the Pacific Islands News Association (PINA) and the Asia-Pacific Media Network (APMN).

    Addressing an audience of 12 countries from the Asia Pacific region, Professor George said polarisation was a threat to democracy and institutions such as the media and universities.

    “While democracy requires faith in the process and a willingness to compromise, polarization is associated with an uncompromising attitude, treating opponents as the enemy and attacking the system, bringing it down if you do not get in your way,” he said.

    Fiji coups context
    In the context of Fiji — which has experienced four coups, Professor George said the country had seen a steady decrease in political polarisation since 2000, according to data from the Varieties of Democracy Institute (VDI).

    He said the decrease was due to government policies aimed at neutralising ethnic-based political organisations at the time. However, he warned against viewing Fiji’s experience as justification for autocratic approaches to social harmony.

    “Some may look at this [VDI data] and argue that the Fiji case demonstrates that you sometimes need strongman rule and a temporary suspension of democracy to save it from itself, but the problem is that this is a highly risky formula,” he explained.

    Professor George acknowledged that while the government had a role in countering polarisation through top-down attempts, there was also a need for a “bottom-up counter-polarising work done by media and civil society.”

    Professor Cherian George delivers his keynote address
    Professor Cherian George delivers his keynote address at the 2024 Pacific International Media Conference at the Holiday Inn, Suva. Image: David Robie/Asia Pacific Media Network

    Many professional journalists feel uncomfortable with the idea of intervening or taking a stand, Professor George said, labelling them as mirrors.

    “However, if news outlets are really a mirror, it’s always a cracked mirror, pointing in a certain direction and not another,” he said.

    “The media are always going to impact on reality, even as they report it objectively.

    Trapped by conventions
    “It’s better to acknowledge this so that your impact isn’t making things worse than they need to be. There’s ample research showing how even when the media are free to do their own thing, they are trapped by conventions and routines that accentuate polarisation,” he explained.

    Professor George highlighted three key issues that exacerbate polarisation in media:

    • Stereotypes — journalists often rely on stereotypes about different groups of people because it makes their storytelling easier and quicker;
    • Elite focus — journalists treat prominent leaders as more newsworthy than ordinary people the leaders represent; and
    • Media bias — journalists prefer to report on conflict or bad news as the public pay most attention to them.

    As a result, this has created an imbalance in the media and influenced people how they perceive their social world, the professor said.

    “In general, different communities in their society do not get along, since that’s what their media, all their media, regardless of political leaning, tell them every day,” Professor George explained, adding, “this perception can be self-fulfilling”.

    To counter these tendencies, he pointed to reform movements such as peace and solutions journalism which aim to shift attention to grassroots priorities and possibilities for cooperation.

    “We must at least agree on one thing,” he concluded. “We all possess a shared humanity and equal dignity, and this is something I hope all media and media educators in the Pacific region, around the world, regardless of political position, can work towards.”

    Opening remarks
    The conference opening day featured remarks from Associate Professor Shailendra Singh, head of the USP Journalism Programme and conference chair, and Dr Matthew Hayward, acting head of the School of Pacific Arts, Communications, and Education (SPACE).

    The Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Trade, Co-operatives, Small and Medium Enterprises and Communications, Manoa Kamikamica was the chief guest. Professor Cherian George delivered the keynote address.

    Professor George is currently a professor of Media Studies and has published several books focusing on media and politics in Singapore and Southeast Asia. He also serves as director of the Centre for Media and Communication Research at the Hong Kong Baptist University.

    The conference was sponsored the United States Embassy in Fiji, Kiribati, Nauru, Tonga and Tuvalu, the International Fund for Public Interest Media, the Pacific Media Assistance Scheme, Fiji Women’s Rights Movement, New Zealand Science Media Centre and the Pacific Women Lead — Pacific Community.

    The event had more than 100 attendees from 12 countries — Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Tonga, Cook Islands, Australia, New Zealand, Singapore, Indonesia, Philippines, Solomon Islands, the United States and Hong Kong.

    It provided a platform for the 51 presenters to discuss the theme of the conference “Navigating Challenges and Shaping Futures in Pacific Media Research and Practice” and their ideas on the way forward.

    An official dinner held on July 4 included the launch of the 30th anniversary edition of the Pacific Journalism Review (PJR), founded by former USP journalism head professor David Robie in 1994, and launch of the book Waves of Change: Media, Peace, and Development in the Pacific, which is edited by associate professor Singh, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Finance Professor Biman Prasad, and Dr Amit Sarwal, a former senior lecturer and deputy head of school (research) at USP.

    The PJR is the only academic journal in the region that publishes research specifically focused on Pacific media.

    A selection of the best conference papers will be published in a special edition of the Pacific Journalism Review or its companion publication Pacific Media Monographs.

    Kaneta Naimatau is a final-year student journalist at The University of the South Pacific. Republished in partnership with USP.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Wansolwara.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/25/polarised-media-undermines-democracy-professor-warns-at-pacific-media-conference/feed/ 0 485567
    Polarised media undermines democracy, professor warns at Pacific media conference https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/25/polarised-media-undermines-democracy-professor-warns-at-pacific-media-conference-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/25/polarised-media-undermines-democracy-professor-warns-at-pacific-media-conference-2/#respond Thu, 25 Jul 2024 03:59:54 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=104026 By Kaneta Naimatau in Suva

    In a democracy, citizens must critically evaluate issues based on facts. However in a very polarised society, people focus more on who is speaking than what is being said.

    This was highlighted by journalism Professor Cherian George of the Hong Kong Baptist University as he delivered his keynote address during the recent 2024 Pacific International Media Conference at the Holiday Inn, Suva.

    According to Professor George when a media outlet is perceived as representing the “other side”, its journalism is swiftly condemned — adding “it won’t be believed, regardless of its professionalism and quality.”

    PACIFIC MEDIA CONFERENCE 4-6 JULY 2024
    PACIFIC MEDIA CONFERENCE 4-6 JULY 2024

    Professor George, an author and award-winning journalism academic was among many high-profile journalists and academics gathered at the three-day conference from July 4-6 — the first of its kind in the region in almost two decades.

    The gathering of academics, media professionals, policymakers and civil society organisation representatives was organised by The University of the South Pacific in partnership with the Pacific Islands News Association (PINA) and the Asia-Pacific Media Network (APMN).

    Addressing an audience of 12 countries from the Asia Pacific region, Professor George said polarisation was a threat to democracy and institutions such as the media and universities.

    “While democracy requires faith in the process and a willingness to compromise, polarization is associated with an uncompromising attitude, treating opponents as the enemy and attacking the system, bringing it down if you do not get in your way,” he said.

    Fiji coups context
    In the context of Fiji — which has experienced four coups, Professor George said the country had seen a steady decrease in political polarisation since 2000, according to data from the Varieties of Democracy Institute (VDI).

    He said the decrease was due to government policies aimed at neutralising ethnic-based political organisations at the time. However, he warned against viewing Fiji’s experience as justification for autocratic approaches to social harmony.

    “Some may look at this [VDI data] and argue that the Fiji case demonstrates that you sometimes need strongman rule and a temporary suspension of democracy to save it from itself, but the problem is that this is a highly risky formula,” he explained.

    Professor George acknowledged that while the government had a role in countering polarisation through top-down attempts, there was also a need for a “bottom-up counter-polarising work done by media and civil society.”

    Professor Cherian George delivers his keynote address
    Professor Cherian George delivers his keynote address at the 2024 Pacific International Media Conference at the Holiday Inn, Suva. Image: David Robie/Asia Pacific Media Network

    Many professional journalists feel uncomfortable with the idea of intervening or taking a stand, Professor George said, labelling them as mirrors.

    “However, if news outlets are really a mirror, it’s always a cracked mirror, pointing in a certain direction and not another,” he said.

    “The media are always going to impact on reality, even as they report it objectively.

    Trapped by conventions
    “It’s better to acknowledge this so that your impact isn’t making things worse than they need to be. There’s ample research showing how even when the media are free to do their own thing, they are trapped by conventions and routines that accentuate polarisation,” he explained.

    Professor George highlighted three key issues that exacerbate polarisation in media:

    • Stereotypes — journalists often rely on stereotypes about different groups of people because it makes their storytelling easier and quicker;
    • Elite focus — journalists treat prominent leaders as more newsworthy than ordinary people the leaders represent; and
    • Media bias — journalists prefer to report on conflict or bad news as the public pay most attention to them.

    As a result, this has created an imbalance in the media and influenced people how they perceive their social world, the professor said.

    “In general, different communities in their society do not get along, since that’s what their media, all their media, regardless of political leaning, tell them every day,” Professor George explained, adding, “this perception can be self-fulfilling”.

    To counter these tendencies, he pointed to reform movements such as peace and solutions journalism which aim to shift attention to grassroots priorities and possibilities for cooperation.

    “We must at least agree on one thing,” he concluded. “We all possess a shared humanity and equal dignity, and this is something I hope all media and media educators in the Pacific region, around the world, regardless of political position, can work towards.”

    Opening remarks
    The conference opening day featured remarks from Associate Professor Shailendra Singh, head of the USP Journalism Programme and conference chair, and Dr Matthew Hayward, acting head of the School of Pacific Arts, Communications, and Education (SPACE).

    The Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Trade, Co-operatives, Small and Medium Enterprises and Communications, Manoa Kamikamica was the chief guest. Professor Cherian George delivered the keynote address.

    Professor George is currently a professor of Media Studies and has published several books focusing on media and politics in Singapore and Southeast Asia. He also serves as director of the Centre for Media and Communication Research at the Hong Kong Baptist University.

    The conference was sponsored the United States Embassy in Fiji, Kiribati, Nauru, Tonga and Tuvalu, the International Fund for Public Interest Media, the Pacific Media Assistance Scheme, Fiji Women’s Rights Movement, New Zealand Science Media Centre and the Pacific Women Lead — Pacific Community.

    The event had more than 100 attendees from 12 countries — Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Tonga, Cook Islands, Australia, New Zealand, Singapore, Indonesia, Philippines, Solomon Islands, the United States and Hong Kong.

    It provided a platform for the 51 presenters to discuss the theme of the conference “Navigating Challenges and Shaping Futures in Pacific Media Research and Practice” and their ideas on the way forward.

    An official dinner held on July 4 included the launch of the 30th anniversary edition of the Pacific Journalism Review (PJR), founded by former USP journalism head professor David Robie in 1994, and launch of the book Waves of Change: Media, Peace, and Development in the Pacific, which is edited by associate professor Singh, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Finance Professor Biman Prasad, and Dr Amit Sarwal, a former senior lecturer and deputy head of school (research) at USP.

    The PJR is the only academic journal in the region that publishes research specifically focused on Pacific media.

    A selection of the best conference papers will be published in a special edition of the Pacific Journalism Review or its companion publication Pacific Media Monographs.

    Kaneta Naimatau is a final-year student journalist at The University of the South Pacific. Republished in partnership with USP.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Wansolwara.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/25/polarised-media-undermines-democracy-professor-warns-at-pacific-media-conference-2/feed/ 0 485568
    In Australia, pro-Palestinian voices face a frenzy of Zionist McCarthyism https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/24/in-australia-pro-palestinian-voices-face-a-frenzy-of-zionist-mccarthyism/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/24/in-australia-pro-palestinian-voices-face-a-frenzy-of-zionist-mccarthyism/#respond Wed, 24 Jul 2024 14:20:58 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=104002 ANALYSIS: By Randa Abdel-Fattah

    Since 7 October 2023, across every profession and social realm in Australia — teachers, students, doctors, nurses, academics, public servants, lawyers, journalists, artists, food and hospitality workers, protesters and politicians — speaking out against Israel’s genocide and the Zionist political project has been met with blatant anti-Palestinian racism.

    This has manifested in repressive silencing campaigns, disciplinary processes and lawfare.

    As coercive repression of anti-Zionist voices escalates at a frenzied pace in Western society, what is at stake extends beyond individuals’ livelihoods and mental health, for these ultimately constitute collateral damage.

    The real target and objective of anti-Palestinian racism is discursive disarmament, specifically, disarming the Palestinian movement of its capacity to critique and resist Zionism and hold Israel to account.

    This disarmament campaign — the immobilising of our discursive and explanatory frameworks, our analysis and commentary, our slogans, protest language and chants — is emboldened and empowered by the collusion and complicity of institutions, media outlets and employers.

    The past fortnight alone has seen a frenzy of Zionist McCarthyism. Both I and Special Broadcasting Service veteran journalist, Mary Kostakidis, were defamed as “7 October deniers” and rape apologists, and as being on a par with Holocaust deniers.

    Complaint lodged
    A week later, the Zionist Federation of Australia announced it had lodged a complaint to the Australian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) against Kostakidis, alleging racial vilification for her social media posts on Gaza.

    On July 11, Australian-Palestinian activist and businessman Hash Tayeh was notified of arrest for allegedly inciting hatred of Jewish people over protest chants including “all Zionists are terrorists” and other statements equating Zionism with terrorism.

    The same day, right-wing shock jock radio host Ray Hadley interrogated the AHRC about Australian-Palestinian Sara Saleh, employed as legal and research adviser to the AHRC’s president.

    In violation of Saleh’s privacy, the AHRC went on the defensive and revealed that Saleh had resigned. Saleh had been subjected to months of anti-Palestinian racism and marginalisation at the commission.

    On July 15, documents released under a freedom of information request revealed that the State Library of Victoria was actively surveilling the social media activity of four writers and poets — Arab and Muslim poet Omar Sakr, Jinghua Qian, Alison Evans and Ariel Slamet Ries, specifically around Palestine.

    The documents provided more evidence that the writers’ pro-Palestine social media posts were the likely reason for the State Library cancelling a series of online creative writing workshops for teens which the writers had been contracted to host — corroborating what library staff whistleblowers had revealed earlier this year.

    Political ideology
    It is impossible to overstate how the repression we are witnessing is occurring because governments, media, institutions and employers are legitimating disingenuous complaints and blatant hit-jobs by acquiescing to the egregious and false equivalence between Zionism and Judaism.

    Despite pro-Palestine voices explicitly critiquing and targeting Zionist ideology and practice in clear distinction to Judaism and Jewish identity, and despite standing alongside anti-Zionist Jews, we are accused of antisemitism.

    Zionism is a political ideology that emerged in Europe in the late 19th century. It explicitly argued for settler colonialism to replace the majority indigenous population of Palestine.

    Zionism is not a religious, racial, ethnic or cultural identity. It is a political doctrine that a member of any culture, religion, race or ethnic category can subscribe to.

    Not all Jews are Zionists and not all Zionists are Jews. Jews and Judaism existed for thousands of years before Zionism. These are not controversial contentions. They are borne out by almost a century of academic scholarship and have been adopted by anti-Zionist Jewish scholars, lawyers, human rights organisations and clerics.

    They are supported by facts. Consider, for example, that the largest pro-Israel organisation in the United States is Christians United for Israel.

    A Zionist can be an adherent of any religion and come from any ethnic or racial background. US President Joe Biden is an Irish-American Catholic and a Zionist.

    Australia’s former prime minister, Scott Morrison, is an evangelical Christian and a Zionist. Australia’s Foreign Minister Penny Wong is an Australian-Malay Christian and a Zionist.

    Inherently racist
    Zionist ideology is recognised as inherently racist because it denies the inalienable right of indigenous Palestinian people to self-determination, and the right to live free of genocide, apartheid, settler colonialism and domination.

    Palestinian subjugation is an existential necessity for the supremacist goal of Israel’s political project. This is not even contested.

    Israel’s 2018 nation-state law explicitly states that “the right to exercise national self-determination” in Israel is “unique to the Jewish people” and established “Jewish settlement as a national value”, mandating that the state “will labour to encourage and promote its establishment and development”.

    Anti-Zionism is directed at a state-building project and a political regime. Rather than protect people’s right to subject Zionism to normative interrogation, as is the case with all political ideologies, institutions panic at complaints and uncritically legitimate the false claim that anti-Zionism equals antisemitism.

    Protected cultural identity
    Indulging vexatious claims and dishonest conflations is why we are seeing extraordinary coercive repression and anti-Palestinian racism across institutions.

    To posit Zionism as a religious or ethnic identity is like saying white supremacy, Marxism, socialism or settler colonialism are all categories of identity. The perverse logic we are being asked to indulge is essentially this: Zionism equals Judaism therefore a white Christian Zionist is a protected cultural identity category.

    Indulging the notion that the ideology of Zionism is a protected cultural identity sets a precedent that would be absurd if it were not so dangerous.

    By this logic, communists can claim the status of a protected category of identity on the basis that there are Chinese communists who feel threatened by critiques of communism.

    Adherents of doctrines and ideologies including white supremacy, homophobia, transphobia, socialism, liberalism and communism could claim to be protected identities.

    Adherents of doctrines and ideologies including white supremacy, homophobia, transphobia, socialism, liberalism and communism could claim to be protected identities

    Further, if Zionism is a protected cultural identity, what does this mean for anti-Zionist Jews? And what is Zionism from the standpoint of its victims, as Edward Said famously said?

    Genocide in name of Zionism
    What does it mean for Palestinians whose lives are marked by dispossession, exile, refugee camps, land theft and now, as I write, genocide explicitly enacted in the name of Zionism?

    In the context of a genocide that has so far, on a recent conservative by The Lancet, one of the world’s highest-impact academic journals, caused an estimated 186,000 deaths and counting, governments, institutions and mainstream media are prepared to effectively destroy any vestige of democratic principles, fundamental rights and intellectual rigour in order to exceptionalise Zionism and Israel and shield a political ideology and a state from critique.

    While institutions stand with Israel, the vast majority of the public, witnessing the massacres, are daring to question Israel’s actions. This includes questioning the Zionist ideology that underpins that state.

    Institutions and employers may choose to discipline and sack those calling out Israel’s genocide of Palestinians in this moment, but will be held to account for their complicity in the political suppression of our collective protest against crimes against humanity.

    Dr Randa Abdel-Fattah is a Future Fellow at Macquarie University. Her research areas cover Islamophobia, race, Palestine, the war on terror, youth identities and social movement activism. She is also a lawyer and the multi-award-winning author of 12 books for children and young adults. This article was republished from Middle East Eye.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Helen Hill: for social justice and Timor-Leste’s independence https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/23/helen-hill-for-social-justice-and-timor-lestes-independence/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/23/helen-hill-for-social-justice-and-timor-lestes-independence/#respond Tue, 23 Jul 2024 09:00:07 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=103949
    COMMENTARY: By Sandy Yule

    When Melbourne-born Helen Hill, an outstanding social activist, scholar and academic, died on 7 May 2024 at the age of 79, the Timorese government sent its Education Minister, Dulce de Jesus Soares, to deliver a moving eulogy at the funeral service at Church of All Nations in Carlton.

    Helen will be remembered for many things, but above all for her 50 years of dedication to friendship with the people of Timor-Leste and solidarity in their struggle for independence.

    At the funeral, Steve Bracks, chancellor of Victoria University and former premier of Victoria, also paid tribute to Helen’s lifetime commitment to social justice and to the independence and flourishing of Timor-Leste in particular.

    Further testimonies were presented by Jean McLean (formerly a member of the Victorian Legislative Council), the Australia-East Timor Association, representatives of local Timorese groups and Helen’s family. Helen’s long-time friend, the Reverend Barbara Gayler, preached on the theme of solidarity.

    Helen was born on 22 February 1945, the eldest of four children of Robert Hill and Jessie Scovell. Her sister Alison predeceased her, and she is survived by her sister Margaret and her brother Ian and their children and grandchildren.

    Her father fought with the Australian army in New Guinea before working for the Commonwealth Bank and becoming a branch manager. Her mother was a social worker at the repatriation hospital.

    The family were members of the Presbyterian Church in Blackburn, which fostered an attitude of caring for others.

    Studied political science
    Helen’s secondary schooling was at Presbyterian Ladies College, where she enjoyed communal activities such as choir. She began a science course at the University of Melbourne but transferred to Monash University to study sociology and political science, graduating with a BA (Hons) in 1970.

    At Monash, Helen was an enthusiastic member of the Labor Club and the Student Christian Movement (SCM), where issues of social justice were regularly debated.

    Opposition to the war in Vietnam was the main focus of concern during her time at Monash. In 1970, Helen was a member of the organising committee for the first moratorium demonstration in Melbourne and also a member of the executive committee of the Australian SCM (ASCM, the national body) which was based in Melbourne.

    She edited Political Concern, an alternative information service, for ASCM. In 1971, Helen was a founding member of International Development Action. Helen was a great networker, always ready to see what she could learn from others.

    Perhaps the most formative moment in Helen’s career was her appointment as a frontier intern, to work on the Southern Africa section of the Europe/Africa Project of the World Student Christian Federation, based in London (1971-1973). This project aimed to document how colonial powers had exploited the resources of their colonies, as well as the impact of apartheid in South Africa.

    In those years, she also studied at the Institute d’Action Culturelle in Geneva, which was established by Paulo Freire, arguably her most significant teacher. The insights and contacts from this time of engagement with global issues of justice and education provided a strong foundation for Helen’s subsequent career.

    In 1974, Helen embarked on a Master of Arts course supervised by the late Professor Herb Feith. Helen had met student leaders from the Portuguese colonies of Mozambique and Angola in the Europe/Africa project, who asked her about East Timor (“so close to Australia”).

    East Timor thesis topic
    Recognising that she, along with most Australians, knew very little about East Timor, Helen proposed East Timor as the focus of her master’s thesis. She began to learn Portuguese for this purpose.

    Following the overthrow of the authoritarian regime in Portugal in April 1974 and the consequent opportunities for independence in the Portuguese colonies, she visited East Timor for three months in early 1975, where she was impressed by the programme and leadership of Fretilin, the main independence party.

    Her plans were thwarted by the Indonesian invasion of East Timor in December 1975, and she was unable to revisit East Timor until after the achievement of independence in 2000. Her 1978 Master of Arts thesis included an account of the Fretilin plans rather than the Fretilin achievements.

    Her 1976 book, The Timor Story, was a significant document of the desire of East Timorese people for independence and influenced the keeping of East Timor on the UN decolonisation list. She was a co-founder of the Australia-East Timor Association, which was founded in the initial days of the Indonesian invasion.

    Helen was a founding member of the organisation Campaign Against Racial Exploitation in 1975. She was prolific in writing and speaking for these causes, not simply as an advocate, but also as a capable analyst of many situations of decolonisation. She was published regularly in Nation Review and also appeared in many other publications concerned with international affairs and development.

    Helen was awarded a rare diploma of education (tertiary education method) from the University of Melbourne in 1980. From 1980 to 1983, she was a full-time doctoral student at Australian National University, culminating in a thesis about non-formal education and development in Fiji, New Caledonia and the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands (the islands of the north Pacific).

    Helen participated in significant international conferences on education and development in these years and was involved in occasional teaching in the nations and territories of her thesis.

    Teaching development studies
    In 1991, she was appointed lecturer at Victoria University to teach development studies, which, among other things, attracted a steady stream of students from Timor-Leste. In 2000, she was able to return to Timor-Leste as part of her work for Victoria University.

    An immediate fruit of her work in 2001 was a memorandum of understanding between Victoria University and the Dili Institute of Technology, followed in 2005 with another between Victoria University and the National University of Timor-Leste.

    One outcome of this latter relationship has been biennial conferences on development, held in Dili. Also in 2005, she was a co-founder of the Timor-Leste Studies Association.

    Helen stood for quality education and for high academic standards that can empower all students. In 2014, Helen was honoured by the government of Timor-Leste with the award of the Order of Timor-Leste (OT-L).

    Retiring from Victoria University in 2014, Helen chose to live in Timor-Leste, while returning to Melbourne regularly. She continued to teach in Dili and was employed by the Timor-Leste Ministry of Education in 2014 and from 2018 until her death.

    Helen came to Melbourne in late 2023, planning to return to Timor-Leste early in 2024, where further work awaited her.

    A routine medical check-up unexpectedly found significant but symptom-free cancer, which developed rapidly, though it did not prevent her from attending public events days before her death on May 7. Friends and family are fulsome in their praise of Helen’s brother Ian, who took time off work to give her daily care during her last weeks.

    Helen had a distinguished academic career, with significant teaching and research focusing on the links between development and education, particularly in the Pacific context, though with a fully global perspective.

    Helen had an ever-expanding network of contacts and friends around the world, on whom she relied for critical enlightenment on issues of concern.

    From Blackburn to Dili, inspired by sharp intelligence, compassion, Christian faith and a careful reading of the signs of the times, Helen lived by a vision of the common good and strove mightily to build a world of peace and justice.

    Sandy Yule was general secretary of the Australian Student Christian Movement from 1970-75, where he first met Helen Hill, and is a minister of the Uniting Church in Australia. He wrote this tribute with help from Helen Hill’s family and friends. It was first published by The Age newspaper and is republished from the DevPolicy Blog at Australian National University.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Former FANG president Vijay Naidu talks Pacific anti-nuclear activism https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/23/former-fang-president-vijay-naidu-talks-pacific-anti-nuclear-activism/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/23/former-fang-president-vijay-naidu-talks-pacific-anti-nuclear-activism/#respond Tue, 23 Jul 2024 07:27:10 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=103920 Pacific Media Watch

    An interview with former University of the South Pacific (USP) development studies professor Dr Vijay Naidu, a founding president of the Fiji Anti-Nuclear Group (FANG), has produced fresh insights into the legacy of Pacific nuclear-free and anti-colonialism activism.

    The community storytelling group Talanoa TV, an affiliate of the Whānau Community Centre and Hub and linked to the Asia Pacific Media Network (APMN), has embarked on producing a series of short educational videos as oral histories of people involved in the Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific (NFIP) Movement to document and preserve this activist mahi and history.

    The series, dubbed “Legends of NFIP”, are being timed for screening in 2025 to coincide with the 40th anniversary of the Rainbow Warrior bombing in Auckland harbour on 10 July 1985 and also with the 40th anniversary of the Rarotonga Treaty for a Nuclear-Free Pacific.


    Legends of NFIP – Professor Vijay Naidu.   Video: Talanoa TV

    These videos are planned to “bring alive” the experiences and commitment of people involved in a Pacific-wide movement and will be suitable for schools as video podcasts and could be stored on open access platforms.

    “This project is also expected to become an extremely useful resource for students and researchers,” says project convenor Nikhil Naidu, himself a former FANG and Coalition for Democracy (CDF) activist.

    In this 14-minute interview, Professor Naidu talks about the origins of the NFIP Movement.

    “At this time [1970s], there were the French nuclear tests that were actually atmospheric nuclear tests and people like Suliana Siwatibau and Graeme Bain started the ATOM movement (Against Nuclear Tests on Moruroa) in Tahiti in the 1970s at USP,” he says.

    “And we began to understand the issues around nuclear testing and how it affected people — you know, the radiation. And drop-outs and pollution from it.”

    Published in partnership with Talanoa TV.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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    Oklahoma Supreme Court Repeats Disinformation That Charter Schools Are Public Schools https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/22/oklahoma-supreme-court-repeats-disinformation-that-charter-schools-are-public-schools/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/22/oklahoma-supreme-court-repeats-disinformation-that-charter-schools-are-public-schools/#respond Mon, 22 Jul 2024 13:33:45 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=152145 In a much-awaited case brought forth by Oklahoma Attorney General Gentner Drummond (Drummond v. Oklahoma Statewide Virtual Charter School Board), the Oklahoma State Supreme Court ruled 6-2 on June 25, 2024, that St. Isidore of Seville Catholic K-12 Virtual Charter School is unconstitutional and cannot open and enroll students in Fall 2024. The online religious […]

    The post Oklahoma Supreme Court Repeats Disinformation That Charter Schools Are Public Schools first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
    In a much-awaited case brought forth by Oklahoma Attorney General Gentner Drummond (Drummond v. Oklahoma Statewide Virtual Charter School Board), the Oklahoma State Supreme Court ruled 6-2 on June 25, 2024, that St. Isidore of Seville Catholic K-12 Virtual Charter School is unconstitutional and cannot open and enroll students in Fall 2024.

    The online religious charter school is sectarian and not permitted to receive any public funding, said the court. Writing for the majority, Justice James Winchester said that, “the contract between the state board and St. Isidore violates the Oklahoma Constitution, the Oklahoma Charter Schools Act and the Establishment Clause of the U.S. Constitution.” He added that, “Under Oklahoma law, a charter school is a public school. As such, a charter school must be nonsectarian. However, St. Isidore will evangelize the Catholic faith as part of its school curriculum while sponsored by the State.” Winchester also stated that, “What St. Isidore requests from this court is beyond the fair treatment of a private religious institution in receiving a generally available benefit, implicating the free exercise clause. It is about the state’s creation and funding of a new religious institution violating the establishment clause.”

    The Free Exercise Clause and the Establishment Clause make up the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. Justice Dustin P. Rowe dissented from much of the majority opinion while Justice Dana Kuehn dissented entirely with the majority.

    Reuters stated that the religious online charter school would have siphoned about $26 million from public coffers in the first five years of operation. The real amount is likely higher. Charter schools across the country siphon billions of dollars a year from public schools, increase segregation, and fail and close regularly.

    This unprecedented ruling blocks what would have been the first publicly funded religious charter school in the U.S. It invalidates the approval in October 2023 of St. Isidore by the Statewide Virtual Charter School Board, an entity comprised mostly of unelected private persons. Charter school authorizers around the country typically consist of many unelected individuals from the business sector. Such entities usually embrace capital-centered ideas and policies.

    The sponsors of the deregulated virtual charter school, the Catholic Archdiocese of Oklahoma City and Diocese of Tulsa, have openly stated that the religious virtual charter school would be open to students statewide, rely directly on Catholic teachings, and use public funds to operate. Catholic leaders have never concealed their mission to evangelize students at the online religious charter school. In fact, St. Isidore students would not only “be taught Catholic doctrine,” they would also be “required to attend mass,” reported Oklahoma Voice.

    The Oklahoma Supreme Court ordered the termination of St. Isidore’s contract with the Oklahoma Statewide Virtual Charter School Board, which became the new Statewide Charter School Board on July 1, 2024. “The [nine-person] board will succeed the [five-person] Statewide Virtual Charter School Board, which oversaw only online charter schools in Oklahoma,” says The Oklahoman. The new entity will oversee all charter schools in the state and will be comprised mainly of unelected business people with greater responsibilities and powers.

    For their part, the Catholic sponsors of the virtual charter school have pledged to appeal the Oklahoma Supreme Court ruling to the U.S. Supreme Court, and they plan to open the online religious charter school in the 2025-2026 school year. On July 5, attorneys for the online religious charter school asked the Oklahoma Supreme Court for a stay of its order to have its contract rescinded by the new Statewide Charter School Board until the U.S. Supreme Court considers the case. The new Statewide Charter School Board, which met for the first time on July 8, held off on terminating the virtual school’s contract. The new unelected board claims that it is waiting to see how legal proceedings play out in the coming weeks and months. On July 17, Drummond scolded the new board for not rescinding the contract for the Catholic virtual charter school. He told the new board, “You must know and accept that no state agency, board, or commission may willfully ignore an order from Oklahoma’s highest court.” Private religious forces are hoping that recent decisions by the U.S. Supreme Court that further abolish the distinction between public and private will work in their favor.

    Such developments and contradictions arise in the context of neoliberal forces working for the last few decades to restructure the state in ways that change governance and administrative arrangements to expand privatization. Blurring the public-private distinction is central to neoliberal efforts to further privilege private interests while marginalizing the public interest. This is why today there is little distinction between the state and Wall Street. We live in a system of direct rule by the rich. Private monopoly interests, not the public, control the economy and the state. In the years ahead, major owners of capital will strive to further dominate the state so as to privatize more institutions, programs, enterprises, services, and governance itself.

    “Public” and “private,” it should be stressed, are legal, political, philosophical, and sociological categories that mean the exact opposite of each other; they are antonyms. Confounding them is problematic, both conceptually and practically. It is self-serving, not just intellectually lazy, to mix up two sharply distinct categories like “public” and “private.” It is like saying hot and cold mean the same thing. In its essence, private property is the right to exclude others from use of said property; it is the power of exclusion; [1] It is not concerned with transparency, inclusion, the common good, or benefitting everyone.

    State constitutions typically prohibit states from using public money to support or benefit religious institutions and entities. As a general rule, states cannot use public money to fund religious schools. Historically, there has been a powerful trend in U.S. society to keep religion and state separate (the so-called “wall of separation between church and state”). Modern conditions and requirements dictate that states must avoid sponsoring, promoting, funding, or privileging any religion. There can be no “religious liberty” when a state sponsors, funds, privileges, or entangles itself with any religion or sect. The state is supposed to represent the interests of all members of the polity, regardless of religion.

    The Oklahoma Supreme Court argued that had St. Isidore of Seville Catholic Virtual Charter School opened as a regular nonsectarian “public” charter school instead of a religious charter school, it could have received public funds and operated normally.

    In reasoning in this manner, the court correctly negated publicly-funded sectarian education arrangements but erroneously sanctioned the continued funneling of public funds from public schools to deregulated charter schools that are public only on paper. In other words, the highest court in Oklahoma saw no problem with charter schools siphoning public funds from public schools. The court overlooked the fact that charter schools in Oklahoma, like the rest of the country, are privately-operated and differ legally, philosophically, pedagogically, and organizationally from public schools.

    The court thus blundered when it repeatedly referred to charter schools as public schools in its ruling. It uncritically repeated flawed and banal assertions about the “publicness” of charter schools. It incorrectly characterized charter schools as state actors even though private entities are typically the only entities that hold charter school contracts in the U.S.

    It is generally recognized that how an entity is described on paper can often differ greatly from how it operates in reality. There can be a large chasm between the two. People understand that words and deeds are not always aligned. Indeed, there has always been a big gap between rhetoric and reality in the charter school sector. Charter school owners and promoters have long confused words on paper with empirical realities. They want people to believe that just because something is on paper, it is automatically true, valid, and unassailable. They have taken abstraction of certain ideas to incoherent and detached levels, while also merging legalese and lawfare to advance their agenda. For 32 years charter school owners and promoters have strived to create a legislative veneer of respectability, but lack of legitimacy remains a nagging problem in the charter school sector.

    To be clear, all charter schools in the U.S. are privately-operated and governed by unelected private persons. Unlike public schools, charter schools are not run by publicly elected people. In fact, many charter schools are directly owned-operated by for-profit corporations that openly cash in on kids as their education model. For example, most charter schools in Michigan and a few other states are openly for-profit charter schools. But even so-called “non-profit” charter schools regularly engage in profiteering.

    Legally, private operators of charter schools exist outside the public sphere, which makes them private actors, not state (public) actors. Charter school operators are not government entities or political subdivisions of the state. This is why most constitutional provisions apply to public schools, which are state actors, but do not apply to the operators of charter schools or the students, teachers, and parents involved with them. Charter schools teachers, for example, are legally considered “at-will” employees, the opposite of public school teachers. The rights of teachers, students, and parents in public schools are not the same as the rights of teachers, students, and parents in charter schools.

    For these and other reasons, charter schools are deregulated independent schools. As private actors, they are not subject to the same requirements as traditional public schools. They do not operate in the same way as public schools. They are not “entangled” with the state in the same way that public schools are. Charter schools do not have the same relationship with the state as public schools. The state, put simply, does not coerce, compel, influence, or direct charter schools to act in the same way as public schools. The state does not play a significant role in charter school policies and actions, certainly not in the way that it does with traditional public schools. This means that the state cannot be held responsible for the actions and policies of private actors.

    In the U.S., state laws explicitly permit charter schools to avoid most laws, rules, statutes, regulations, and policies governing public schools. Charter schools can essentially “do as they please” in the name of “autonomy,” “competition,” “accountability,” “choice,” “parental empowerment,” and “results.” It is no accident that charter school advocates boast every day that charter schools are “free market” schools, which means that they are based on the law of the jungle. President Bill Clinton, a long-time supporter of charter schools, once correctly called charter schools “schools with no rules.” Charter schools have long embraced social Darwinism and a fend-for-yourself ethos.

    The “free market” ideologies of competition, individualism, and consumerism are therefore central to the creation, operation, and expansion of charter schools. Fending-for-yourself in the pursuit of education is seen as natural, normal, and healthy by charter school owners and promoters. There can supposedly be no better way to organize education and life according to charter school owners and promoters. Thus, when a charter school fails and closes, one is supposed to quickly and effortlessly find a new school, complain about nothing, move on, and nonchalantly accept that “this is just how life is.” In this outdated, disruptive, and unstable set-up, one is expected to be a “rugged individual” who embraces inequality and competition. Winning and losing is supposedly inevitable. Put simply, neoliberals and privatizers do not view education as a basic human right that must be guaranteed in practice. Commodity logic—the logic of buying and selling—guides their outlook and agenda.

    Further, the notion, promoted by some, that charter schools are “public-private partnerships” is also flawed and dangerous because it implies that there is a public component to charter schools and that a fair, balanced, equal, meaningful, and mutually-beneficial relationship can exist between the public sector and the private sector. This neoliberal notion covers up the fact and principle that public funds belong only to the public and must not be wielded or controlled by the private sector at any time. If the private sector wants income and revenue, then it should generate income and revenue through its own activities and operations, without using the state to seize public funds that do not belong to it. Public funds must serve the public and not be claimed by private interests through new governance arrangements that harm the public. So-called public-private “partnerships” further concentrate accumulated social wealth in private hands and restrict democracy.

    It is disinformation to claim that the public sector needs the private sector for government, society, institutions, infrastructure, and programs to exist and function at a high level. The public sector would be far healthier and more human-centered if a public authority worthy of the name kept all public funds in public hands at all times and used public funds only to advance the general interests of society. It should also be recalled that the private sector has been rife with fraud, failure, scandal, and corruption for generations. We see this in the news every day. Privatization does not guarantee efficiency, success, or excellence. Privatization invariably increases corruption and negates human rights.

    Other differences between charter schools and public schools include the fact that, as privatized education arrangements, charter schools cannot levy taxes like public schools and do not accept or keep all students. Unlike public schools that accept all students at all times, charter schools, which are said to be “welcoming,” “free,” and “open to all,” routinely cherry-pick students. In addition, many charter schools are legally permitted to hire uncertified teachers.

    Charter schools also frequently fail to uphold even the few public standards enshrined in state charter school laws (e.g., open-meeting laws, reporting laws, enrollment requirements, and audit laws). These are laws and requirements they are supposed to embrace but often violate. It has often been said that the charter school sector is not transparent or accountable, even though it seizes billions of dollars every year from the public, leaving the public worse off—and all under the veneer of high ideals. Dozens of other differences between public schools and charter schools can be found here.

    Charter, by definition, means contract. Charter schools are contract schools. Contract law is part of private law in the U.S., not public law. Private law deals with relations between private citizens, whereas public law deals with relations between the state and individuals. Thus, the legal basis and profile of charter schools differs from the legal basis and profile of public schools, which is why, as noted earlier, charter school students, parents, and workers have different rights and protections than public school students, parents, and workers.

    Charter schools in the U.S. are private entities that enter into contract with the state or entities approved by the state. The state does not actually create the charter school, it mainly delegates (not authorizes) a function to the private contractor of the school; it is outsourcing education; it is commodifying a social responsibility. This outsourcing of constitutional obligations to private interests does not automatically make said interests state actors.

    A private actor does not automatically and magically become a public agency with public power just because it is delegated a duty by the state through a contract. Generally speaking, not a single charter school in the U.S. is owned-operated by a public entity or government unit. Unlike public schools, charter schools are usually created by private citizens, often business people, and often with extensive support from philanthrocapitalists. These private forces or entities do not suddenly become public entities just because they contract with the state or an entity approved by the state. Partnering with the government is not the same as being part of the government. And simply receiving public funds to carry out a function does not spontaneously transform a private entity into a public entity. It is well-known that thousands of private entities in the country receive some sort of public funding but they do not suddenly stop being private entities.

    Nor can charter schools be deemed public just because they are called “public” 50 times a day. Repeating something endlessly does not instantly make something true. There would actually be no need to call charter schools “charter” schools if they were public schools proper. The word “charter” before the word “school” instantly sets charter schools apart from public schools. The word “charter” creates a demarcation. Similarly, there would be no need to call charter schools “schools of choice” if they were traditional public schools. “Free market” phrases such as this one also communicate a difference between charter schools and public schools. Today, ninety percent of the nation’s roughly 50 million students attend a public school in their zip code. Neoliberals have successfully starved many of these schools of public funds over the past 45 years.

    It is also worth noting that the academic performance of cyber charter schools in the U.S. is notoriously abysmal (see here, here, and here). Equally ironic in this situation is that Epic Charter Schools in Oklahoma, a massive online charter school, has been charged by various government authorities with different crimes in recent years. The owners-operators of Epic Charter Schools have been charged with embezzlement, money laundering, computer crimes, and conspiracy to defraud the state. Such crimes have been widespread in the entire charter school sector for three decades. Equally noteworthy is the fact that under Oklahoma law charter school teachers do not have be certified to teach.

    Currently, there are more than 60 privately-operated charter schools in Oklahoma. About 3.8 million students (7.4% of U.S. children) are currently enrolled in nearly 8,000 charter schools across the country.

    The inescapable law of the falling rate of profit under capitalism, especially since the mid-1970s, continues to coerce capital-centered forces to privatize as much of the public sector and social programs as they can in order to maximize profits and avoid extinction. Capitalist economies everywhere are in deep trouble and are becoming more reckless in their narrow quest to maximize profits as fast as possible. Greed is at an all-time high.

    Capital-centered forces will continue to restructure the state apparatus to advance their retrogressive agenda under the banner of high ideals. This includes raiding the public education sector and privatizing it in the name of “serving the kids,” “empowering parents,” “promoting competition,” and “increasing choice.” So far, “school-choice” schemes have made some individuals very rich while lowering the level of education and harming the public interest.

    Charter schools represent the commodification of education, the privatization and marketization of a modern human responsibility in order to enrich a handful of private interests. The typical consequences of privatization in every sector include higher costs, less transparency, reduced quality of service, greater instability, more inefficiency, and loss of public voice. Whether it is vouchers, so-called “Education Savings Accounts,” or privately-operated charter schools, education privatization (“school-choice”) has not solved any problems, it has only multiplied them. [2]

    Charter schools are not public schools. If privately-operated charter schools wish to exist and operate they must do so without public money. Public funds belong only to the public and must be used solely for public purposes. This means guaranteeing a range of services, programs, and institutions that continually raise living and working standards. It means serving the common good at the highest level and blocking any schemes that undermine this direction.

    FOOTNOTES

    [1] The right to exclude is “one of the most treasured” rights of property ownership.

    [2] See The Privatization of Everything: How the Plunder of Public Goods Transformed America and How We Can Fight Back (2023).

     

    The post Oklahoma Supreme Court Repeats Disinformation That Charter Schools Are Public Schools first appeared on Dissident Voice.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Shawgi Tell.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/22/oklahoma-supreme-court-repeats-disinformation-that-charter-schools-are-public-schools/feed/ 0 485097
    PNG villagers attack priest, nurses and doctors while on Chimbu foot patrol https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/22/png-villagers-attack-priest-nurses-and-doctors-while-on-chimbu-foot-patrol/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/22/png-villagers-attack-priest-nurses-and-doctors-while-on-chimbu-foot-patrol/#respond Mon, 22 Jul 2024 00:48:32 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=103830 PNG Post-Courier

    Papua New Guinea’s Chuave District Development Authority is condemning an attack on a priest and his team in Chimbu province.

    Father Ryszard Wajda (SVD), three nurses, two doctors from Mingende hospital, and two Catholic education officers returned on a four-day foot patrol to Kiari in Nomane sub-district when they were attacked at Dulai village by villagers from Nomane.

    The few villagers who fixed a damaged section of the Nomane feeder road demanded K1000 (NZ$425) from Father Wajda and his team and attacked them after alleging that they had missed out on disaster money given by Prime Minister James Marape to the province.

    Father Wajda, who is the parish priest of Wangoi in Chuave district, said that his team gave K200 (NZ$85) but the Dulai villagers refused this.

    “The villagers directed violent abusive language to me and more to my team members,” he said.

    He said that one of the education officers was punched several times, and others were violently pulled out of my parish vehicle.

    “I stayed in the car, and nobody touched me physically,” he said.

    Teacher intervened
    Father Wajda said that they were allowed to travel after a teacher from the area intervened and assured the villagers that he would pay K1000 when he received his fortnightly pay.

    He said that he had helped the local teacher last Friday to pay K1000 demanded by the villagers.

    “It took us one day to walk and cross Waghi to visit my new Catholic community in remote Kiari at their request and spend four days with them addressing different issues,” he said.

    Father Wajda said the nurses and doctors treated 200 patients during the three days working from 8am-11am every morning. He said the two education officers inspected the education institution.

    “It took us 12 hours to walk back to Dulai and another village a few kilometres further up when my parish vehicle waited and picked us up,” he said.

    He said that that the attack was unfortunate and local community leaders were negotiated fr a peace reconciliation.

    Chief executive officer Francis Aiwa of Chuave District Development Authority (CDDA) said the attack on Father Wajda’s group was “uncalled for”.

    He said that the perpetrators must be arrested and put behind bars.

    The Catholic Church played an important role in the lives of everyone and such attack and killing of a priest are uncalled for and must not be repeated, Aiwa said.

    Republished from the Post-Courier with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/22/png-villagers-attack-priest-nurses-and-doctors-while-on-chimbu-foot-patrol/feed/ 0 485032
    Breaking the silence – 83% of Fijian children suffer violence, reports UNICEF https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/21/breaking-the-silence-83-of-fijian-children-suffer-violence-reports-unicef/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/21/breaking-the-silence-83-of-fijian-children-suffer-violence-reports-unicef/#respond Sun, 21 Jul 2024 04:58:41 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=103808 By Sainimili Magimagi in Suva

    Family members keep silent on the issue of violence in Fiji and individuals continue to be the victims, according to Jonathan Veitch, the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) representative to the South Pacific.

    While raising his concern on the issue at Nasinu Gospel Primary School on Friday, he said 83 percent of children in Fiji had reported some level of violence, either in their family or in school over the past six months.

    “This 83 percent rate is far too high, and it’s not acceptable,” he said.

    “The problem is that when the violence is happening, there’s kind of a curtain of silence.”

    Visiting UNICEF executive director Catherine Russell said although legal processes should be ensured, it was also important to acknowledge the rehabilitation process for the victim to deal with the trauma.

    Speaking during a student-led press conference at Nasinu Gospel Primary School, Veitch expressed his concern about the alarming rate of violence against women and children in Fiji, whether physical or sexual.

    “You (Fiji) do have high rates of violence against children,” Veitch said.

    “This (83 percent rate) is far too high, and it’s not acceptable.

    ‘Curtain of silence’
    “The problem is that when the violence is happening, there’s kind of a curtain of silence.”

    He said it was common in Fiji for family members to keep silent on the issue of violence while individuals continued to be victimised.

    “If that particular person has to be stopped, we have to deal with it in our village.

    “So, it’s not just UNICEF and the Government; it’s also the village itself.”

    Veitch said significant pillars of communities must be involved in key conversations.

    “We really need to talk about it in our churches on Sundays; we have to have an honest conversation about it.

    “These kids shouldn’t be hurt; they shouldn’t be punished physically.”

    Multifaceted approach
    He said the issue should be dealt with through a multifaceted approach.

    Visiting UNICEF executive director Catherine Russell expressed similar concerns and called for a change in norms.

    “It requires government leadership and good laws,” she said.

    “It requires the government to come together and say that this is a priority where violence against children is unacceptable.”

    She said conversations regarding the matter needed to focus on changing the norms of what was acceptable and unacceptable in a community.

    “A lot of times this issue is kept in the dark and not talked about, and I think it’s very important to have those conversations.”

    She said although legal processes should be ensured, it was also important to acknowledge the rehabilitation process for the victims to deal with the trauma.

    She added that society played a role in condemning violence against women and ensuring they were safe in their homes and in their communities.

    Russell said while most cases were directed at men, there was a need to train the mindset of young boys to change their perspective of using violence as a solving mechanism.

    Sainimili Magimagi is a Fiji Times reporter. Republished with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    ]]>
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    Korean War Anniversary: What We’ve Chosen to Forget about the “Forgotten War” https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/20/korean-war-anniversary-what-weve-chosen-to-forget-about-the-forgotten-war/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/20/korean-war-anniversary-what-weve-chosen-to-forget-about-the-forgotten-war/#respond Sat, 20 Jul 2024 17:21:19 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=152089 American soldiers on foreign soil fighting to prop up an army of unmotivated conscripts. Savage bombings. Widespread use of napalm. Massacres of civilians by both the US Army and the allied army we’re propping up. Three million killed, and a larger proportion of civilian deaths than World War II. Lies upon lies about the background […]

    The post Korean War Anniversary: What We’ve Chosen to Forget about the “Forgotten War” first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
    American soldiers on foreign soil fighting to prop up an army of unmotivated conscripts. Savage bombings. Widespread use of napalm. Massacres of civilians by both the US Army and the allied army we’re propping up. Three million killed, and a larger proportion of civilian deaths than World War II. Lies upon lies about the background of the war and the enemy. What Bruce Cumings, former chair of the history department at the University of Chicago, describes as “Gooks, napalm, rapes, whores, an unreliable ally, a cunning enemy, fundamentally untrained G.I.’s fighting a war their top generals barely understood, fragging of officers, contempt for the know-nothing civilians back home, devilish battles indescribable even to loved ones, press handouts from… headquarters apparently scripted by comedians or lunatics, an ostensible vision of bringing freedom and liberty to a sordid dictatorship run by servants of… imperialism.”

    At one point early in this war, the US Army feared that guerrilla fighters were disguising themselves as civilian peasants, and opened fire on them. “Fire on everything, kill ’em all”, one US Army veteran says they were told. “Over the course of a three-day barrage of gunfire and air strafing, hundreds of… civilians were killed,” one account reads. “Survivors recall a stream under the bridge running red with blood and 7th Cavalry veterans recall the near constant screams of women and children.” The US Army stonewalled, and journalists were pressured not to report the full story if at all.

    The two paragraphs above are apt descriptions of the Vietnam War and the 1968 My Lai Massacre respectively. Except they are neither descriptions of the Vietnam War nor of My Lai, but instead of the Korean War and the No Gun Ri Massacre carried out by American troops in South Korea in late July 1950.

    As a history educator, I’m always surprised at how my students–juniors and seniors in the Los Angeles Unified School District–know almost nothing about the Korean War. A few boys recognize it from their Call of Duty video games, a few others might have heard of the North Korean dictatorship’s bombastic threats, but of the Korean War itself, which ended 71 years ago this week, they know next to nothing.

    Part of the problem is the textbooks we are given to use. Neither our US History book, the AP US History book, nor the World History book provide any substantive background to the war. We’re only told, as the regular US History textbook tells us, that “North Korean forces swept across the 38th parallel in a surprise attack on South Korea.” This is distortion by omission.

    During WWII, the US and the Soviet Union agreed that, upon Japan’s surrender, Korea, which had been a Japanese colony since 1910, would be divided at the 38th parallel into a Northern, pro-Soviet sector and a Southern, pro-American sector.

    The US installed Korean exile Syngman Rhee, who had lived in the US from 1912 to 1945, as the leader of South Korea. Rhee’s government and police force, and almost all leaders of South Korea’s Army, had served the colonial Japanese regime.

    The Soviets installed the Korean communists into power, led by Kim Il Sung, who fought a guerrilla war against fascist Japan’s colonial occupation of Korea. The communists had credibility and support because of their long struggle to win Korea’s independence from Japan.

    The US History textbook tells us that two Koreas then developed—“one communist and one democratic.” Actually, the “democratic” Rhee regime was brutal, authoritarian, corrupt, unpopular, and widely seen as an artificial creation of the US.

    Rhee perpetrated horrific massacres of pro-Communist South Koreans, including the Jeju Massacre (1948-1949), in which up to 30,000 Koreans were killed, and the murder of 100,000 to 200,000 suspected Korean communists in the Bodo League massacre. For years, South Korea falsely claimed this crime was committed by North Korea.

    Cumings, author of The Korean War: a History, refers to the US-backed regime’s “atrocious massacres…our ostensibly democratic ally was the worst offender, contrary to the American image of the North Koreans as fiendish terrorists.”

    The megalomaniacal Rhee on numerous occasions proclaimed his determination to conquer the communist North. Ignoring American warnings not to provoke a war, Rhee foolishly launched military raids across the border, leading to the deaths of 8,000 South Korean soldiers and thousands of North Korean fighters. At the same time, North Korean-backed communist guerrillas launched guerrilla attacks in South Korea.

    With both sides threatening to unify the country by force, the North invaded on June 25, 1950.

    Even though the US-Soviet division of Korea gave the South twice the population of the North, the North quickly overran the South. As historian James Stokesbury explains, the masses of conscript South Korean soldiers had little loyalty to the Rhee regime, and soon retreated or defected en masse to the North.

    Two days after the invasion, Rhee’s regime abandoned the capital, Seoul, detonating the Hangang Bridge over the Han River in an effort to slow down the North Korean advance. Thousands of refugees were crossing the bridge at the time, leading to hundreds of deaths.

    After General Douglas MacArthur’s brilliant landing at Inchon, United Nations forces–90% of whom were American–pushed north towards the Chinese border, spurring China to enter the war. After major Chinese advances, the war ended in a stalemate.

    Ignored in our textbooks are the horrific results of the US air war. Air Force General Curtis LeMay, head of the US Strategic Air Command during the Korean War, explained, “[W]e killed off…20 percent of the population…We…burned down every town in North Korea.”

    Former Secretary of State Dean Rusk recalled “we were bombing every brick that was standing on top of another, everything that moved.”

    In August 1951, war correspondent Tibor Meráy saw “complete devastation between the Yalu River and the capital…[there were] no more cities in North Korea.”

    According to the Asia-Pacific Journal:

    By the fall of 1952, there were no effective targets left for US planes to hit. Every significant town, city and industrial area in North Korea had already been bombed. In the spring of 1953, the Air Force targeted irrigation dams on the Yalu River, both to destroy the North Korean rice crop and to pressure the Chinese, who would have to supply more food aid to the North. Five reservoirs were hit, flooding thousands of acres of farmland, inundating whole towns and laying waste to the essential food source for millions of North Koreans.

    U.S. planes dropped more bombs on the Korean peninsula— 635,000 tons — and more napalm — 32,557 tons — than against Japan during World War II. Yet, incredibly, the word “bomb” does not appear once in the US History textbook’s section on the Korean War.

    Cumings says the US “carpet-bombed the north for three years with next to no concern for civilian casualties.”

    Nor is there any mention of napalm in our texts. Then-British Prime Minister Winston Churchill condemned the US’ widespread use of napalm as being “very cruel,” saying the US was “tortur[ing] great masses of people” by “splashing it all over the civilian population.” He explained, “Napalm ought not to be used in the way it is being done by the American Forces.”

    Nor do our texts mention No Gun Ri or other massacres perpetrated by the American forces. Former Associated Press international correspondent Charles Hanley, author of The Bridge at No Gun Ri: A Hidden Nightmare from the Korean War, explains:

    [T]he story of No Gun Ri was shocking when it emerged in 1999, but within the following decade it became clear that events like this were quite commonplace during the Korean War, and it is in some ways what war is all about.

    The Associated Press explains that revelations about No Gun Ri “led to an outpouring of other accounts of alleged mass killings of southern civilians by the U.S. military in 1950-51, particularly air attacks. A South Korean investigative commission counted more than 200 cases on its docket by 2008, but the commission was disbanded by a new conservative government in 2010 before it could confirm more than a handful.”

    The US History textbook spends 458 words on the conflict between President Truman and General MacArthur and tells us the war cost the US $67 billion and 54,000 killed (actually 36,574). Students are then asked to consider “whether fighting the Korean War was worthwhile” in light of “the loss of American lives” and “fear of communism.” Not once is there mention of the three million Koreans killed, mostly civilians, nor of the 600,000 Chinese killed.

    The World History textbook we use is little better, though it does acknowledge that the South Korean government was “undemocratic.” The AP US History textbook, to its credit, acknowledges Korean civilian casualties caused by the American air war as well as the undemocratic nature of the South Korean government, but we’re still given no sense of the horrors perpetrated by the South Korean government nor of why North Korea invaded South Korea.

    It is important to remember that misleading or faulty textbooks don’t simply miseducate students, they miseducate their teachers as well. History is a vast subject and any teacher, particularly younger or less experienced teachers, will have areas of history they’re unfamiliar with. In such cases, teachers rely upon the textbook and its related materials–if the textbook does not tell the full truth about an historical event, often the teacher will not be able to either.

    The Korean War is often dubbed the “Forgotten War”, and there’s some truth to this, but the real issue is what the American educational establishment has chosen to forget about the “Forgotten War”.

    The post Korean War Anniversary: What We’ve Chosen to Forget about the “Forgotten War” first appeared on Dissident Voice.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Glenn Sacks.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/20/korean-war-anniversary-what-weve-chosen-to-forget-about-the-forgotten-war/feed/ 0 484898
    Korean War Anniversary: What We’ve Chosen to Forget about the “Forgotten War” https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/20/korean-war-anniversary-what-weve-chosen-to-forget-about-the-forgotten-war-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/20/korean-war-anniversary-what-weve-chosen-to-forget-about-the-forgotten-war-2/#respond Sat, 20 Jul 2024 17:21:19 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=152089 American soldiers on foreign soil fighting to prop up an army of unmotivated conscripts. Savage bombings. Widespread use of napalm. Massacres of civilians by both the US Army and the allied army we’re propping up. Three million killed, and a larger proportion of civilian deaths than World War II. Lies upon lies about the background […]

    The post Korean War Anniversary: What We’ve Chosen to Forget about the “Forgotten War” first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
    American soldiers on foreign soil fighting to prop up an army of unmotivated conscripts. Savage bombings. Widespread use of napalm. Massacres of civilians by both the US Army and the allied army we’re propping up. Three million killed, and a larger proportion of civilian deaths than World War II. Lies upon lies about the background of the war and the enemy. What Bruce Cumings, former chair of the history department at the University of Chicago, describes as “Gooks, napalm, rapes, whores, an unreliable ally, a cunning enemy, fundamentally untrained G.I.’s fighting a war their top generals barely understood, fragging of officers, contempt for the know-nothing civilians back home, devilish battles indescribable even to loved ones, press handouts from… headquarters apparently scripted by comedians or lunatics, an ostensible vision of bringing freedom and liberty to a sordid dictatorship run by servants of… imperialism.”

    At one point early in this war, the US Army feared that guerrilla fighters were disguising themselves as civilian peasants, and opened fire on them. “Fire on everything, kill ’em all”, one US Army veteran says they were told. “Over the course of a three-day barrage of gunfire and air strafing, hundreds of… civilians were killed,” one account reads. “Survivors recall a stream under the bridge running red with blood and 7th Cavalry veterans recall the near constant screams of women and children.” The US Army stonewalled, and journalists were pressured not to report the full story if at all.

    The two paragraphs above are apt descriptions of the Vietnam War and the 1968 My Lai Massacre respectively. Except they are neither descriptions of the Vietnam War nor of My Lai, but instead of the Korean War and the No Gun Ri Massacre carried out by American troops in South Korea in late July 1950.

    As a history educator, I’m always surprised at how my students–juniors and seniors in the Los Angeles Unified School District–know almost nothing about the Korean War. A few boys recognize it from their Call of Duty video games, a few others might have heard of the North Korean dictatorship’s bombastic threats, but of the Korean War itself, which ended 71 years ago this week, they know next to nothing.

    Part of the problem is the textbooks we are given to use. Neither our US History book, the AP US History book, nor the World History book provide any substantive background to the war. We’re only told, as the regular US History textbook tells us, that “North Korean forces swept across the 38th parallel in a surprise attack on South Korea.” This is distortion by omission.

    During WWII, the US and the Soviet Union agreed that, upon Japan’s surrender, Korea, which had been a Japanese colony since 1910, would be divided at the 38th parallel into a Northern, pro-Soviet sector and a Southern, pro-American sector.

    The US installed Korean exile Syngman Rhee, who had lived in the US from 1912 to 1945, as the leader of South Korea. Rhee’s government and police force, and almost all leaders of South Korea’s Army, had served the colonial Japanese regime.

    The Soviets installed the Korean communists into power, led by Kim Il Sung, who fought a guerrilla war against fascist Japan’s colonial occupation of Korea. The communists had credibility and support because of their long struggle to win Korea’s independence from Japan.

    The US History textbook tells us that two Koreas then developed—“one communist and one democratic.” Actually, the “democratic” Rhee regime was brutal, authoritarian, corrupt, unpopular, and widely seen as an artificial creation of the US.

    Rhee perpetrated horrific massacres of pro-Communist South Koreans, including the Jeju Massacre (1948-1949), in which up to 30,000 Koreans were killed, and the murder of 100,000 to 200,000 suspected Korean communists in the Bodo League massacre. For years, South Korea falsely claimed this crime was committed by North Korea.

    Cumings, author of The Korean War: a History, refers to the US-backed regime’s “atrocious massacres…our ostensibly democratic ally was the worst offender, contrary to the American image of the North Koreans as fiendish terrorists.”

    The megalomaniacal Rhee on numerous occasions proclaimed his determination to conquer the communist North. Ignoring American warnings not to provoke a war, Rhee foolishly launched military raids across the border, leading to the deaths of 8,000 South Korean soldiers and thousands of North Korean fighters. At the same time, North Korean-backed communist guerrillas launched guerrilla attacks in South Korea.

    With both sides threatening to unify the country by force, the North invaded on June 25, 1950.

    Even though the US-Soviet division of Korea gave the South twice the population of the North, the North quickly overran the South. As historian James Stokesbury explains, the masses of conscript South Korean soldiers had little loyalty to the Rhee regime, and soon retreated or defected en masse to the North.

    Two days after the invasion, Rhee’s regime abandoned the capital, Seoul, detonating the Hangang Bridge over the Han River in an effort to slow down the North Korean advance. Thousands of refugees were crossing the bridge at the time, leading to hundreds of deaths.

    After General Douglas MacArthur’s brilliant landing at Inchon, United Nations forces–90% of whom were American–pushed north towards the Chinese border, spurring China to enter the war. After major Chinese advances, the war ended in a stalemate.

    Ignored in our textbooks are the horrific results of the US air war. Air Force General Curtis LeMay, head of the US Strategic Air Command during the Korean War, explained, “[W]e killed off…20 percent of the population…We…burned down every town in North Korea.”

    Former Secretary of State Dean Rusk recalled “we were bombing every brick that was standing on top of another, everything that moved.”

    In August 1951, war correspondent Tibor Meráy saw “complete devastation between the Yalu River and the capital…[there were] no more cities in North Korea.”

    According to the Asia-Pacific Journal:

    By the fall of 1952, there were no effective targets left for US planes to hit. Every significant town, city and industrial area in North Korea had already been bombed. In the spring of 1953, the Air Force targeted irrigation dams on the Yalu River, both to destroy the North Korean rice crop and to pressure the Chinese, who would have to supply more food aid to the North. Five reservoirs were hit, flooding thousands of acres of farmland, inundating whole towns and laying waste to the essential food source for millions of North Koreans.

    U.S. planes dropped more bombs on the Korean peninsula— 635,000 tons — and more napalm — 32,557 tons — than against Japan during World War II. Yet, incredibly, the word “bomb” does not appear once in the US History textbook’s section on the Korean War.

    Cumings says the US “carpet-bombed the north for three years with next to no concern for civilian casualties.”

    Nor is there any mention of napalm in our texts. Then-British Prime Minister Winston Churchill condemned the US’ widespread use of napalm as being “very cruel,” saying the US was “tortur[ing] great masses of people” by “splashing it all over the civilian population.” He explained, “Napalm ought not to be used in the way it is being done by the American Forces.”

    Nor do our texts mention No Gun Ri or other massacres perpetrated by the American forces. Former Associated Press international correspondent Charles Hanley, author of The Bridge at No Gun Ri: A Hidden Nightmare from the Korean War, explains:

    [T]he story of No Gun Ri was shocking when it emerged in 1999, but within the following decade it became clear that events like this were quite commonplace during the Korean War, and it is in some ways what war is all about.

    The Associated Press explains that revelations about No Gun Ri “led to an outpouring of other accounts of alleged mass killings of southern civilians by the U.S. military in 1950-51, particularly air attacks. A South Korean investigative commission counted more than 200 cases on its docket by 2008, but the commission was disbanded by a new conservative government in 2010 before it could confirm more than a handful.”

    The US History textbook spends 458 words on the conflict between President Truman and General MacArthur and tells us the war cost the US $67 billion and 54,000 killed (actually 36,574). Students are then asked to consider “whether fighting the Korean War was worthwhile” in light of “the loss of American lives” and “fear of communism.” Not once is there mention of the three million Koreans killed, mostly civilians, nor of the 600,000 Chinese killed.

    The World History textbook we use is little better, though it does acknowledge that the South Korean government was “undemocratic.” The AP US History textbook, to its credit, acknowledges Korean civilian casualties caused by the American air war as well as the undemocratic nature of the South Korean government, but we’re still given no sense of the horrors perpetrated by the South Korean government nor of why North Korea invaded South Korea.

    It is important to remember that misleading or faulty textbooks don’t simply miseducate students, they miseducate their teachers as well. History is a vast subject and any teacher, particularly younger or less experienced teachers, will have areas of history they’re unfamiliar with. In such cases, teachers rely upon the textbook and its related materials–if the textbook does not tell the full truth about an historical event, often the teacher will not be able to either.

    The Korean War is often dubbed the “Forgotten War”, and there’s some truth to this, but the real issue is what the American educational establishment has chosen to forget about the “Forgotten War”.

    The post Korean War Anniversary: What We’ve Chosen to Forget about the “Forgotten War” first appeared on Dissident Voice.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Glenn Sacks.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/20/korean-war-anniversary-what-weve-chosen-to-forget-about-the-forgotten-war-2/feed/ 0 484899
    ‘Attack on freedom of speech’: USP staff call out Ahluwalia for sacking union president https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/19/attack-on-freedom-of-speech-usp-staff-call-out-ahluwalia-for-sacking-union-president/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/19/attack-on-freedom-of-speech-usp-staff-call-out-ahluwalia-for-sacking-union-president/#respond Fri, 19 Jul 2024 19:09:15 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=103734 RNZ Pacific

    The University of the South Pacific staff associations are up in arms about the sacking of a union leader and academic by the university’s chief executive.

    In a joint press release, the Association of the University of the South Pacific (AUSPS) and the USP Staff Union (USPSU), this week claimed that USP vice-chancellor and president Pal Ahluwalia had “launched a vicious attack on the staff unions and freedom of speech” after he terminated the employment contract AUSPS president Dr Tamara Osborne-Naikatini on July 9.

    They said Ahluwalia sacked Dr Osborne-Naikatini because she spoke to the media about the “flawed process” through which he was offered a renewal to his contract to lead the institution.

    “The university’s claim of ‘gross misconduct’ stems from information Dr Osborne-Naikatini allegedly shared, as AUSP President, in an Islands Business interview reported in the March 2024 edition that revealed a flawed process in the review of the performance of Ahluwalia that subsequently led to a two-year renewal of contract,” they said in the release.

    Dr Osborne-Naikatini was the staff representative on the the chief academic authority — the USP Senate — to the review committee, they added.

    “Dr Osborne-Naikatini stood for the staff of USP and fought for good governance which ultimately led to her termination,” they said.

    The staff unions say that by sacking the biology lecturer, Ahluwalia has “launched a vicious attack on the staff unions and freedom of speech” and are demanding her reinstatement.

    RNZ Pacific had put these claims to the university.

    Staff contracts ‘confidential’
    “Please note that all staff contracts, including terminations, are confidential. The university is not at liberty to discuss staff information with third parties,” the USP said in an email statement.

    The USP, the premier institution of higher learning for the region, has had to deal with a series of crisis in relation to the good governance practices and staff-management issues since the vice-chancellor first took the job in 2018.

    Professor Pal Ahluwalia
    Professor Pal Ahluwalia . . . deported from Fiji in 2019, but based in Nauru then Samoa. Image: RNZ Pacific

    In 2019, Ahluwalia was deported from Fiji in a midnight raid carried out Fijian police and immigration officials, after he fell out of favour with the previous Bainimarama administration, for exposing allegations of corruption and financial mismanagement at the university under the leadership of his predecessor.

    He led USP from exile, for some time from Nauru, before relocating to Samoa in 2021. In May this year, the USP Council voted for him to relocate back to Suva.

    The staff unions reminded Ahluwalia of the 2019 saga in their joint statement, saying they “stood steadfast with him when he was victimised as the whistleblower. He seemed to have a short-lived memory”.

    Earlier this year, the unions were at loggerheads with the management over salary disputes.

    They had threatened to take strike action if the executive team failed to meet their demands, which they claimed has been neglected by Ahluwalia.

    However, both sides reached an agreement last month, and the unions withdrew their strike action.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/19/attack-on-freedom-of-speech-usp-staff-call-out-ahluwalia-for-sacking-union-president/feed/ 0 484830
    School Vouchers Were Supposed to Save Taxpayer Money. Instead They Blew a Massive Hole in Arizona’s Budget. https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/16/school-vouchers-were-supposed-to-save-taxpayer-money-instead-they-blew-a-massive-hole-in-arizonas-budget/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/16/school-vouchers-were-supposed-to-save-taxpayer-money-instead-they-blew-a-massive-hole-in-arizonas-budget/#respond Tue, 16 Jul 2024 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/arizona-school-vouchers-budget-meltdown by Eli Hager

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    In 2022, Arizona pioneered the largest school voucher program in the history of education. Under a new law, any parent in the state, no matter how affluent, could get a taxpayer-funded voucher worth up to tens of thousands of dollars to spend on private school tuition, extracurricular programs or homeschooling supplies.

    In just the past two years, nearly a dozen states have enacted sweeping voucher programs similar to Arizona’s Empowerment Scholarship Account system, with many using it as a model.

    Yet in a lesson for these other states, Arizona’s voucher experiment has since precipitated a budget meltdown. The state this year faced a $1.4 billion budget shortfall, much of which was a result of the new voucher spending, according to the Grand Canyon Institute, a local nonpartisan fiscal and economic policy think tank. Last fiscal year alone, the price tag of universal vouchers in Arizona skyrocketed from an original official estimate of just under $65 million to roughly $332 million, the Grand Canyon analysis found; another $429 million in costs is expected this year.

    As a result of all this unexpected spending, alongside some recent revenue losses, Arizona is now having to make deep cuts to a wide swath of critical state programs and projects, the pain of which will be felt by average Arizonans who may or may not have school-aged children.

    Among the funding slashed: $333 million for water infrastructure projects, in a state where water scarcity will shape the future, and tens of millions of dollars for highway expansions and repairs in congested areas of one of the nation’s fastest-growing metropolises — Phoenix and its suburbs. Also nixed were improvements to the air conditioning in state prisons, where temperatures can soar above 100 degrees. Arizona’s community colleges, too, are seeing their budgets cut by $54 million.

    Still, Arizona-style universal school voucher programs — available to all, including the wealthiest parents — continue to sweep the nation, from Florida to Utah.

    In Florida, one lawmaker pointed out last year that Arizona’s program seemed to be having a negative budgetary impact. “This is what Arizona did not anticipate,” said Florida Democratic Rep. Robin Bartleman, during a floor debate. “What is our backup plan to fill that budget hole?”

    Her concern was minimized by her Republican colleagues, and Florida’s transformational voucher legislation soon passed.

    Advocates for Arizona’s universal voucher initiative had originally said that it wouldn’t cost the public — and might even save taxpayers money. The Goldwater Institute, a conservative think tank that helped craft the state’s 2022 voucher bill, claimed in its promotional materials at the time that the vouchers would “save taxpayers thousands per student, millions statewide.” Families that received the new cash, the institute said, would be educating their kids “for less than it would cost taxpayers if they were in the public school system.”

    But as it turns out, the parents most likely to apply for these vouchers are the ones who were already sending their kids to private school or homeschooling. They use the dollars to subsidize what they were already paying for.

    The result is new money coming out of the state budget. After all, the public wasn’t paying for private school kids’ tuition before.

    Chris Kotterman, director of governmental relations for the Arizona School Boards Association, says that Arizona making vouchers available to children who had never gone to public school before wasn’t realistically going to save the state money.

    “Say that my parents had been gladly paying my private school tuition, because that’s what was important to them — that I get a religious education. That’s completely fine,” Kotterman said. “But then the state said, ‘Oh, we’ll help you pay for that.’”

    “There’s just no disputing that that costs the state more money,” he said, critiquing the claims of the Goldwater Institute and others who’d averred that this program and ones like it around the country would not be costly. “That’s not how a budget works.”

    Inspiring a “National Movement”

    Heading into this fall, which will bring both a new school year and an election that stands to remake American education, ProPublica is going to be examining the complexities, lessons and failures of the nation’s first universal school voucher program as a model for where the whole system seems headed. Arizona’s program “set the standard nationally” and “inspired a national movement,” according to leading voucher advocacy groups; it is “the nation’s school-choice leader,” per the longtime conservative columnist George Will.

    For decades, voucher initiatives, including in Arizona, had only served small subsets of students. Often, eligibility was limited to certain poor students from failing public schools, whose families could use a voucher to switch them into a potentially better private school.

    In Arizona, for example, vouchers as of 2011 were available solely to students with disabilities, to make sure that their families could afford a range of personalized education options. The program was then expanded to students who had lived in foster care and to Native American students before, gradually, the money started going disproportionately to wealthier households.

    Because these measures were initially narrow in scope, some studies found that they had no negative impact on state and local budgets — studies that voucher advocates continued to cite even as states started considering providing vouchers to every parent who wanted one, which is a far more costly undertaking.

    Universal voucher efforts, beginning with Arizona’s universal Empowerment Scholarship Account program in 2022, allow parents to spend public money not just on private school tuition but also on recreational programs for their kids like ninja warrior training, trampoline park outings and ski passes, or on toys and home goods that they say they need for homeschooling purposes. (The average ESA award is roughly $7,000.)

    In a statement to ProPublica, a spokesperson for Arizona’s former Republican Gov. Doug Ducey, who signed the universal voucher program into law, said that “not only does Gov. Ducey have no regrets about ESA expansion, he considers it one of his finest achievements and a legacy accomplishment. And what he’s most thrilled about is that Arizona’s ESA expansion was followed by 11 other states doing essentially the same thing. Arizona helped set off an earthquake.”

    Voucher proponents have long pointed out that private school parents have a right to and could be sending their children to public school at taxpayers’ expense. So providing them with what is often a smaller amount of taxpayer money in the form of a voucher to help them pay their private school tuition is, the argument goes, a net savings for the public.

    This is similar to arguing that the public should help pay for car drivers’ gas because if they didn’t drive, they might use public transportation instead, which would be a cost to taxpayers.

    Ducey’s spokesperson, Daniel Scarpinato, did not acknowledge that the net cost of universal vouchers has been far higher than voucher supporters originally promised. Instead, he reiterated that “universal ESA costs are basically revenue neutral.” The reasoning: Overall enrollment in Arizona public schools has been slightly down — ever since many parents withdrew their kids during the pandemic — creating some savings in the education budget that could be seen as offsetting the new voucher spending.

    Ducey, as well as Matt Beienburg, the Goldwater Institute’s director of education policy, blamed Arizona’s budget crisis on current Democratic Gov. Katie Hobbs, pointing out that she signed a 2023 budget that spent down what was then a surplus instead of keeping the money in reserve for a possible moment like this. (The 2023 budget was passed with bipartisan support.) Ducey did not answer a question about whether he’d had a long-term plan to pay for ballooning voucher spending, beyond relying on that one-time surplus.

    In an email, Beienburg maintained that Arizona’s current budget mess wasn’t caused by vouchers; he blamed, among other issues, state revenue recently being lower than anticipated. (The Goldwater Institute in 2021 collaborated with Ducey to write and pass a tax cut that reduced income taxes on the wealthiest Arizonans to 2.5%, the same rate that the poorest people in the state pay, which is the leading cause of the decline in revenue.)

    Dave Wells, research director at the Grand Canyon Institute, said that none of the competing budget trends that Ducey and the Goldwater Institute pointed to mean that Arizona can actually afford universal vouchers, at least not without making severe, harmful budget cuts.

    “They chose to make ESAs universal and that has made the budget situation much worse,” he said. “We still had a budget shortfall and budget cuts. The cost is still the cost.”

    “It Isn’t Funded”

    Now that vouchers in Arizona are available even to private school kids who have never attended a public school, there are no longer any constraints on the size of the program. What’s more, as the initiative enters its third year, there are no legislative fixes on the table to contain costs, despite Hobbs’ efforts to implement some reforms. “I have not heard them agree to anything that is a financial reform of the program at all,” said Sen. Mitzi Epstein, the Democratic minority leader of the state Senate, referring to her Republican colleagues.

    Arizona doesn’t have a comprehensive tally of how many private schoolers and homeschoolers are out there, so it remains an open question how much higher the cost of vouchers could go and therefore how much cash should be kept on hand to fund them. The director of the state’s nonpartisan Joint Legislative Budget Committee told lawmakers that “we’ve never really faced that circumstance before where you’ve got this requirement” — that anyone can get a voucher — “but it isn’t funded.”

    Most importantly, said Beth Lewis, executive director of the public-school-advocacy group Save Our Schools Arizona, only a small amount of the new spending on private schools and homeschooling is going toward poor children, which means that already-extreme educational inequality in Arizona is being exacerbated. The state is 49th in the country in per-pupil public school funding, and as a result, year after year, district schools in lower-income areas are plagued by some of the nation’s worst staffing ratios and largest class sizes.

    Spending hundreds of millions of dollars on vouchers to help kids who are already going to private school keep going to private school won’t just sink the budget, Lewis said. It’s funding that’s not going to the public schools, keeping them from becoming what they could and should be.

    Help ProPublica Report on Education

    Mollie Simon contributed research.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Eli Hager.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/16/school-vouchers-were-supposed-to-save-taxpayer-money-instead-they-blew-a-massive-hole-in-arizonas-budget/feed/ 0 484121
    ‘Culture plays a big part’: Female journalists in Pacific face harassment and worse https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/15/culture-plays-a-big-part-female-journalists-in-pacific-face-harassment-and-worse/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/15/culture-plays-a-big-part-female-journalists-in-pacific-face-harassment-and-worse/#respond Mon, 15 Jul 2024 09:09:59 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=103586

    Delegates at a Pacific media conference in Fiji two weeks ago heard harrowing stories of female reporters facing threats of violence and harassment.

    This raised the question: is enough being done to protect female reporters in the Pacific region?

    In 2022, the Fiji Women’s Rights Movement, in partnership with the University of the South Pacific Journalism Programme, launched a research report on the “Prevalence and impact of sexual harassment on female journalists: A Fiji case study”.

    Of the 42 respondents in the survey, the youngest was 22, and the oldest was 51, with an average age of 33.2 years. The average amount of work experience was 8.3 years.

    Most respondents (80.5 percent) worked in print, with the others choosing online and/or broadcasting. Most respondents answered that they were aware of sexual harassment occurring.

    (L-R) Laisa Bulatale and Nalini Singh of the Fiji Women’s Rights Movement (FWRM)
    Researchers Laisa Bulatale (left) and Nalini Singh of the Fiji Women’s Rights Movement (FWRM). . . most respondents answered that they were aware of sexual harassment occurring. Image: RNZ Pacific

    The ABC’s Fiji reporter, Lice Monovo is an experienced journalist who has worked for RNZ Pacific and The Guardian.

    She said she was not surprised by the findings and such incidents were familiar to her.

    “There were things I had encountered, and some close friends had, and they were things I had seen but what I did also feel was shock that it was still happening and shock that it was more widespread.”

    After reading the preliminary results of the report, she realised that although women did take steps, including reporting harassment and approaching their employers or asking for help, still not enough was being done to protect female journalists.

    Panel discussion on 'Prevalence and Impact of Sexual Harassment on Female Journalists.' Panelists were Laisa Bulatale, Georgina Kekea, Jacqui Berrell, Lice Movono, Dr Shailendra Bahadur Singh. The moderator was Nalini Singh
    Panel discussion on “Prevalence and Impact of Sexual Harassment on Female Journalists”. Panelists were Laisa Bulatale, Georgina Kekea, Jacqui Berrell, Lice Movono, Dr Shailendra Bahadur Singh. The moderator was Nalini Singh. Image: Stefan Armbruster/RNZ Pacific

    “Their concerns and worries, and the things they went through were invalidated, they were told to ‘suck it up’, they were told to put it behind them.”

    Movono added that often the burden and responsibility for the harassment were shifted to them, the victims.

    “So no, I don’t think enough was done,” she said.

    Fiji Women’s Rights Movement’s Laisa Bulatale said many of the women in the research experienced verbal, physical, gestural, and online harassment at work. She said it was not only confined to the workplace.

    “A lot of the harassment was also experienced when they went and did assignments or when they had to do interviews with high-ranking officials in government, MPs, even rugby personalities or people in the sports industry,” she said.

    She said they were justifiably hesitant to report these problems.

    “They [female reporters] feared victim blaming and a lot of shame so a lot of the female journalists that we spoke to in the survey said they carried that with them, and they didn’t feel they knew enough to be able to report the incident.

    “And if they did, they were not confident enough that the complaint processes or the referral pathways for them within the organisations they were working in would hear the case or address it.”

    Georgina Kekea is an experienced Solomon Islands journalist and editor of Tavali News. She completed a survey of female reporters in the Solomon Islands’ newsroom.

    “When I got the responses back, I guess for someone working in the industry, it just validated also what you have been through in your career. What all of us are going through as female journalists,”

    Kekea said that there was not much support coming from the superiors in the newsroom.

    “Mostly because I think we have males who are leading the team, not understanding issues which women face, and of course, being a Melanesian society, the culture plays a big part, and also obstacles men face when it comes to addressing women’s issues,” Kekea said.

    Alex Rheeney is former editor of both PNG’s Post-Courier and the Samoa Observer.

    He said he was not surprised by the panel’s discussion.

    “Our female colleagues, female reporters, female broadcasters, they go through some very, very huge challenges that those of us who were working in the newsroom as a reporter before didn’t go through simply because of the fact we were male, and it’s unacceptable.”

    “Why do we have to have those challenges today?”

    He said that newsrooms should develop policies to look after the welfare and safety of female reporters.

    “We just have to look at the findings from the survey that was done in Fiji.”

    He was positive that the Fijian survey had been done but queried what the follow-up steps should be in terms of putting in place mechanisms to protect female reporters.

    “I can only think back to the time when I was the editor of the Post-Courier, I had to drive one of my female reporters to the Boroka police station to get a restraining order against her husband.

    “I got personally involved because I knew that it was already affecting her, her children and her family.”

    Rheeney said that the media industry needed to do more.

    The personal intervention he had undertaken, was a response to an individual problem. However, the industry needed to be able to do more, as harassment and violence against female journalists were in a state of crisis.

    “We can’t afford to sit back and just wait for it to happen; we need to be proactive.”

    Rheeney believed that the media industry across the Pacific needed to put more measures in place to protect female journalists and staff both in the newsroom and when out on assignment.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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    Fiji, anchor of Indonesian diplomacy in the Pacific – a view from Jakarta https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/14/fiji-anchor-of-indonesian-diplomacy-in-the-pacific-a-view-from-jakarta/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/14/fiji-anchor-of-indonesian-diplomacy-in-the-pacific-a-view-from-jakarta/#respond Sun, 14 Jul 2024 06:18:56 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=103570 Indonesia’s commitment to the Pacific continues to be strengthened. One of the strategies is through a commitment to resolving human rights cases in Papua, reports a Kompas correspondent who attended the Pacific International Media Conference in Suva earlier this month.  

    By Laraswati Ariadne Anwar in Suva

    The Pacific Island countries are Indonesia’s neighbours. However, so far they are not very familiar to the ears of the Indonesian people.

    One example is Fiji, the largest country in the Pacific Islands. This country, which consists of 330 islands and a population of 924,000 people, has actually had relations with Indonesia for 50 years.

    In the context of regional geopolitics, Fiji is the anchor of Indonesian diplomacy in the Pacific.

    Fiji is known as a gateway to the Pacific. This status has been held for centuries because, as the largest country and with the largest port, practically all commodities entering the Pacific Islands must go through Fiji.

    Along with Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu, and the Front de Libération Nationale Kanak et Socialiste (FLNKS) of New Caledonia, Fiji forms the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG).

    Indonesia now has the status of a associate member of the MSG, or one level higher than an observer.

    For Indonesia, this closeness to the MSG is important because it is related to affirming Indonesia’s sovereignty.

    Human rights violations
    The MSG is very critical in monitoring the handling of human rights violations that occur in Papua. In terms of sovereignty, the MSG acknowledges Indonesia’s sovereignty as recorded in the Charter of the United Nations.

    The academic community in Fiji is also highlighting human rights violations in Papua. As a Melanesian nation, the Fijian people sympathise with the Papuan community.

    In Fiji, some individuals hold anti-Indonesian sentiment and support pro-independence movements in Papua. In several civil society organisations in Suva, the capital of Fiji, the Morning Star flag of West Papuan independence is also raised in solidarity.

    Talanoa or focused discussion between a media delegation from Indonesia and representatives of Fijian academics and journalists in Suva, Wednesday (3/7/2024).
    Talanoa or a focused discussion between a media delegation from Indonesia and representatives of Fiji academics and journalists in Suva on July 3 – the eve of the three-day Pacific Media Conference. Image: Laraswati Ariadne Anwar/Kompas

    Even so, Fijian academics realise that they lack context in examining Indonesian problems. This emerged in a talanoa or focused discussion with representatives of universities and Fiji’s mainstream media with a media delegation from Indonesia. The event was organised by the Indonesian Embassy in Suva.

    Academics say that reading sources about Indonesia generally come from 50 years ago, causing them to have a limited understanding of developments in Indonesia. When examined, Indonesian journalists also found that they themselves lacked material about the Pacific Islands.

    Both the Fiji and Indonesian groups realise that the information they receive about each other mainly comes from Western media. In practice, there is scepticism about coverage crafted according to a Western perspective.

    “There must be open and meaningful dialogue between the people of Fiji and Indonesia in order to break down prejudices and provide space for contextual critical review into diplomatic relations between the two countries,” said Associate Professor Shailendra Singh, a former journalist who is now head of the journalism programme at the University of the South Pacific (USP). He was also chair of the 2024 Pacific International Media Conference Committee which was attended by the Indonesian delegation.

    ‘Prejudice’ towards Indonesia
    According to experts in Fiji, the prejudice of the people in that country towards Indonesia is viewed as both a challenge and an opportunity to develop a more quality and substantive relationship.

    The chief editors of media outlets in the Pacific Islands presented practices of press freedom at the Pacific Media International Conference 2024 in Suva, Fiji on Friday (5/7/2024).
    The chief editors of media outlets in the Pacific Islands presented the practice of press freedom at the Pacific Media International Conference 2024 in Suva, Fiji on July 5. Image: Image: Laraswati Ariadne Anwar/Kompas

    In that international conference, representatives of mainstream media in the Pacific Islands criticised and expressed their dissatisfaction with donors.

    The Pacific Islands are one of the most foreign aid-receiving regions in the world. Fiji is among the top five Pacific countries supported by donors.

    Based on the Lowy Institute’s records from Australia as of October 31, 2023, there are 82 donor countries in the Pacific with a total contribution value of US$44 billion. Australia is the number one donor, followed by China.

    The United States and New Zealand are also major donors. This situation has an impact on geopolitical competition issues in the region.

    Indonesia is on the list of 82 countries, although in terms of the amount of funding contributed, it lags behind countries with advanced economies. Indonesia itself does not take the position to compete in terms of the amount of funds disbursed.

    Thus, the Indonesian Ambassador to Fiji, Nauru, Kiribati, and Tuvalu, Dupito Simamora, said that Indonesia was present to bring a new colour.

    “We are present to focus on community empowerment and exchange of experiences,” he said.

    An example is the empowerment of maritime, capture fisheries, coffee farming, and training for immigration officers. This is more sustainable compared to the continuous provision of funds.

    Maintaining ‘consistency’
    Along with that, efforts to introduce Indonesia continue to be made, including through arts and culture scholarships, Dharmasiswa (a one-year non-degree scholarship programme offered to foreigners), and visits by journalists to Indonesia. This is done so that the participating Fiji community can experience for themselves the value of Bhinneka Tunggal Ika — the official motto of Indonesia, “Unity in diversity”.

    The book launch event on Pacific media was attended by Fiji's Deputy Prime Minister Biman Prasad (second from left) and Papua New Guinea's Minister of Information and Technology Timothy Masiu (third from left) during the Pacific International Media Conference 2024 in Suva, Fiji, on Thursday (4/7/2024).
    The book launching and Pacific Journalism Review celebration event on Pacific media was attended by Fiji’s Deputy Prime Minister Biman Prasad (second from left) and Papua New Guinea’s Minister of Information and Communication Technology Timothy Masiu (third from left) during the Pacific International Media Conference 2024 in Suva, Fiji, on July 4. Image: USP

    Indonesia has also offered itself to Fiji and the Pacific Islands as a “gateway” to Southeast Asia. Fiji has the world’s best-selling mineral water product, Fiji Water. They are indeed targeting expanding their market to Southeast Asia, which has a population of 500 million people.

    The Indonesian Embassy in Suva analysed the working pattern of the BIMP-EAGA, or the East ASEAN economic cooperation involving Indonesia, Malaysia, Brunei Darussalam and the Philippines. From there, a model that can be adopted which will be communicated to the MSG and developed according to the needs of the Pacific region.

    In the ASEAN High-Level Conference of 2023, Indonesia initiated a development and empowerment cooperation with the South Pacific that was laid out in a memorandum of understanding between ASEAN and the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF).

    At the World Water Forum (WWF) 2024 and the Island States Forum (AIS), the South Pacific region is one of the areas highlighted for cooperation. Climate crisis mitigation is a sector that is being developed, one of which is the cultivation of mangrove plants to prevent coastal erosion.

    For Indonesia, cooperation with the Pacific is not just diplomacy. Through ASEAN, Indonesia is pushing for the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP). Essentially, the Indo-Pacific region is not an extension of any superpower.

    All geopolitical and geo-economic competition in this region must be managed well in order to avoid conflict.

    Indigenous perspectives
    In the Indo-Pacific region, PIF and the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) are important partners for ASEAN. Both are original intergovernmental organisations in the Indo-Pacific, making them vital in promoting a perception of the Indo-Pacific that aligns with the framework and perspective of indigenous populations.

    On the other hand, Indonesia’s commitment to the principle of non-alignment was tested. Indonesia, which has a free-active foreign policy policy, emphasises that it is not looking for enemies.

    However, can Indonesia guarantee the Pacific Islands that the friendship offered is sincere and will not force them to form camps?

    At the same time, the Pacific community is also observing Indonesia’s sincerity in resolving various cases of human rights violations, especially in Papua. An open dialogue on this issue could be evidence of Indonesia’s democratic maturity.

    Republished from Kompas in partnership with The University of the South Pacific.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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    Two Reporters Covering Education in the Midwest Followed the Money … to a School in New York https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/12/two-reporters-covering-education-in-the-midwest-followed-the-money-to-a-school-in-new-york/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/12/two-reporters-covering-education-in-the-midwest-followed-the-money-to-a-school-in-new-york/#respond Fri, 12 Jul 2024 09:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/illinois-public-money-shrub-oak-school by Jennifer Smith Richards and Jodi S. Cohen

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    ProPublica’s journalists live and work all over the country. We’re both based in Chicago, and, along with several of our colleagues, we are focused on telling stories about the Midwest. In recent years, the two of us have teamed up to cover ticketing and the use of seclusion and restraint in Illinois school districts.

    But if you’ve seen our work lately, you know we’ve been reporting on troubling conditions at an unregulated, for-profit boarding school for autistic students in New York — not exactly in our backyard. We’d been getting tips for a while from local sources who were worried about the effect of a 2022 Illinois law that made it easier for school districts to use public money to send students with disabilities to far-away schools.

    And then we heard concerns that students were being mistreated at one of those schools: Shrub Oak International School in Mohegan Lake, New York. Black eyes and bruises. Insufficient staffing. Medical neglect. No kitchen.

    At least 15 Illinois students were enrolled there this past school year using state and local taxpayer dollars at $573,200 each. No state outside of New York sends more students to Shrub Oak than Illinois.

    Students from 13 states and Puerto Rico — including Michigan and Indiana in the Midwest — went to Shrub Oak this past school year. Families’ decisions to cross state borders for an education often come after they have struggled to find a place for their children. For journalists, this trend and its impact are not easy to follow. It means education reporters sometimes also have to go beyond their borders both to follow the flow of public money and to see how students are treated when they leave their communities.

    So this was a Midwest story, after all.

    The more we dug into the situation at Shrub Oak, the more implications we found for local families. We learned that Illinois’ new law required the Illinois State Board of Education to pay for schools like Shrub Oak, but it did not allow the agency to monitor them. That left Illinois students at Shrub Oak vulnerable, because Shrub Oak is not monitored by any government agency in New York, either. Families and workers who tried to report their concerns to several New York agencies were turned away because the private, for-profit school had chosen not to seek approval from the New York State Education Department and therefore did not fall under the state’s jurisdiction.

    We also learned that a Chicago student was harmed by a Shrub Oak worker while she was there. (The now-former worker pleaded guilty to endangering the welfare of a disabled person last month in Westchester County court. Shrub Oak previously told us that it acts quickly to involve law enforcement when it thinks an investigation is warranted. The school has said it works with students who have autism and who struggle with “significant self-injurious behaviors,” aggression and property destruction.)

    News publications have republished or cited our stories to amplify the reporting in their own communities, from The Daily Herald in Illinois to the Hartford Courant and CT Mirror in Connecticut.

    Illinois has no plans to stop sending students to Shrub Oak — and Chicago Public Schools this month approved sending a new student there — but some other states have begun to investigate or even bring students back home. One state agency in Connecticut, for example, described the facility as looking “more akin to a penal institution than an educational campus” and has decided to stop sending students there.

    Several families have also told us that they’re happy with Shrub Oak and that the school has helped their children. In some cases, it was the only school that accepted their children, and they don’t want states to stop paying tuition there.

    Since we published our first story in May, we’ve learned more about what the lack of oversight by the state of New York means. We recently obtained records that we had requested in January in an effort to learn more about what the state Education Department knew about Shrub Oak and students’ welfare there. (A ProPublica lawyer helped us get the documents after Shrub Oak intervened legally to urge the department not to release the records.)

    We found that in 2023, Shrub Oak provided a list of staff members to the New York’s Education Department that included the names of 30 individuals who the school said were all “certified special education teachers.” But there was one problem: New York teacher certification records indicated that only 11 of the people listed are certified by the state as special-education teachers.

    The staff list was submitted as the school was amending its filing with the state to operate a school business. An Education Department spokesperson told us that even though the state requires the information, it does not verify whether the teachers are certified because private schools don’t need to have certified teachers. The spokesperson did not respond to a question asking why the state requests information that it doesn’t verify.

    As we’ve learned more, we’ve continued to send questions to Shrub Oak. Shrub Oak told ProPublica in an email that although the list was submitted to the state, it was still in draft form and the school intended to update it. The Education Department told us Thursday that it had rejected the school’s amended filing; Shrub Oak told us it decided the filing was not needed and it abandoned the process.

    Recent email responses from the school have been unsigned and sent from its “press office.” The school would not identify who sent the emails. The emails criticized our reporting and said individuals were hesitant to be named because the reporting included “misrepresenting and twisting statements.”

    The school said we relied on “isolated incidents and the perspectives of a few individuals” and asked us to highlight some parents’ positive experiences at Shrub Oak. The email also noted that “each member of our staff is carefully selected based on their qualifications, experience, and commitment to the field of special education.” Shrub Oak previously told us that while operating a round-the-clock school is challenging, its staff is adequate. A kitchen will open as soon as electrical work is complete, Shrub Oak has said.

    It’s not clear if New York’s Education Department plans to intervene at Shrub Oak. But if it does, we’ll report on it — even though it’s hundreds of miles away from the Midwest.

    If you have anything to share about education or other tips in the Midwest, please reach out to us: jennifer.smithrichards@propublica.org and jodi.cohen@propublica.org. You can find more information about how to contact ProPublica reporters securely on our tips page.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jennifer Smith Richards and Jodi S. Cohen.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/12/two-reporters-covering-education-in-the-midwest-followed-the-money-to-a-school-in-new-york/feed/ 0 483547
    A Failure for ‘Divisive Concepts’ Legislation Is a Victory for Education https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/10/a-failure-for-divisive-concepts-legislation-is-a-victory-for-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/10/a-failure-for-divisive-concepts-legislation-is-a-victory-for-education/#respond Wed, 10 Jul 2024 17:59:35 +0000 https://progressive.org/public-schools-advocate/a-failure-for-divisive-concepts-legislation-is-a-victory-for-education-goodwin-20240710/
    This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Jacob Goodwin.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/10/a-failure-for-divisive-concepts-legislation-is-a-victory-for-education/feed/ 0 483253
    The Right to Education for Disabled Young Adults https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/09/the-right-to-education-for-disabled-young-adults/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/09/the-right-to-education-for-disabled-young-adults/#respond Tue, 09 Jul 2024 18:41:51 +0000 https://progressive.org/latest/the-right-to-education-for-disabled-young-adults-ervin-20240709/
    This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Mike Ervin.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/09/the-right-to-education-for-disabled-young-adults/feed/ 0 483116
    Education, freedom, and prison abolition w/Dominque Conway | Rattling the Bars https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/08/education-freedom-and-prison-abolition-w-dominque-conway-rattling-the-bars/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/08/education-freedom-and-prison-abolition-w-dominque-conway-rattling-the-bars/#respond Mon, 08 Jul 2024 16:50:08 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=e786a9f991595645d6be8dd783426fed
    This content originally appeared on The Real News Network and was authored by The Real News Network.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/08/education-freedom-and-prison-abolition-w-dominque-conway-rattling-the-bars/feed/ 0 482896
    David Robie talks media challenges, education and decolonisation on Radio 531pi’s Pacific Mornings https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/03/david-robie-talks-media-challenges-education-and-decolonisation-on-radio-531pis-pacific-mornings/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/03/david-robie-talks-media-challenges-education-and-decolonisation-on-radio-531pis-pacific-mornings/#respond Wed, 03 Jul 2024 23:10:13 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=103336 PMN Pacific Mornings

    A major conference on the state and future of Pacific media is taking place this week in Fiji.

    Dr David Robie, editor of Asia Pacific Report and deputy chair of Asia Pacific Media Network, joins #PacificMornings to discuss the event and reflect on his work covering Asia-Pacific current affairs and research for more than four decades.

    Pacific Journalism Review, which Dr Robie founded at the University of Papua New Guinea in 1994, celebrated 30 years of publishing at the conference tonight.

    Other Pacific Mornings items on 4 July 2024:
    The health sector is reporting frustration at unchanging mortality rates for babies and mothers in New Zealand. PMMRC chairperson John Tait joined #PacificMornings to discuss further.

    Labour Deputy Leader Carmel Sepuloni joined #PacificMornings to discuss the political news of the week.

    We are one week into a month of military training exercises held in Hawai’i, known as RIMPAC.

    Twenty-nine countries and 25,000 personnel are taking part, including New Zealand. Hawai’ian academic and Pacific studies lecturer Emalani Case joined #PacificMornings to discuss further.

    Republished with from Pacific Media Network’s Radio 531pi.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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    Conservatives Go to War — Against Each Other — Over School Vouchers https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/01/conservatives-go-to-war-against-each-other-over-school-vouchers/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/01/conservatives-go-to-war-against-each-other-over-school-vouchers/#respond Mon, 01 Jul 2024 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/rural-republicans-school-vouchers-education-choice by Alec MacGillis

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    This story is exempt from our Creative Commons license until Oct. 29, 2024.

    Drive an hour south of Nashville into the rolling countryside of Marshall County, Tennessee — past horse farms, mobile homes and McMansions — and you will arrive in Chapel Hill, population 1,796. It’s the birthplace of Confederate Gen. Nathan Bedford Forrest, who helped found the Ku Klux Klan. And it’s the home of Todd Warner, one of the most unlikely and important defenders of America’s besieged public schools.

    Warner is the gregarious 53-year-old owner of PCS of TN, a 30-person company that does site grading for shopping centers and other construction projects. The second-term Republican state representative “absolutely” supports Donald Trump, who won Marshall County by 50 points in 2020. Warner likes to talk of the threats posed by culture-war bogeymen, such as critical race theory; diversity, equity and inclusion; and Shariah law.

    And yet, one May afternoon in his office, under a TV playing Fox News and a mounted buck that he’d bagged in Alabama, he told me about his effort to halt Republican Gov. Bill Lee’s push for private school vouchers in Tennessee. Warner’s objections are rooted in the reality of his district: It contains not a single private school, so to Warner, taxpayer money for the new vouchers would clearly be flowing elsewhere, mostly to well-off families in metro Nashville, Memphis and other cities whose kids are already enrolled in private schools. Why should his small-town constituents be subsidizing the private education of metropolitan rich kids? “I’m for less government, but it’s government’s role to provide a good public education,” he said. “If you want to send your kid to private school, then you should pay for it.”

    The coronavirus pandemic provided a major boost to supporters of school vouchers, who argued that extended public school closures — and the on-screen glimpses they afforded parents of what was being taught to their kids — underscored the need to give parents greater choice in where to send their children. Eleven states, led by Florida and Arizona, now have universal or near-universal vouchers, meaning that even affluent families can receive thousands of dollars toward their kids’ private school tuition.

    The beneficiaries in these states are mostly families whose kids were already enrolled in private schools, not families using the vouchers to escape struggling public schools. In larger states, the annual taxpayer tab for the vouchers is close to $1 billion, leaving less money for public schools at a time when they already face the loss of federal pandemic aid.

    Voucher advocates, backed by a handful of billionaire funders, are on the march to bring more red and purple states into the fold for “school choice,” their preferred terminology for vouchers. And again and again, they are running up against rural Republicans like Warner, who are joining forces with Democratic lawmakers in a rare bipartisan alliance. That is, it’s the reddest regions of these red and purple states that are putting up some of the strongest resistance to the conservative assault on public schools.

    Conservative orthodoxy at the national level holds that parents must be given an out from a failing public education system that force-feeds children progressive fads. But many rural Republican lawmakers have trouble reconciling this with the reality in their districts, where many public schools are not only the sole educational option, but also the largest employer and the hub of the community — where everyone goes for holiday concerts, Friday night football and basketball. Unlike schools in blue metro areas, rural schools mostly reopened for in-person instruction in the fall of 2020, and they are far less likely to be courting controversy on issues involving race and gender.

    Demonizing public education in the abstract is one thing. But it’s quite another when the target is the school where you went, where your kids went. For Todd Warner, that was Forrest High School in Chapel Hill. “My three kids graduated from public schools, and they turned out just fine,” he said. “Ninety-five percent of our students, our future business owners, our future leaders, are going to the public schools. They’re not going to private. Why take it away from them?”

    Warner and two of his children attended Forrest High School in Chapel Hill, Tennessee. (Whitten Sabbatini)

    The response from voucher proponents to the resistance from fellow Republicans has taken several forms, all of which implicitly grant the critics’ case that voucher programs currently offer little benefit to rural areas. In some states, funding for vouchers is being paired with more money for public schools, to offer support for rural districts. In Ohio, voucher advocates are proposing to fund the construction of new private schools in rural areas where none exist, giving families places to use vouchers.

    But the overriding Republican response to rural skeptics has been a political threat: Get with the program on vouchers, or else.

    That’s what played out this year in Ohio’s 83rd District, in the state’s rural northwest. Last summer, Ohio adopted universal private school vouchers, with middle- and working-class families eligible for up to $8,407 per high school student and even the very wealthiest families eligible for almost $1,000 per child. Private school leaders urged already enrolled families to seek the money, and more than 140,000 families applied for vouchers. The cost has exceeded estimates, approaching $1 billion, with most of it going to the parochial schools that dominate the state’s private school landscape. Voucher advocates are now pushing to create educational savings accounts to cover tuition at unchartered private schools that are not eligible for the vouchers.

    School leaders in Hardin County — with its cornfields, solar panel installations and what was once one of the largest dairy farms east of the Mississippi — are deeply worried that vouchers stand to hurt county residents. Only a single small private school is within reach, one county to the south, which means that virtually no local taxpayers would see any of that voucher money themselves — it would be going to private school families in Columbus, Cincinnati and other large population centers. (And under Ohio law, the very public schools that are losing students must pay to transport any students who attend private institutions within a half-hour drive of the public school.)

    Chapel Hill (Whitten Sabbatini)

    Craig Hurley, the superintendent for Hardin’s Upper Scioto Valley District, is a solidly built 52-year-old who calls himself a staunch conservative. He attended the district’s schools and has worked in them for 30 years. He knows that they provide meals to 400 students, nearly two-thirds of whom qualify for free and reduced lunch. Even though the high school can muster only 20 players for football — basketball fares better — the fans come out to cheer. “Our district is our community,” he told me. “The more you separate that, the less of a community we’re going to be.”

    Hurley has calculated that local schools are receiving less state funding per student than what private schools now receive for the maximum possible voucher amount. Yet private schools face almost none of the accountability that public schools do regarding how the money is spent and what outcomes it achieves. “We have fiscal responsibility on all of it, on every dime, every penny we spend,” he said. “There’s no audit for them.” Not to mention, he added, “a private school doesn’t have to accept all students, right? They pick who they want.”

    Thirteen miles east, Chad Thrush, the school superintendent in Kenton, the county seat, noted that his school system is the second-largest employer in town, after Graphic Packaging, which makes plastic cups for vending machines. He worries that the rising cost of the voucher program will erode state funding for public schools, and he worries about what would happen to his district if a new private school opened in town. Thrush understands the appeal of vouchers for parents who want a leg up for their kid. But, he told me, “we need to be looking at how we’re preparing all students to be successful, not just my student.”

    As it happens, the two superintendents have a crucial ally in Columbus: their state representative, Jon Cross. Like Warner in Tennessee, Cross is an ardent pro-Trump conservative and deeply opposed to private school vouchers. At a legislative hearing last year, he cut loose at a lobbyist for Americans for Prosperity — the conservative advocacy group founded by the industrialist Koch brothers — who was testifying for vouchers, one of the organization’s long-standing causes. “Wouldn’t we be better off taking some money in our budget to fix the schools?” Cross said. “I tell you what, I really like my public schools. I’m really proud that Carson and Connor, my sons, go to Kenton City Schools and get an education from there just like I did.”

    Cross’ resistance to vouchers earned him the animus of the state Senate president, Matt Huffman, an avid voucher proponent. Huffman encouraged a primary challenge of Cross. So greatly did local school officials value Cross’ support that shortly before the March 19 primary, they held a public meeting to explain the threat vouchers posed, with Cross in attendance. “If the economy goes bad, are we going to pull $1 billion out for private schools?” Thrush said. Or, he continued, would the public schools be left with less money?

    The schools in Hardin and Marshall counties are majority white. But some rural Republican legislators in other states have been willing to buck their party leaders on vouchers even in more racially diverse districts. In Georgia, of the 15 Republican state representatives who blocked a voucher proposal last year, more than half came from rural areas with substantial Black populations. One of them was Gerald Greene, who spent more than three decades as a high school social studies teacher and has managed to survive as a Republican in his majority-Black district in the state’s southwestern corner after switching parties in 2010.

    Greene believes vouchers will harm his district. It has a couple of small private schools in it or just outside it — with student bodies that are starkly more white than the district’s public schools — but the majority of his constituents rely on the public schools, and he worries that vouchers will leave less money for them. “I just felt like we were abandoning our public schools,” he told me. “I’m not against private schools at all, but I just did not see how these vouchers would help southwestern Georgia.”

    After failing to pass a voucher program last year, the state’s Republican governor, Brian Kemp, and proponents in the legislature tried again this year, and this time they succeeded, albeit with vouchers more constrained than elsewhere: They can be used only by students in school districts that are ranked in the bottom quartile and whose families make less than 400% of the poverty level ($120,000 for a family of four), and their total cost can’t exceed 1% of the state’s total education budget, which caps them now at $140 million.

    Partisan pressures simply became too strong for some skeptical Republicans, including Greene’s counterpart in the Senate, Sam Watson. Seminole County Superintendent Mark Earnest told me about the conversation in which Watson let him know that he was going to have to support the limited vouchers. “They have turned this into a caucus priority. It’s getting very political,” Watson said. “Thanks for letting me know,” Earnest replied, “but all vouchers are bad for public education.” Watson’s response: “I know, but I couldn’t go with the Democrats. Sorry.” (Watson did not respond to a request for comment.)

    The highest-profile rural Republican resistance to vouchers has come in Texas, the land of Friday Night Lights and far-flung oil country settlements where the public schools anchor communities. Late last year, the Texas House voted 84-63 to strip vouchers out of a broad education bill. In response, Gov. Greg Abbott launched a purge of anti-voucher Republicans in this year’s primaries, backed by millions of dollars from the Pennsylvania megadonor Jeff Yass, a finance billionaire.

    Among those targeted was Drew Darby, who represents a sprawling 10-county district in West Texas and who frames the issue in starkly regional terms: The state’s metro areas depend on his constituents to provide “food, fiber and hide,” to “tend the oil wells and wind turbines to provide electricity to people who want to be just a little cooler in the cities.” But without good public schools, these rural areas will wither. “Robert Lee, Winters, Sterling, Blackwell,” he said, listing some hamlets — “these communities exist because they have strong public schools. They would literally not exist without a good public school system.”

    Darby, a fiscal conservative, is also opposed to a new entitlement for private school families that is projected to soon cost $2 billion a year. “In rural Texas, there’s not a whole lot of private school options, and we want our schools to get every dollar they can. This doesn’t add $1, and it’s not good for rural Texas.”

    Darby managed to stave off his primary challenge, but 11 of the 15 voucher resisters targeted by Abbott lost, several in races so close that they went to a runoff. Abbott is unapologetic: “Congratulations to all of tonight’s winners,” he said after the runoff. “Together, we will ensure the best future for our children.” Also succumbing to his primary challenger was Jon Cross, in western Ohio. His opponent, Ty Mathews, managed to make the campaign about more than just vouchers, taking sides in a bitter leadership split within the GOP caucus.

    And for all the concerns that local school leaders have about the effect of vouchers, the threat remained abstract to many voters. “I’m not worried about it, because we don’t have the revenue here anyways in this town for anything to be taken from us to be given to a bigger town,” one 60-year-old woman told me after casting her vote for Mathews. A younger woman asked simply: “What exactly are the vouchers?”

    Warner, outside the office of his construction company (Whitten Sabbatini)

    But in Tennessee, Todd Warner and his allies staved off the threat again this year. To overcome rural resistance, voucher proponents in the Tennessee House felt the need to constrain them and pair them with hundreds of millions of dollars in additional funding for public schools, but this was at odds with the state Senate’s more straightforward voucher legislation. The two chambers were unable to come to an agreement before the session’s end in April, by which point the House bill had not even made it to the floor for a vote.

    For Democratic voucher opponents in the state, the alliance with Warner and other rural Republicans was as helpful as it was unusual. “It was strange,” Rep. Sam McKenzie, a Black Democrat from Knoxville, told me. McKenzie compared it to “Twins,” a movie in which Arnold Schwarzenegger and Danny DeVito played unlikely fraternal twins: “Representative Warner and I were in lockstep opposition to this voucher scam.”

    One voucher supporter, Rep. Scott Cepicky, told me he was confident that his side would eventually prevail. “We’ll work on this again next year,” he said. “The governor is committed that we’re going to run on school choice again.” And Americans for Prosperity has made clear that it’s coming after voucher opponents. Its Tennessee state director, Tori Venable, told Warner during the legislative session that “I can’t protect you if you ain’t on the right side of this.”

    Another conservative group, the American Federation for Children, sent out a text message in March attacking Warner for his opposition to “parental rights,” without using the term vouchers. And a retired teacher in Marshall County, Gwen Warren, told me she and her husband recently got a visit from an Americans for Prosperity canvasser citing Warner’s opposition to vouchers. “She said: ‘We’re going around the neighborhood trying to talk to people about vouchers. We feel like Tennesseans really want the voucher system.’” To which, Warren said, her husband replied: “You’re very much mistaken, lady. We don’t want vouchers in this county, and you need to go away.”

    Warner remains unfazed by all this. He is pretty sure that his voucher opposition in fact helped him win his seat in 2020, after the incumbent Republican voted for a pilot voucher system limited to Nashville and Memphis. And he notes that no one has registered to challenge him in the state’s Aug. 1 primary. “They tried to find a primary opponent but couldn’t,” he said with a chuckle. “I was born and raised here all my life. My family’s been here since the 18th century. I won’t say I can’t be beat, but bring your big-boy pants and come on, let’s go.”

    Help ProPublica Report on Education


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Alec MacGillis.

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    Decolonisation, the climate crisis, and improving media education in the Pacific https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/28/decolonisation-the-climate-crisis-and-improving-media-education-in-the-pacific/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/28/decolonisation-the-climate-crisis-and-improving-media-education-in-the-pacific/#respond Fri, 28 Jun 2024 19:04:58 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=103285

    Global Voices interviews veteran author, journalist and educator David Robie who discussed the state of Pacific media, journalism education, and the role of the press in addressing decolonisation and the climate crisis.

    Professor David Robie is among this year’s New Zealand Order of Merit awardees and was on the King’s Birthday Honours list earlier this month for his “services to journalism and Asia-Pacific media education.”

    His career in journalism has spanned five decades. He was the founding editor of the Pacific Journalism Review journal in 1994 and in 1996 he established the Pacific Media Watch, a media rights watchdog group.

    He was head of the journalism department at the University of Papua New Guinea from 1993–1997 and at the University of the South Pacific from 1998–2002. While teaching at Auckland University of Technology, he founded the Pacific Media Centre in 2007.

    He has authored 10 books on Asia-Pacific media and politics. He received the 1985 Media Peace Prize for his coverage of the Rainbow Warrior bombing — which he sailed on and wrote the book Eyes of Fire: The Last Voyage of the Rainbow Warrior — and the French and American nuclear testing.

    In 2015, he was given the Asian Media Information and Communication Centre (AMIC) Asian Communication Award in Dubai. Global Voices interviewed him about the challenges faced by journalists in the Pacific and his career. This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

    MONG PALATINO (MP): What are the main challenges faced by the media in the region?

    DAVID ROBIE (DR): Corruption, viability, and credibility — the corruption among politicians and influence on journalists, the viability of weak business models and small media enterprises, and weakening credibility. After many years of developing a reasonably independent Pacific media in many countries in the region with courageous and independent journalists in leadership roles, many media groups are becoming susceptible to growing geopolitical rivalry between powerful players in the region, particularly China, which is steadily increasing its influence on the region’s media — especially in Solomon Islands — not just in development aid.

    However, the United States, Australia and France are also stepping up their Pacific media and journalism training influences in the region as part of “Indo-Pacific” strategies that are really all about countering Chinese influence.

    Indonesia is also becoming an influence in the media in the region, for other reasons. Jakarta is in the middle of a massive “hearts and minds” strategy in the Pacific, mainly through the media and diplomacy, in an attempt to blunt the widespread “people’s” sentiment in support of West Papuan aspirations for self-determination and eventual independence.

    MP: What should be prioritised in improving journalism education in the region?

    DR: The university-based journalism schools, such as at the University of the South Pacific in Fiji, are best placed to improve foundation journalism skills and education, and also to encourage life-long learning for journalists. More funding would be more beneficial channelled through the universities for more advanced courses, and not just through short-course industry training. I can say that because I have been through the mill both ways — 50 years as a journalist starting off in the “school of hard knocks” in many countries, including almost 30 years running journalism courses and pioneering several award-winning student journalist publications. However, it is important to retain media independence and not allow funding NGOs to dictate policies.

    MP: How can Pacific journalists best fulfill their role in highlighting Pacific stories, especially the impact of the climate crisis?

    DR: The best strategy is collaboration with international partners that have resources and expertise in climate crisis, such as the Earth Journalism Network to give a global stage for their issues and concerns. When I was still running the Pacific Media Centre, we had a high profile Pacific climate journalism Bearing Witness project where students made many successful multimedia reports and award-winning commentaries. An example is this one on YouTube: Banabans of Rabi: A Story of Survival

    MP: What should the international community focus on when reporting about the Pacific?

    DR: It is important for media to monitor the Indo-Pacific rivalries, but to also keep them in perspective — so-called ”security” is nowhere as important to Pacific countries as it is to its Western neighbours and China. It is important for the international community to keep an eye on the ball about what is important to the Pacific, which is ‘development’ and ‘climate crisis’ and why China has an edge in some countries at the moment.

    Australia and, to a lesser extent, New Zealand have dropped the ball in recent years, and are tying to regain lost ground, but concentrating too much on “security”. Listen to the Pacific voices.

    There should be more international reporting about the “hidden stories” of the Pacific such as the unresolved decolonisation issues — Kanaky New Caledonia, “French” Polynesia (Mā’ohi Nui), both from France; and West Papua from Indonesia. West Papua, in particular, is virtually ignored by Western media in spite of the ongoing serious human rights violations. This is unconscionable.

    Mong Palatino is regional editor of Global Voices for Southeast Asia. An activist and former two-term member of the Philippine House of Representatives, he has been blogging since 2004 at mongster’s nest. @mongster Republished with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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    Education, business expansion push Chinese nationals to buy Malaysian properties https://www.rfa.org/english/news/southchinasea/education-business-expansion-push-chinese-nationals-buy-malaysian-properties-06252024150409.html https://www.rfa.org/english/news/southchinasea/education-business-expansion-push-chinese-nationals-buy-malaysian-properties-06252024150409.html#respond Tue, 25 Jun 2024 19:16:48 +0000 https://www.rfa.org/english/news/southchinasea/education-business-expansion-push-chinese-nationals-buy-malaysian-properties-06252024150409.html High-end properties in Malaysian cities are attracting buyers from China as they move here for educational opportunities and to expand businesses, particularly in industries tied to efforts to establish a semiconductor hub in Southeast Asia, analysts said.

    Post-pandemic sales have shown an influx in demand, causing property prices to surge by 15% since last year, according to the owner of a property firm in Penang, home to major global semiconductor factories. Other hot spots in Peninsular Malaysia are Johor Baru and Kuala Lumpur. 

    There has been an uptick in interest since early 2023, with roadshows and projects targeting international markets, said Tan Kian Aun, president of the Malaysian Institute of Estate Agents, or MIEA.

    “In 2022, Chinese buyers were still reluctant, but since last year, we are seeing renewed interest,” he told BenarNews.

     Earlier this year, local media reported that 24,765 Chinese nationals had participated in the Malaysia My Second Home program. It allows foreigners to get long-term visas to live in the country.

    Penang is particularly attractive to Chinese buyers because of cultural amenities and because 40% of its population comprises ethnic Chinese Malaysians. The island has seen renewed interest in factories related to the manufacturing of batteries for electric cars, with Chinese businesses either renting or building new commercial properties, Tan said.

    A crowd gathers at a shopping mall in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, April 26, 2023. (S. Mahfuz/BenarNews)
    A crowd gathers at a shopping mall in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, April 26, 2023. (S. Mahfuz/BenarNews)

    The 15% rise in property prices in upscale areas has been caused by increasing demand from students and businesses, according to Long Soo Keat, principal owner of Shijie Property, a Penang firm.

    “We noticed this trend since last June, especially with students and businesses seeking to stay on the island,” Long told BenarNews, adding that Chinese customers prefer premium areas with modern amenities for food, entertainment, education and shopping.

    “The properties cost over 1 million ringgit [US$212,200] or have rental prices starting at 4,000 ringgit [US$850] a month,” he said.

    In the southern peninsular state of Johor, businesses from mainland China are keen on purchasing land for factory operations in the areas of Kulai and Pulai — mostly for microchips, said Chia Zi Jin, a Johor-based realty consultant.

    He noted that favorable conditions for raw material sourcing and manufacturing were attracting Chinese investors.

    “There has not been much interest yet to buy residential property in Johor but more Chinese nationals are looking to buy land, especially in the northern part of the state which is still cheaper than the southern part of the state, which is closer to Singapore,” he told BenarNews.

    In July 2023, real estate analysts said they expected property values at the Forest City project in Johor to fall because Chinese developer Country Garden was facing financial woes that could disrupt resale and rental values.

    However, in a Facebook post earlier this month, Johor Chief Minister Onn Hafiz Ghazi said Forest City’s Special Financial Zone was expected to be finalized in August. The zone is expected to attract financial institutions willing to invest in the project.

    In May, Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim announced plans by his government to invest 25 billion ringgit, or US$5.3 billion, in expanding the local semiconductor industry and to train 60,000 local engineers as part of this.

    Link to Singapore

    In Johor Baru, the upcoming Rapid Transit System, or RTS, link with its neighbor, Singapore, is driving property demand in the Malaysian coastal city. 

    Chia described it as a “game changer.”

    Set to open in early 2026, the RTS is expected to integrate with the Thomson-East Coast Line on Singapore's Mass Rapid Transit system, significantly reducing travel time caused by traffic congestion at the Johor Causeway, which connects the Malaysian state with the Lion City. 

    A bus crosses the Johor-Singapore Causeway from Johor Bahru, Malaysia, Nov. 29, 2021. (Vincent Thian/AP)
    A bus crosses the Johor-Singapore Causeway from Johor Bahru, Malaysia, Nov. 29, 2021. (Vincent Thian/AP)

    Chia said Singaporeans and Chinese nationals who work in Singapore were buying properties in Johor because of the currency exchange rate ranging around one Singapore dollar to about 3.5 ringgits. 

    “With RTS, they could go to Singapore in five minutes rather than getting stuck in a causeway jam for three hours,” he said.

    Meanwhile, Kuala Lumpur, the capital city of Malaysia known for the iconic Petronas Twin Towers and Merdeka 118 — the second tallest building in the world — continues to attract Chinese investors to expand e-commerce and to open data centers, MIEA’s Tan said.

    Chinese investors are also buying and renting properties in Sepang, a township 50 kilometers (31 miles) from Kuala Lumpur, largely due to the presence of Xiamen University Malaysia which offers degrees in the sciences, cybersecurity and communications, according to Tan. 

    One of the main reasons to study in Sepang is the cheaper cost of living compared to big cities in Beijing or Shanghai.

    “The students come here because the township has modern facilities and there is a community of students here,” Tan said.

    About 2,200 Chinese are among the 7,500 students from 44 countries studying at Xiamen’s first branch outside of China, according to Malaysian state news agency Bernama.

    Overinvestment

    Economist Yeah Kim Leng of Sunway University attributed the increasing Chinese interest to trade and investment ties between Malaysia and China. But he also warned that overinvestment by the government could lead to resource shortages and increased prices.

    Skyscrapers, including the Petronas Twin Towers (L, rear) fill the Kuala Lumpur skyline in Malaysia, June 7, 2023. (S. Mahfuz/BenarNews)
    Skyscrapers, including the Petronas Twin Towers (L, rear) fill the Kuala Lumpur skyline in Malaysia, June 7, 2023. (S. Mahfuz/BenarNews)

    The Malaysian Investment Development Authority reported that Chinese investments in Malaysia had reached 11.6 billion ringgit, or US$2.5 billion, in the first nine months of 2023. This is a significant portion of the 225 billion ringgit, or US$47.8 billion, total approved investments in the country during this period. 

    “This favorable environment has led to an increased interest from Chinese investors in setting up their businesses in Malaysia, with property being a core part of their operations,” Yeah told BenarNews. “Real estate ownership serves as a base for their activities.” 

    Still, he said, adequate resources and skilled labor are essential to sustain the influx of investment without causing harm.

    For instance, he said too many data centers and energy-intensive industries could cause water and energy shortages.

    “We must be cautious of not overheating the market,” Yeah said. “Overinvestment could result in excessive demand and strain on resources and drive up the prices.”

    BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated online news organization.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Minderjeet Kaur for BenarNews.

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    These Researchers Study the Legacy of the Segregation Academies They Grew Up Around https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/25/these-researchers-study-the-legacy-of-the-segregation-academies-they-grew-up-around/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/25/these-researchers-study-the-legacy-of-the-segregation-academies-they-grew-up-around/#respond Tue, 25 Jun 2024 09:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/alabama-researchers-segregation-academies-school-vouchers by Jennifer Berry Hawes

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    One young researcher from Alabama is unearthing the origin stories of schools known as “segregation academies” to understand how that history fosters racial divisions today.

    Another is measuring how much these private schools — which opened across the Deep South to facilitate white flight after the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education ruling — continue to drain public school enrollment.

    And a third is examining how these academies, operating in a “landscape marred by historical racial tensions,” receive public money through Alabama’s voucher-style private school tuition grants.

    All three researchers are white women raised in Alabama, close in age, who grew up near these academies. The women — one recently received a doctorate and the other two are working on theirs — approach their research from the varied disciplines of economics, education and history. Their inquiries are probing the very schools some of their family and friends attended.

    In an ongoing series this year, ProPublica is examining the continued effects of hundreds of segregation academies still operating in the South. One of the three researchers played a key role in our initial story. Her experiences, both personally and academically, provided essential context to understanding how one segregation academy in rural Alabama has kept an entire community separated by race.

    The research conducted by all three women is especially important now. It comes at a time when Southern legislatures are creating and expanding school-voucher-style programs that will pour hundreds of millions of public dollars into the coffers of private schools, including segregation academies, over the coming years.

    Segregation Academies and Voucher Programs

    Annah Rogers was working on her undergraduate degree at Auburn University in 2013 when Republican lawmakers suddenly rushed to pass the Alabama Accountability Act. The legislation created a voucher-style system to pay private school tuition for low-income students. As Rogers followed the debates, she wondered just how accessible private schools are to families with few resources, especially in rural areas. She knew that some of those communities don’t have private schools — and where they do exist, they’re often segregation academies.

    Rogers hails from Eutaw, Alabama, a town of 3,000 people located in the Black Belt, a stretch of counties whose dark, rich soil once fueled large cotton plantations. Her parents sent her 45 minutes away to a private Catholic school. (Catholic schools generally aren’t considered segregation academies because most dioceses integrated willingly.) Rogers’ father attended a now-defunct local segregation academy, and her mother went to one in another county.

    While working on her doctorate in political science at the University of Alabama, she devoted her 2022 dissertation to examining the state’s voucher-style program and its effects on private schools, including segregation academies. She had expected segregation academies to balk at participating in the program given that more than 60% of students who use it are Black. Yet she found that many do. In fact, they take part at a slightly higher rate — 8% more often — than other private schools.

    That discovery prompted more questions: Are the tuition grants enabling Black students to attend segregation academies, making the schools more diverse? Or are the academies merely siphoning off the white students who use the grants?

    “The biggest problem is that we don’t know,” said Rogers, who’s now an assistant professor at the University of West Alabama’s education college. She hit a huge hurdle when the state refused to break down by school the demographics of students who use the publicly funded program to pay private school tuition.

    Despite that roadblock, she continues to probe these questions while working on related studies, including one that demonstrates how school segregation patterns have continued and even worsened across Alabama’s Black Belt over the last three decades.

    Her research will become more critical in the coming years, as more students, including students from wealthier families, will be receiving state money to attend private schools. In March, Alabama lawmakers created a universal voucher-style program to fund private school tuition. It will be open to all children, regardless of household income, starting in 2027.

    Segregation Academies and Public School Enrollment

    Danielle Graves grew up in Mobile on the Gulf Coast, where she attended a mostly white private Episcopal school. Although it opened long enough before the Brown v. Board ruling that academics don’t label it a segregation academy, its enrollment still grew substantially during desegregation.

    Graves left the South to pursue her master’s and doctorate in economics at Boston University, where she is a fourth-year Ph.D. student. While in the Northeast, she realized that private schools there tend to be much older than in the South. The private school tradition didn’t really catch on in the South until white people thought Black students might arrive at their children’s public schools.

    Graves also realized how few people outside of the South knew about segregation academies. Economics literature rarely mentioned them at all.

    “I felt like it was this missing piece,” she said.

    A lot of economic research on school desegregation and white flight focuses on cities rather than on rural areas “where segregation academies really play a big role,” Graves said. She jumped into that largely empty research lane.

    Graves tackles questions like: How have segregation academies affected the average public school enrollment? Are there differences between rural and urban areas?

    She taught a class on the economics and history of school segregation at Harvard University this spring and has spent the last two years researching and presenting her work on the impact that segregation academies have on local public schools.

    For the dissertation she is finishing, Graves found that on average, when segregation academies opened in Alabama and Louisiana, they caused white enrollment in neighboring public schools to drop by about a third — and the white population did not return over the 15 years that followed.

    Now she is measuring the effects of segregation academies on local public school funding, the students who attended them and the communities where they operate.

    Segregation Academies and History

    Unlike the other two researchers, Amberly Sheffield went to her local public schools, which were predominantly Black. As she watched other white families pay to send their children to segregation academies, she wondered: why?

    Sheffield grew up in Grove Hill, a town of 2,000 people, where her father briefly attended a local segregation academy. After earning her undergraduate degree, she landed a job teaching history at a segregation academy in neighboring Wilcox County. ProPublica’s first story in its series on these academies focused on Wilcox County and the lasting effect that school segregation has had on community members — including, for a time, Sheffield. 

    Almost all of her students at Wilcox Academy were white. The entire faculty was white. Yet Wilcox County is 70% Black.

    Like most segregation academies, Wilcox Academy doesn’t advertise itself as such. Some of these schools include their founding years on their websites or entrance signs — as Wilcox Academy does — but mention nothing about the fact that they opened to avoid desegregation.

    Sheffield wanted to shed light on the context of the schools’ openings. In her 2022 master's thesis at Auburn University, she chronicled Wilcox County’s history of sharecropping, violence against civil rights advocates, and resistance to school integration.

    She also documented the many fundraisers white people held to pay for the segregation academies they rushed to open before many Black students arrived at the white public schools. Families forming one academy held a skit night, barbeque, fish fry, bingo party, pet show and pancake supper. The money raised paid for school equipment and salaries “but equally important, it created a new community for its founders, sponsors, and families,” she wrote.

    The schools also joined a new group that provided their accreditation and organized sports events. “These academies allowed whites to gain complete control over their children’s education — they no longer had to answer to any form of government but their own,” Sheffield wrote.

    Today, she is continuing her research as a doctoral student in history at the University of Mississippi.

    “History is very important in understanding how we’ve gotten to where we are today, especially when you look at public schools in rural communities in Alabama,” Sheffield said. Many of these schools are mostly Black, underfunded and struggling. “I want people to understand how it got that way, and the answer usually is segregation academies.”

    Mollie Simon contributed research.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jennifer Berry Hawes.

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    Censorship at a Jewish School Part of a Crisis for Free Expression https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/24/censorship-at-a-jewish-school-part-of-a-crisis-for-free-expression/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/24/censorship-at-a-jewish-school-part-of-a-crisis-for-free-expression/#respond Mon, 24 Jun 2024 23:44:52 +0000 https://fair.org/?p=9040442  

    Boiling Point: School censors story about LA Muslim teens and war

    Shalhevet school head David Block (Boiling Point, 6/2/24): “If our community can’t handle something, I do have to consider that.”

    The staff of the Boiling Point don’t consider themselves student journalists. They consider themselves journalists.

    The official paper of Shalhevet, a prestigious orthodox Jewish day school in Los Angeles, is not a mere extra-curricular activity for the college-bound, but a living record of the larger community. And so the fact that the school is censoring the paper’s coverage of pro-Palestine viewpoints is an illustration of the nation’s current crisis of free speech and the free press as Israel’s slaughter in Gaza rages on.

    The Boiling Point (6/2/24) reported that the school administration had censored an article about Muslim perspectives on Gaza because it quoted a teenager who “said Israel was committing genocide and that she did not believe Hamas had committed atrocities.” The paper said:

    Head of school Rabbi David Block told faculty advisor Mrs. Joelle Keene to take down the story from all Boiling Point postings later that day.

    It was the first time the administration had ordered the paper to remove an active story. The story is also not published in today’s print edition.

    “Shalhevet’s principal ordered that the entire paper be taken out of circulation in what advisor Joelle Keene said was a striking change of pace,” the Jewish Telegraphic Agency (6/11/24) reported. She told the wire service, “There have been difficult stories and difficult moments and conflicts and that sort of thing. We’ve always been able to work them out.”

    Justifications for censorship

    The administration’s justification for the censorship was twofold. The first reason for the censorship was that the pro-Palestine viewpoints were simply too hurtful for a community that was still in shock over the October 7 attacks against Israel by Hamas.

    This is, to be quite blunt, demeaning to the students and the community. I was not much older than these students during the 9/11 attacks, but I spent that day and days after that at my student newspaper, the Michigan Daily. While our reporters piled into a car to drive to New York City, I joined my fellow editorial board members—Jews, Arabs and many others—in navigating a future of war, attacks on civil liberties and anti-Islamic hate.

    And today, student journalists are no less important in this historical moment where students are standing up against the genocide in Gaza (USA Today, 5/2/24; AP, 5/2/24).

    The Boiling Point is hardly pro-Hamas. As one of its editors, Tali Liebenthal, said in response to this point, it was indeed painful for the community to hear anti-Israel opinions, but “I don’t think that the Boiling Point has any responsibility to shield our readers from that pain.” The Shalhevet students, in the tradition of Jewish inquiry, do certainly appear able to explore the tough and difficult subjects of their moment.

    But there’s a second, more banal reason for the censorship. Block told the Boiling Point, “My feeling is that this article would both give people the wrong impression about Shalhevet.” He added:

    It would have very serious implications for whether they’re going to consider sending the next generation of people who should be Shalhevet students to Shalhevet.

    Block is placing prospective parents’ sensitivities before truth and debate. He’s worried that families will see a quote in the paper they disagree with, decide the school is a Hamas hot house, and send their child for an education elsewhere. The suggestion is that the school’s enrollment numbers are more important, not just than freedom of the press, but than a central aspect of Jewishness: the pursuit of knowledge.

    Would Block block articles exploring why ultra-religious Jews like Satmars (Shtetl, 11/22/23) and Neturei Karta (Haaretz, 3/27/24) oppose Zionism for theological reasons? We should hope a school for Jewish scholarship would be wise to value discussions of deep ideas over fear of offending potential enrollees.

    Perverting ideals of openness

    Intercept: Columbia Law Review Refused to Take Down Article on Palestine, So Its Board of Directors Nuked the Whole Website

    Intercept (6/3/24): “After the editors [of the Columbia Law Review] declined a board of directors request to take down the articles, the board pulled the plug on the entire website.”

    The Boiling Point affair is indicative of a larger problem with a censorship that exploits the term “antisemitism” and a sensitivity to Jewish suffering to silence anything remotely critical of Israel’s far-right government. Raz Segal, a Jewish Israeli scholar of genocide, had his position as director at the Center of Genocide and Holocaust students at the University of Minnesota rescinded (MPR, 6/11/24) because he wrote that Israel’s intentions for its campaign in Gaza were genocidal (Jewish Currents, 10/13/23). The board of directors of the Columbia Law Review briefly took down the journal’s website in response to an article (5/24) published about the Nakba, the expulsion of Palestinians—after the piece had already been spiked by the Harvard Law Review (Intercept, 6/3/24).  The chair of the Jewish studies department at Dartmouth College was violently arrested during an anti-genocide protest (Jerusalem Post, 5/3/24).

    The 92nd Street Y, a kind of secular Jewish temple of arts and culture in New York City, encountered massive staff resignations (NPR, 10/24/23) after it canceled a talk by Pulitzer Prize–winning author Viet Thanh Nguyen because he had signed a letter calling for a ceasefire in Gaza (London Review of Books, 10/18/23). The author of the American Jewish Committee’s definition of antisemitism admits that his work is being used to crush free speech (Guardian, 12/13/19; Chronicle of Higher Education, 3/27/24).

    These are prominent institutions that are meant to be pillars of openness and discourse in a free society, yet that are perverting themselves in order not to offend donors, government officials and sycophantic newspaper columnists. And the victims of this kind of censorship are Jews and non-Jews alike.

    From the highest universities down to high schools like Shalhevet, administrators are cloaking their worlds in darkness. The journalists at the Boiling Point are part of a resistance keeping free speech and expression alive in the United States.


    This content originally appeared on FAIR and was authored by Ari Paul.

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    Texas Is the Largest GOP Stronghold Without Pro-School Voucher Legislation. Gov. Abbott Is on a Crusade to Change That. https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/21/texas-is-the-largest-gop-stronghold-without-pro-school-voucher-legislation-gov-abbott-is-on-a-crusade-to-change-that/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/21/texas-is-the-largest-gop-stronghold-without-pro-school-voucher-legislation-gov-abbott-is-on-a-crusade-to-change-that/#respond Fri, 21 Jun 2024 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/texas-greg-abbott-crusade-for-school-vouchers by Jeremy Schwartz

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    This article is co-published with The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan local newsroom that informs and engages with Texans. Sign up for The Brief Weekly to get up to speed on their essential coverage of Texas issues.

    As proponents of private school vouchers racked up win after win across the country in recent years, the largest Republican-led state in the nation remained stubbornly outside their grasp — until now.

    Texas Gov. Greg Abbott succeeded in persuading primary voters to remove from office members of his party who had defied him by voting against legislation that would allow the use of state money to pay for private school tuition.

    Abbott’s success campaigning against fellow Republicans during the primary election sent a clear message that disloyalty would not be tolerated even for those who supported other priorities he outlined. If the pro-voucher candidates who Abbott supported in their primaries win in the November general election, as many are expected to, the governor argues he has the votes to finally pass legislation.

    The governor’s voucher crusade represents the culmination of more than three decades of work by Christian conservative donors, whose influence in Texas politics has never been more pronounced. They have poured millions of dollars into candidates and helped lead or fund a network of organizations, such as the influential Texas Public Policy Foundation, a conservative think tank, to galvanize Republicans around the issue.

    “Texas has been kind of an Alamo to the national voucher crowd in the sense that the biggest state down South still hasn’t done it,” said Joshua Cowen, an education policy professor at Michigan State University who opposes vouchers. “When your whole national messaging strategy is based on this unstoppable flood of parents rising up to defeat the woke left in the public schools and Texas is standing there in the middle of the map, the biggest state saying no, that’s just a problem for the overall strategy.”

    During his first eight years as governor, Abbott was relatively quiet on vouchers. In 2017, he called on lawmakers to pass such a program for students with disabilities. But Abbott, who did not respond to questions from ProPublica and The Texas Tribune, hadn’t engaged in political warfare on the issue until last year, when he made passing vouchers for all Texas students a top priority. He joined the Texas Public Policy Foundation on a “parent empowerment” tour across the state and urged church pastors to advocate for such legislation from the pulpit.

    He also twice ordered lawmakers into emergency legislative sessions to pass measures related to “school choice,” a term supporters have used to describe programs that operate outside of the traditional public school system, including private or religious schools. But lawmakers, including 21 from his own party, rejected the legislation.

    Republicans with national ambitions are increasingly expected to fully support vouchers, Cowen said, adding that Abbott’s GOP counterparts in states like Arizona and Florida had overseen successful pushes in their state legislatures.

    “Vouchers have absolutely become one of the top issue areas of the litmus test for Republican Party power politics,” Cowen said. “If you want to be a player, you have to really push on the doctrine.”

    Supporters say voucher programs give parents more control over their children’s education by allowing them to use public dollars to choose the schools they believe are best, including those that are privately run. Opponents argue that vouchers siphon tax dollars from public education and allow funding to flow into private schools without holding them accountable if they fail children.

    The issue has generally been one that falls along partisan lines. But over the years, rural Republicans have broken with their party to vote against vouchers. Public schools, they’ve reasoned, often play a vital role in local communities where private options are limited.

    Despite polling showing that slightly less than half of Texas registered voters support vouchers and only 2% of registered Republican voters listed vouchers as a key issue in the GOP primary election, Abbott pursued aggressive campaigns against lawmakers in his party who did not fall in line. Among them were two incumbents he had endorsed two years earlier.

    In targeting them, Abbott and his billionaire allies didn’t make vouchers the focus of campaign advertising but rather accused them of being soft on issues like border security.

    “In my district, and I think I’ve seen it in other districts as well, the No. 1 issue was the border,” said state Rep. Steve Allison, a San Antonio Republican who lost his primary election in March after voting against vouchers last year. “And school choice was way down the list and behind the economy and behind property taxes. So that’s when he seemed to pivot and say, ‘Well, these guys are weak on the border. They’ve increased property taxes.’ All of that was just absolutely false.”

    The primary challenges drew millions in contributions from national groups and billionaire donors like TikTok investor Jeffrey Yass, a Pennsylvania voucher advocate who poured $6 million into Abbott’s campaign. A Texas affiliate of the Betsy DeVos-funded American Federation for Children spent more than $4 million attacking incumbents, and the federal Club for Growth political action committee said it coordinated with another PAC to spend about $8 million on ads targeting Texas voucher opponents.

    Allison lost to a challenger who received more than $700,000 in support from Abbott’s campaign.

    “Ever since I’ve been in the Legislature, he’s never shown any interest in private school vouchers,” Allison said. “It’s just troubling the way it came out of nowhere and then the way he turned on those of us that just couldn’t go along with him on it. And I have been with him on everything, every single issue request he’s made, except this one.”

    A Long Push Supercharged

    Shortly after the March GOP primaries, Abbott received a hero’s welcome while addressing attendees at the Texas Public Policy Foundation’s annual policy summit in Austin. He celebrated unseating five Republicans and stoked enthusiasm for the runoff elections, which he hoped would secure enough wins to pass voucher legislation in 2024. (In the May primary runoff, another three anti-voucher Republicans were unseated.)

    “We would not be on the threshold of success if it were not for TPPF,” Abbott told the packed room in March. “I come here today with a heart of gratitude.”

    The group has pushed for vouchers since its founding in 1989 by Republican Christian conservative donor James Leininger, who funded a pilot voucher program in his hometown of San Antonio for several years. In 1998, billionaire oilman Tim Dunn joined the board, serving as vice chair for more than a decade as he became one of the state’s most prolific campaign donors. Dunn later helped form Empower Texans, a more confrontational organization that graded Republican lawmakers according to their adherence to hard-right principles and funneled money into campaigns against Republicans deemed insufficiently supportive. Those campaigns featured what opponents have called deceptive mailers and an aggressive in-house media operation.

    The groups and the pro-voucher billionaires made strategic investments over the years to advance their cause. In 2006, Leininger, who did not respond to questions from the news organizations, spent $2.5 million in an attempt to oust five House Republicans who voted against vouchers. Two lost their seats. Still, the Texas House voted 129-8 against vouchers the following year.

    Dunn and West Texas billionaire evangelical donors Dan and Farris Wilks later contributed millions to Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick, who breathed new life into the voucher push. “As a conservative leader on many issues, it should be no surprise that conservatives support me,” Patrick said in a statement about the campaign contributions. He added that his support for school choice initiatives, including vouchers, spans decades.

    Neither Dunn nor the Wilks brothers responded to questions about the donations or the voucher push. In an opinion piece published by the Midland Reporter-Telegram last year, Dunn said he has never led statewide school choice efforts. Instead, Dunn argued, he has spent his energy building up Midland Classical Academy, the religious private school he founded more than two decades ago.

    Despite Patrick’s influence in the Senate, which passed voucher legislation in 2015 and 2017, the Texas House rejected the plans those years, and the voucher push largely died out afterward.

    The arrival of COVID-19 helped reignite the embers of the movement. TPPF promoted vouchers as the solution to anger over COVID-19 restrictions and political battles over what is taught in schools.

    In August 2020, TPPF published a piece titled “Coronavirus is forcing a wake-up call on Texas’s education opportunities” that called for education dollars to follow children to the school of their choice, including private schools.

    “I think a lot of voucher supporters saw COVID and some of the culture wars as a window for pushing vouchers,” said David DeMatthews, a University of Texas educational leadership and policy professor who does not support using taxpayer money to pay for private schools. “Conservative think tanks like TPPF can help with the framing and crafting a narrative to make a very unpopular policy seem more palatable.”

    Brian Phillips, a spokesperson for TPPF, did not respond to specific questions about the group’s advocacy but issued a statement anticipating victory next year. “When school choice legislation passes next year, it will be due to the amazing vigilance of thousands of parents, students, educators, policymakers, activists, pastors, volunteers, and, yes, even a few think tanks,” he said in a statement.

    While pushing for vouchers, TPPF also capitalized on debates about how race is taught in public schools. The group published a series of stories attacking critical race theory, an advanced academic concept that examines systemic racism. The “long-term solution to fighting CRT begins with parents fighting for the right to choose the best education for their children,” TPPF wrote in a July 2021 article that advocated for a system in which “a child’s public school funding follows him or her to the school of their parents’ choice.”

    Later that year, the focus among pro-voucher forces turned to books with LGBTQ+ themes in Texas school libraries. In a November 2021 fundraising letter, TPPF CEO Kevin Roberts claimed that “pornography and explicit literature” could be found in school libraries and that public schools held students as a “captive audience to both Marxist and sexual indoctrination.”

    He told potential donors that the solution was an all-out push for school vouchers.

    “TPPF’s policy and communications departments are building this army of hundreds of thousands of ‘education freedom fighters,’” wrote Roberts, who did not respond to a request for comment or to written questions. He later left TPPF to lead the influential conservative Heritage Foundation think tank, where he helms Project 2025 to “institutionalize Trumpism.”

    It is “now or never,” Roberts wrote. “The time is ripe.”

    A Full-Throated Embrace

    As TPPF worked to stoke parental anger over public schools, Abbott had not fully jumped into the fray.

    Texas Scorecard, a media outlet formed by Empower Texans in 2015 that has since become an independent nonprofit, highlighted that Abbott had left school choice off his legislative priorities in his 2021 State of the State address.

    Texas Scorecard, which is chaired by Dunn, did not respond to questions or a request for comment.

    Dunn and the Wilks brothers heavily supported Dallas real estate developer Don Huffines, one of Abbott’s far-right challengers, in the 2021 Republican primary. Their political action committee Defend Texas Liberty poured $3.7 million into Huffines’ campaign. Huffines hammered Abbott from the right on various issues, including criticizing him for not doing as much to promote school choice as Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis did.

    Huffines wrote in a statement to ProPublica and the Tribune that while his goal was to win the election, he “knew that the campaign would force the Governor to adopt many of my policy positions, including school choice, which has been a priority of the National and State Republican Party for decades.”

    A campaign stop in San Antonio in May 2022 signaled a new phase for Abbott: a full-throated embrace of vouchers as a top legislative priority.

    “Empowering parents means giving them the choice to send their children to any public school, charter school or private school with state funding following the student,” Abbott said.

    After his reelection and throughout the 2023 legislative session, Abbott joined TPPF campaign director Mandy Drogin in a series of “parent empowerment” rallies across the state that promoted the benefits of vouchers.

    But even with Abbott’s campaigning, the voucher push failed by the end of the session in May.

    In September, a month before Abbott called lawmakers back to Austin for an emergency session, TPPF helped organize a teleconference call in which the governor urged pastors to promote vouchers during Sunday church services. During the call, Abbott announced his plan to target Republicans in upcoming primaries if they did not support vouchers during the special session.

    He fulfilled his promise this spring.

    Kel Seliger, a former state senator who recalls being unsuccessfully targeted by Dunn after voting against vouchers, warned that Abbott’s campaign against fellow Republicans sends a chilling message.

    “It says, ‘Do not disagree. We don’t necessarily care about people of conscience or anything like that,’” said Seliger, who in 2021 decided not to seek reelection. “‘We have no interest in any diversity of opinion.’ And that’s a tough message to send to people you are obligated to work with.”

    Two days after the May primary runoffs, TPPF hosted another celebratory event at its Austin headquarters.

    Corey DeAngelis, a senior fellow with the national voucher advocacy group American Federation for Children, whose PAC had spent more than $7 million in the state as of June, declared Texas the “crown jewel” of the national voucher movement. He predicted even Democratic-led states would follow its lead.

    “We gotta get Texas,” said DeAngelis, who did not respond to a request for comment. “When Texas comes, the rest of the monopoly dominoes will start to fall all across the country.”

    Help ProPublica and The Texas Tribune Report on School Board and Bond Elections in Your Community

    Dan Keemahill contributed reporting.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jeremy Schwartz.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/21/texas-is-the-largest-gop-stronghold-without-pro-school-voucher-legislation-gov-abbott-is-on-a-crusade-to-change-that/feed/ 0 480554
    Three States Have Warned Against Sending Students to an Unregulated Boarding School for Youth With Autism https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/20/three-states-have-warned-against-sending-students-to-an-unregulated-boarding-school-for-youth-with-autism/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/20/three-states-have-warned-against-sending-students-to-an-unregulated-boarding-school-for-youth-with-autism/#respond Thu, 20 Jun 2024 15:25:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/shrub-oak-international-autism-connecticut-washington-massachusetts by Jennifer Smith Richards and Jodi S. Cohen

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    Two more states are now scrutinizing a New York boarding school for autistic students and have warned school districts about troubling conditions there.

    In Connecticut, education officials visited Shrub Oak International School and alerted districts that a state watchdog group determined there were ongoing “serious safety concerns” at the unregulated for-profit private school. Separately, the state’s Department of Developmental Services, which serves residents with intellectual disabilities and autism, has decided to stop sending more students there, an agency spokesperson told ProPublica. That agency described the facility as looking “more akin to a penal institution than an educational campus.

    Washington education authorities, meanwhile, visited Shrub Oak this month and warned school districts to contact the state before considering enrolling students there. Officials are reviewing the state’s relationship with the school, officials told ProPublica.

    The scrutiny of Shrub Oak comes as a ProPublica investigation published in May documented how parents and workers repeatedly asked New York authorities to investigate their concerns at the school to no avail.

    In Massachusetts, officials have already set in motion a plan to pull students out by the end of this month after realizing that Shrub Oak had not sought New York’s approval to operate a school for students with disabilities. Shrub Oak, which opened in 2018, has had about 85 students from 13 states this school year. About 20 students came from Connecticut, Massachusetts and Washington combined. Tuition this school year is $573,200 for students who require a dedicated aide for most of the day.

    No New York government agency oversees Shrub Oak because it is not an approved special-education program and it is not licensed as a residential facility. “From a child health and safety perspective, that is crazy,” said Sarah Eagan, who leads the Connecticut Office of the Child Advocate. “It’s really unsafe — they’re not subject to regular inspections, not subject to licensing standards.”

    Eagan’s office recently joined an investigation of Shrub Oak that was begun last year by Disability Rights Connecticut, a federally funded watchdog that provides legal services and advocacy for people with disabilities. The child advocacy office will be investigating how the state monitors students in out-of-state schools.

    Disability Rights Connecticut noted that, during one of its visits, a student was forced to sleep on the linoleum floor with no bed, “covered in a blanket that appeared to be similar to a moving pad.” The organization also said Shrub Oak used a practice called “hold and close,” which involves placing a student in a padded room, closing the door and holding it shut. That method of managing student behavior would be illegal in many states, including Connecticut.

    A dorm room at Shrub Oak International School. Connecticut Department of Developmental Services employees who made an unannounced visit noted concerns about conditions there. (Connecticut Department of Developmental Services)

    The group urged the Connecticut State Education Department to bar the use of public money to pay tuition at Shrub Oak and stop allowing students to be placed there. The department is considering what to do next.

    In its own investigation, Connecticut’s developmental services agency made an unannounced visit in March and concluded that individuals were not in “immediate jeopardy” but that students were being poorly served as staff focused primarily on managing behavior and not on education or life skills. Students were eating from takeout containers because Shrub Oak lacks a working kitchen, which investigators wrote “compromises their dignity, nutrition and overall well-being.”

    In Illinois, which has 15 students at Shrub Oak — more students than come from any state other than New York — state education officials contacted school districts to remind them that they’re responsible for students’ safety and well-being. Illinois State Board of Education spokesperson Lindsay Record said state officials don’t monitor students when they’re sent to residential schools that Illinois does not approve, like Shrub Oak. State law requires the department to fund those schools but does not give it the power to investigate them.

    “ISBE has no authority to stop allowing or approving the placement of students in any non-ISBE approved program including and not limited to Shrub Oak,” Record wrote in answer to questions from ProPublica.

    Chicago Public Schools plans to enroll a student at Shrub Oak starting July 1 at a cost of $597,990 for one year, records show. The district has sent three students to Shrub Oak in recent years but none of them are still there. A district official said in a public Chicago Board of Education meeting on Tuesday that while the district is aware of news stories about problems at Shrub Oak, the student being sent there needs the school’s services and the student’s parent wants the child to attend.

    Education officials in New York declined to comment. There were about 30 students from New York at Shrub Oak this past school year; tuition for New York students often is publicly funded. A disability rights group in that state has been investigating Shrub Oak and, according to court records, has found troubling conditions as well.

    In at least five incidents involving suspected abuse, Shrub Oak told local police that it had fired employees, records show. One of them, a former employee charged with menacing, harassment and endangering the welfare of a disabled person — a student from Chicago — is due in court this week.

    Shrub Oak spokesperson Richard Bamberger previously said that the school contacts police and fires employees who are “involved in an issue.” He did not respond to a request for comment for this story but has said in the past that the school enrolls students who other schools have rejected. Many of them have complex needs and struggle with self-injurious behaviors, aggression and property destruction, Bamberger has said. He has said that security is a top priority and the property is fenced in because some students have left other schools they’ve attended without permission.

    School districts in about a dozen states have sent students to Shrub Oak after determining they can’t be served in their local schools — sometimes after parents sued their districts to be able to send their children there. Most students’ tuition is paid by their public school districts, which are legally obligated to educate all students.

    As the investigations continue, parents of students with profound disabilities who need a high level of support are fretting over the limited number of school options. Some fear the scrutiny of Shrub Oak could lead more states or school districts to pull public funding, leaving them with one less choice for their children. Some parents have told ProPublica they feel their own children are safe and want them to stay at the school.

    Eagan, the Connecticut child advocate, acknowledged the challenges for parents but said having their children at a facility with no oversight isn’t a good solution. “What they need and deserve is a reliable, well-regulated system that ensures their child can access safe and appropriate care in the least restrictive environment. And they’re not getting it.”

    Matthew Brouillard attended Shrub Oak for five months before his parents pulled him from the school after he suffered unexplained injuries. (Photo courtesy of Celeste Brouillard)

    A Connecticut mother whose son went to Shrub Oak for five months until January 2023 said she is glad her state is intervening. Celeste and Roger Brouillard pulled their son from Shrub Oak because of indications he was harmed there, records show.

    “As a taxpaying citizen, not just a parent who had a child who was physically and emotionally harmed there, they should cease funding immediately,” Celeste Brouillard said, referring to state officials.

    Her son Matthew was 17 when he transferred from a different residential school to Shrub Oak after “they made all the promises in the world” that he would get help with daily living and vocational skills as he got older. Instead, “it was five months of hell,” Celeste said. Matthew lost 16 pounds, was left alone in his room for long periods of time, and got multiple black eyes that the staff could not explain, she said.

    In December 2022, doctors at the Connecticut Children’s emergency department noted bruising on Matthew’s back, neck and face and tried to report their concerns that he may have been harmed to four New York agencies, according to medical records.

    An official at Matthew’s school district, Katie Krasula, also filed an abuse and neglect report in New York in February 2023 after receiving photos, staff names and other information, according to an email she sent to Shrub Oak that ProPublica obtained through an open records request. She told Shrub Oak she had concerns about Matthew’s “continued safety and the ability of your staff to provide appropriate care and supervision for him.”

    The school district, Simsbury Public Schools, had contracted to pay more than $530,000 for nearly a year of tuition and an aide for 16 hours a day. Matthew transferred to another residential school.

    Shrub Oak’s spokesperson has declined to comment on individual students’ experiences, but after ProPublica’s investigation published last month, the school posted a statement online that downplayed the publication’s findings and told parents “their children are safe, have always been safe, and are being taught and cared for by trained and caring professionals.”

    Shrub Oak also has criticized the investigation by Disability Rights Connecticut and another by Disability Rights New York. In an April letter from a Shrub Oak attorney to the watchdog organizations, the school said investigators were unqualified to observe or understand autistic students. The letter criticized the groups for not sharing their findings with the school despite the advocacy organizations having made more than 17 requests for documents and information and more than nine unannounced visits.

    The attorney wrote that the school is cooperating but the organizations “are not focused on a complete and balanced understanding of the services and environment SOIS provides to its students. Accordingly, the resulting reports of their investigations are likely to unfairly portray SOIS in a negative light.”

    Help ProPublica Report on Education


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jennifer Smith Richards and Jodi S. Cohen.

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    How the Right Exploits ‘Moms’ to Privatize Education https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/17/how-the-right-exploits-moms-to-privatize-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/17/how-the-right-exploits-moms-to-privatize-education/#respond Mon, 17 Jun 2024 21:03:06 +0000 https://progressive.org/public-schools-advocate/how-the-right-exploits-moms-to-privatize-education-cunningham-20240617/
    This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Maurice Cunningham.

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    After Years of Failed Education Reforms, Chicago Embraces Community Schools https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/17/after-years-of-failed-education-reforms-chicago-embraces-community-schools/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/17/after-years-of-failed-education-reforms-chicago-embraces-community-schools/#respond Mon, 17 Jun 2024 05:55:04 +0000 https://www.counterpunch.org/?p=325743 “Until now, we haven’t even tried to make big-city school districts work, especially for children of color,” Jhoanna Maldonado said when Our Schools asked her to describe what Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson and his supporters have in mind for the public school system of the nation’s third-largest city. Johnson scored a surprising win in the 2023 mayoral More

    The post After Years of Failed Education Reforms, Chicago Embraces Community Schools appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

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    Photo by Benjamin R.

    “Until now, we haven’t even tried to make big-city school districts work, especially for children of color,” Jhoanna Maldonado said when Our Schools asked her to describe what Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson and his supporters have in mind for the public school system of the nation’s third-largest city.

    Johnson scored a surprising win in the 2023 mayoral election against Paul Vallas, a former CEO of Chicago Public Schools (CPS), and education was a key issue in the race, according to multiple newsoutlets. Maldonado is an organizer with the Chicago Teachers Union (CTU), which is reported to have “bankrolled” Johnson’s mayoral campaign along with other labor groups, and Johnson is a former middle school teacher and teachers union organizer. What Johnson and his supporters are doing “is transforming our education system,” Maldonado said. There’s evidence the transformation is sorely needed.

    For the past two decades, Chicago’s schools experienced a cavalcade of negative stories, including recurring fiscal crisis, financial scandals and mismanagement, a long downward slide in student enrollment, persistent underfunding from the state, the “largest mass closing [of schools] in the nation’s history,” and a seemingly endless conflict between the CPS district administration and CTU.

    Yet, there are signs the district may be poised for a rebound.

    After experiencing more than 10 years of enrollment declines between 2012 and 2022, losing more than 81,000 students during this period, and dropping from its status as third-largest school district in the nation to fourth in 2022, CPS reported an enrollment increase for the 2023-2024 school year. Graduation rates hit an all-time high in 2022. The number of students being suspended or arrested on school grounds has also declined significantly. And student scores on reading tests, after a sharp decline during the COVID-19 pandemic, have improved faster than most school districts across the country. Math scores have also rebounded, but are more comparable to other improving districts, according to a 2024 Chalkbeat article.

    “The people of Chicago have had enormous patience as they’ve witnessed years of failed school improvement efforts,” Maldonado said. “And it has taken years for the community to realize that no one else—not charter school operators or so-called reformers—can do the transformation. We have to do it ourselves.”

    “Doing it ourselves” seems to mean rejecting years of policy and governance ideas that have dominated the district, and is what Johnson and his transition committee call, “an era of school reform focused on accountability, high stakes testing, austere budgets, and zero tolerance policies,” in the report, “A Blueprint for Creating a More Just and Vibrant City for All.”

    Johnson and his supporters have been slowly changing the district’s basic policy and governance structures. They are attempting to redefine the daily functions of schools and their relationships with families and their surrounding communities by expanding the number of what they refer to as “sustainable community schools.” The CPS schools that have adopted the community schools idea stand at 20 campuses as of 2024, according to CTU. Johnson and his transition committee’s Blueprint report has called for growing the number of schools using the sustainable community schools approach to 50, with the long-term goal of expanding the number of schools to 200.

    The call to have more CPS schools adopt the community schools approach aligns with a national trend where several school districts, including big-city districts such as Los Angeles and New York City, are embracing the idea.

    Community schools look different in different places because the needs and interests of communities vary, but the basic idea is that schools should address the fundamental causes of academic problems, including student health and well-being. The approach also requires schools to involve students and their families more deeply in school policies and programs and to tap the assets and resources available in the surrounding community to enrich the school.

    In Chicago—where most students are non-white, more than 70 percent are economically disadvantaged, and large percentages need support for English language learning and learning disabilities—addressing root causes for academic problems often means bringing specialized staff and programs into the school to provide more academic and non-academic student and family services, often called wraparound supports. The rationale for this is clear.

    “If a student is taken care of and feels safe and heard and has caring adults, that student is much more ready to learn,” Jennifer VanderPloeg the project manager of CPS’s Sustainable Community Schools told Our Schools. “If [a student is] carrying around a load of trauma, having a lot of unmet needs, or other things [they’re] worrying about, then [they] don’t have the brain space freed up for algebra. That’s just science,” she said.

    “Also important is for students to see themselves in the curriculum and have Black and brown staff members in the school,” said Autumn Berg, director of CPS’s Community Schools Initiative. “All of that matters in determining how a student perceives their surroundings.”

    “Community schools are about creating a culture and climate that is healthy, safe, and loving,” said VanderPloeg. “Sure, it would be ideal if parents would be able to attend to all the unmet needs of our students, but that’s just not the system we live in. And community schools help families access these [unmet] needs too.”

    Also, according to VanderPloeg, community schools give extra support to teachers by providing them with assistance in all of the things teachers don’t have time to attend to, like helping families find access to basic services and finding grants to support after-school and extracurricular programs.

    But while some Chicago educators see the community schools idea as merely a mechanism to add new programs and services to a school’s agenda, others describe it with far more expansive and sweeping language.

    “Community schools are an education model rooted in self-determination and equity for Black and brown people,” Jitu Brown told Our Schools. Brown is the national director of Journey for Justice Alliance, a coalition of Black and brown-led grassroots community, youth, and parent organizations in more than 30 cities.

    “In the Black community, we have historically been denied the right to engage in creating what we want for our community,” Brown said.

    In Chicago, according to Brown, most of the schools serving Black and brown families are struggling because they’ve been led by people who don’t understand the needs of those families. “Class plays a big role in this too,” he said. “The people in charge of our schools have generally been taught to believe they are smarter than the people in the schools they’re leading.”

    But in community schools, Brown sees the opportunity to put different voices in charge of Chicago schools.

    “The community schools strategy is not just about asking students, parents, and the community for their input,” he said. “It’s about asking for their guidance and leadership.”

    It Started with Saving a Neighborhood

    Chicago’s journey of embracing the community schools movement has been long in the making, and Brown gets a lot of credit for bringing the idea to the attention of public school advocates in the city.

    He achieved much of this notoriety in 2015 by leading a hunger strike to reopen Walter H. Dyett High School in Chicago’s predominantly African American Bronzeville community. Among the demands of the strikers—Brandon Johnson was a participant in the protest when he was a CTU organizer—was for the school to be reopened as a “hub” of what they called “a sustainable community school village,” according to Democracy Now.

    The strike received prominent attention in national news outlets, including the New York Times and the Washington Post.

    But Brown’s engagement with the community schools approach started before the fight for Dyett, going back almost two decades when he was a resource coordinator at the South Shore High School of Entrepreneurship, a school created in 2001 when historic South Shore International College Preparatory High School was reorganized into three smaller campuses as part of an education reform effort known as small schools.

    Brown was responsible for organizing educators and community members to pool resources and involve organizations in the community to strengthen the struggling school. He could see that the school was being “set up,” in his words, for either closure or takeover by charter school operators.

    “School privatization in the form of charter schools was coming to our neighborhood,” he said, “and we needed a stronger offer to engage families in rallying to the school and the surrounding community.”

    Brown pushed for the adoption of an approach for transforming schools that reflected a model supported by the National Education Association of full-service community schools.

    That approach was based on five pillars that included a challenging and culturally relevant curriculum, wraparound services for addressing students’ health and well-being, high-quality teaching, student-centered school climate, and community and parent engagement. A sixth pillar, calling for shared leadership in school governance, was eventually added.

    After engaging in “thousands” of conversations in the surrounding historic Kenwood neighborhood, where former President Barack Obama once lived, Brown said that he came to be persuaded that organizing a school around the grassroots desires of students, parents, teachers, and community members was a powerful alternative to school privatization and other top-down reform efforts that undermine teachers and disenfranchise families.

    Brown and his collaborators recognized that the community schools idea was what would turn their vision of a school into a connected system of families, educators, and community working together.

    Years later, two things helped propel the community schools movement in Chicago, according to Brown. First, a national coalition of labor unions and grassroots community organizations called the Alliance to Reclaim Our Schools was formed in 2013 with the dual purpose of opposing the privatization of public schools and advocating for schools and districts to adopt the community schools approach. Brown’s Journey for Justice Alliance was among the founding organizations of that alliance.

    Second, in 2014, Brown saw a successful labor action by teachers in St. Paul, Minnesota, that resulted in the district capitulating to the union’s terms to avoid a strike. The rallying cry that drove the union’s organizing was “bargaining for the common good,” a rhetorical strategy that connected the union’s call for community schools with rising demands from urban neighborhoods of Black and brown families for schools that work for their children.

    According to Brown, the first time the implementation of the community schools approach became part of the CTU’s formal contract negotiations was in 2016, when, under the leadership of the late Karen Lewis, former president of CTU, the union staged a one-day walkout in April and threatened a total shut down of district schools in October. In that successful labor action, CTU’s “priorities” called for creating a sustainable community schools program and instituting a cap on the number of charter schools allowed in the district, Education Week reported in October 2016.

    After CPS acquiesced to most of the demands made by Brown and his fellow hunger strikers in 2016, Dyett High School reopened as a sustainable community school in a cohort of 19 other schools granted that status.

    “We willed Dyett into being reopened,” Brown said. “No one had ever done that.”

    But the strikers’ purpose wasn’t just to preserve a high school and its connected feeder schools, according to Brown. It was about something much bigger. It was about saving their neighborhood and other neighborhoods of Black and brown families like theirs.

    In 2019, the union’s tough contract negotiations, which included a prolonged strike, resulted in a contract agreement from the district to provide at least $10 million in annual funding for sustainable community schools.

    An Alternative to Market-Based Education Reform

    Supporters of the community schools movement in Chicago not only see it as a strategy for empowering Black and brown families but also as an effective counter to the rapid expansion of school privatization schemes that have prevailed across the country for the past 20–30 years, particularly, the dramatic growth of charter schools in metropolitan school districts.

    “Every city where charters go, there’s been a diminishment of Black people in urban spaces,” Brown said, pointing to not only Chicago, where the Black population has declined by 10 percent, according to the 2020 U.S. Census Bureau, even as the number of charter schools has grown, but also to Washington, D.C., a once-majority Black city that has seen that demographic plummet to 41 percent while the charter school industry rapidly expanded. In Oakland, California, which had a 14 percent decline in Black population, based on the 2020 census, the city has transitioned into a charter school “boomtown,” according to KQED.

    “Privatization has crippled Black urban communities across the country,” said Brown, as “we increasingly live in cities where we own nothing,” including the privately run charter schools the communities send their children to. He called this explosion of charters “a form of education colonialism.”

    This rapid growth in school privatization has gone hand in hand with the spread of policy ideas that educators and public school activists in Chicago and elsewhere refer to as market-based educational reforms.

    That approach, as practiced in Chicago, began in the 1990s, according to an analysis by University of Illinois Chicago professor Pauline Lipman, when Illinois state lawmakers gave former Mayor Richard M. Daley sole authority over the district with the power to appoint the district administrator—who was rebranded district CEO—and members of the governing board in 1995.

    “Daley and his successor, Rahm Emanuel, generally filled the board with corporate executives, bankers, and investors and appointed corporate-style managers as CEOs,” wrote Lipman. “These mayor-appointed regimes designed a top-down accountability system that applied business methods to public schools and deployed high stakes standardized tests as a metric to close schools and create a market of privately-run charter schools.”

    This approach became widely known as the portfolio model, in which school leaders run school districts as if they were Wall Street managers overseeing a portfolio of investments and closely track which investments are successful and which are not and open and close schools based on their performance. Privately-run charter schools are brought into the district to provide market competition to the public schools, and funding “follows the child” to whatever form of school a family happens to choose.

    Chicago’s use of the portfolio model “went national,” according to Lipman, in 2002 when, under the George W. Bush administration, Congress enacted the No Child Left Behind legislation and, then again, in 2009 when the Barack Obama administration passed Race to the Top, a program conceived and led by Obama’s Secretary of Education Arne Duncan, who was district CEO of CPS from 2001–2008.

    During those years, the portfolio model was picked up by school leaders in big city districts across the nation, including Los AngelesOaklandNew York CityDenver, and Indianapolis.

    But if CPS, under Mayor Johnson, is truly embarking on a new era of schooling that replaces market-based thinking with the philosophy of community schools, it will take reworking of policies and structures erected during the years of market-based reform.

    In July 2023, Johnson replaced all but one of the appointed members of Chicago’s Board of Education, “bringing in his own allies to oversee the city’s public schools,” according to CBS News.

    Then, the district appealed to state lawmakers to allow the local school board to transition to an elected board. Both chambers of the Illinois state legislature approved the change, and Democratic Governor J.B. Pritzker signed the new policy into law in March 2024.

    Under the new configuration, beginning in January 2025, district governance will change from a seven-member board of education, whose members are all appointed by the mayor, to a hybrid model of 21 members, 10 elected by voters and 11 appointed by the mayor. The first election will be held on November 5, 2024, and Jitu Brown is one of the announced candidates.

    Also, the district will end student-based budgeting, a policy that allocates dollars to schools based on the number of enrolled students and assigns “weighted” funds to students who have specific needs, such as learning disabilities.

    Instead, CPS aims to fund schools based on having a set number of staff members—for instance, every school would have funding for at least one school counselor. Additional monies would be added to school budgets if they serve higher needs students that may require schools to hire tutors, instructional coaches, support for English language learners, or other types of specialists.

    Chicago’s use of student-based budgeting was very much a part of the district’s preference for a system based on school choice, under which education funds would “follow the child” to whatever school they happened to enroll in—public, public magnet, selected enrollment, or charter schools. But, in keeping with the abandonment of market-based policies and the movement toward community schools, Johnson’s appointed board members have announced that they intend to move away from the choice system in favor of a policy emphasizing neighborhood schools, according to reporting by WTTW in December 2023.

    ‘An Opportunity to Bring Forth the Schools Parents Want’

    None of this is to say that Chicago’s rejection of market-based school policy and embrace of community schools will be easy.

    Vestiges of the old ways of operating schools are still everywhere—CPS still has an Office of Portfolio Management, for instance.

    Despite the recent upswing in enrollment, many schools are still under-enrolled, and some schools in the original cohort of 20 schools that adopted the community schools approach have been “particularly hard hit,” according to Chalkbeat.

    Also, Chicago schools are still highly segregated, and a wave of migrant students swamped the district, with more than 36,000 arriving in a year-and-a-half’s time, according to WBEZ Chicago’s March 2024 article.

    Funding remains a concern too, as the district is expecting a $391 million deficit for the 2024-2025 school year, and Illinois state lawmakers have fallen woefully short of appropriating the education funding levels through the landmark legislation enacted in 2017.

    According to a 2024 analysis by the Chicago-based Center for Tax and Budget Accountability, 70 percent of the state’s school districts are getting less education funding from the state than what was mandated by the 2017 law. According to Chalkbeat’s reporting on that analysis, Illinois will not meet the required 2027 deadline to adequately fund the state’s schools and will likely not meet that deadline until 2034 if current funding levels continue.

    State funding for CPS also gets hit when the district loses students, especially low-income students, and the value of the city’s property tax base increases, according to Chalkbeat.

    Johnson also faces a number of other daunting challenges that have nothing to do with schools but could undermine his education agenda.

    Nevertheless, Chicago schools may benefit from adopting the community schools approach despite these challenges.

    For instance, when Brighton Park Elementary—which follows the community schools approach—suddenly experienced a large influx of migrant students, it quickly responded with a support group and additional resources to address the physical and mental health needs of the students.

    “In some ways, Brighton Park is well-positioned to host this support group,” Chalkbeat reported, because, as a community school, it had an existing partnership with a nonprofit organization, the Brighton Park Neighborhood Council, which created the support group and provided training “on the model that the support group is based on.”

    CTU organizer Maldonado also described how the leadership culture of the district has changed for the better due, in part, to the inclusive leadership practices entailed in the community schools approach.

    “Under new leadership,” she said, “the discussion is more collaborative, and the district administration is listening, which wasn’t the case in the past.”

    Through its community schools approach “CPS is committed to providing voice and agency to students and families,” said CPS’s Berg. “Community schools are the mechanism to do that. [Students and families] get to participate in seeing what goes into their schools. And when parents and students have more voice in their schools and see [their voices] make a difference, you start to see families being more connected to the school.”

    Also, the model ensures “there are more caring adults in the school,” she said, “not just the social worker and the counselor but [everyone] coming together with the families.”

    “The city’s leadership tried to do the transformation with charters and realized that those schools are no more effective than the schools they accused of being failures,” Maldonado said. “This is an opportunity to bring forth the schools parents want to have their children in, teachers want to work in, and students need.”

    Brown said, “Getting new leadership is critical to improving schools in Chicago, especially for the ones serving Black families.” With Johnson as mayor, he said, Black families now have someone in charge who has been on the right side of the education justice movement.

    “Having the community schools approach in place in more schools means Black families now have a structure in place to ensure that schools will listen to them,” he said.

    This article was produced by Our Schools.

    The post After Years of Failed Education Reforms, Chicago Embraces Community Schools appeared first on CounterPunch.org.


    This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Jeff Bryant.

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    Education head condemns Israel’s ‘shameful’ ruin of UN schools in Gaza https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/15/education-head-condemns-israels-shameful-ruin-of-un-schools-in-gaza/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/15/education-head-condemns-israels-shameful-ruin-of-un-schools-in-gaza/#respond Sat, 15 Jun 2024 05:07:16 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=102698 Asia Pacific Report

    Israel’s targeting of educational institutes across Gaza is “shameful” and contributing to a global crisis for students, says the head of an educational foundation.

    Talal al-Hathal, director of the Al Fakhoora Programme at Education Above All foundation in Qatar, said: “War has exacerbated the plight of Gaza’s educational sector.”

    Israel’s targeting of educational institutes across Gaza was “shameful as we consider the global education crisis where we see that more than 250 million children are out of school globally”, said Al-Hathal.

    Hundreds of educational institutes in Gaza, including schools run by the UN, have been bombed, and students and teachers killed.

    The attacks have ravaged educational infrastructure and caused mental trauma to thousands of beleaguered students.

    “The war will undoubtedly leave educational institutions, access to critical infrastructure, and the regularity of the education process in Gaza in a worse state than before the war,” al-Hathal told Al Jazeera.

    “With almost 400 school buildings in Gaza sustaining damage, the war has exacerbated the plight of the educational sector.

    “This damage is compounded by the internal displacement with these schools now serving as shelters and hosting nearly four times their intended capacity, further burdening the already strained educational infrastructure.”

    Jordan’s king laments ‘Gaza failure’
    Meanwhile, Jordan’s king has said the international community has failed to find solution to the Gaza war

    Speaking at the G7 summit in Italy, Jordan’s King Abdullah II has called the greatest threat to the Middle East region was the continued occupation of Palestine by Israel.

    As the latest attempt to reach an agreement that could lead to a full ceasefire remains stalled, he said the international community had not done enough to bring about peace.

    “The international community has failed to achieve the only solution that guarantees the security of the Palestinians, Israelis, the region and the world,” he said.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Two Visions of a Populist Education System https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/10/two-visions-of-a-populist-education-system/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/10/two-visions-of-a-populist-education-system/#respond Mon, 10 Jun 2024 19:47:32 +0000 https://progressive.org/public-schools-advocate/two-visions-of-a-populist-education-system-bryant-20240610/
    This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Jeff Bryant.

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    The Weaponization of Health Care and Education is Incompatible with Democracy https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/10/the-weaponization-of-health-care-and-education-is-incompatible-with-democracy/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/10/the-weaponization-of-health-care-and-education-is-incompatible-with-democracy/#respond Mon, 10 Jun 2024 19:24:44 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=151010 Terror: noun ter· ror ˈter-ər  ˈte-rər plural: terrors Violence or the threat of violence used as a weapon of intimidation or coercion — Merriam-Webster, 1828 While the Western elites continue to pour money and materiel into their terrorist proxies in Kiev and Tel Aviv American society is grappling under the iron heel of a different kind […]

    The post The Weaponization of Health Care and Education is Incompatible with Democracy first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>

    Terror: noun
    ter· ror ˈter-ər  ˈte-rər
    plural: terrors

    Violence or the threat of violence used as a weapon of intimidation or coercion

    — Merriam-Webster, 1828

    While the Western elites continue to pour money and materiel into their terrorist proxies in Kiev and Tel Aviv American society is grappling under the iron heel of a different kind of siege. Indeed, two of the deadliest truncheons in Washington’s war on the American people are the weaponization of heath care and the weaponization of education. The hijacking of these two indispensable institutions by demonic corporate forces is antithetical to democracy and has played a critical role in spawning this anarchic dark age of neoliberal barbarism.

    In any civilized society it must be accepted as self-evident that good public health care and education are rights and not privileges. Once these two institutions fall under the aegis of the latter democracy is no longer sustainable. As it is presently constructed, American education exists to cultivate indentured servitude through the generation of student loan debt (currently in excess of 1.7 trillion dollars) while relentlessly fomenting philistinism, tribalism, blind obedience, consumerism, overspecialization, Zionism, biofascism, humanitarian interventionism, Russophobia, unfettered capitalism, the cult of careerism and the myth of the meritocracy.

    As Samuel Beckett warned in Gnome, the growing utilitarian trend in education portends a profoundly ominous future:

    Spend the years of learning squandering
    Courage for the years of wandering
    Through a world politely turning
    From the loutishness of learning.

    Without an education system anchored in the humanities students are increasingly raised in a culturally, intellectually, and morally impoverished world where nothing is valued except money and one’s career.

    The multicultural curriculum and identity studies have usurped the position of the humanities and constitute an anti-humanities curriculum, as the foundational building blocks of America’s heritage are now routinely vilified as “racist,” a ruse for the cultivation of extreme forms of anti-intellectualism and sectarianism. However, just as a broken clock is right once during the day, the neoliberal obsession with “white supremacy” has backfired with regards to the Zionist entity, as in this particular instance this is, in fact, a classic case of white supremacy where an authoritarian settler colonial regime relentlessly oppresses natives of color.

    One of the most striking aspects of the multicultural society is the prevalence with which one encounters Americans with prestigious degrees who can speak at length about a highly specialized thing in the visual arts, performing arts, medicine, academia, STEM, or finance yet are incapable of seeing the forest for the trees outside of their narrow area of focus. This phenomenon is readily observed with physicians who can speak tirelessly about a subspecialty such as brain tumors or hematology without having even the most rudimentary understanding of the deplorable state of informed consent and the absence of single-payer, let alone the Ukraine war, or the recent wars in Libya, Syria, or Yugoslavia. This transforms what was once a reasonably educated middle class into an army of technocratic automatons.

    I once attended a wedding during the George W. Bush years and bumped into an acquaintance who was working as a corporate lawyer at the time. The Military Commissions Act had recently been passed and I asked him what he thought of it, to which he replied, “I haven’t been following it.” This is someone who has degrees from Harvard, Oxford, and the University of Chicago. Lamentably, overspecialized sociopaths with the most advanced degrees that are operating intellectually at the level of a kindergartner has become an integral feature of neoliberal America.

    That the most indoctrinated Americans often have the most elite degrees should come as no surprise if we acknowledge the fact that blind obedience is extolled and rewarded while the humanities and critical thinking are relentlessly heaped with scorn, ridicule, and contempt. The violence that has been meted out to the anti-Zionist college protestors, often with the full support of their universities to which they pay obscene tuitions, underscores academia’s disdain for the peasantry and these brave students that have heretically strayed from their ideologically designated reservations.

    Between the destruction of the humanities, horrendous overcrowding, and the loss of any semblance of discipline the inner city public schools have been degraded to the point where many of these schools function more as juvenile detention centers rather than centers of learning. Upon arriving at the front gate students routinely encounter metal detectors and armed guards. How can “education” take place in such an environment? It is no coincidence that these schools invariably fail to teach their students classes in civics.

    Increasingly, American youth are immersed in an appalling environment of moral degradation, nihilism, and historical erasure, a prison of the soul where students are inculcated with the pernicious idea that success can only be measured with regards to dollars and cents leading to a dissolution of reason and compassion, without which a human being is nothing more than a burned-out husk, an amorphous phantom in the night.

    Deleterious health outcomes and serious socio-economic problems tied to a lack of a humane nationalized health care system include millions of medical bankruptcies, patients postponing care they cannot afford, an ever-present fear of losing one’s job and one’s insurance along with it, Americans trapped in toxic marriages where one spouse is dependent on the other for their health insurance, doctors taking money and gifts from drug companies leading to an erosion of informed consent, the regulatory capture of health care agencies and medical journals by pharmaceutical companies, patients forced to work with doctors they do not wish to work with, Medicaid patients that are not allowed to earn more than a few thousand dollars per year, a deranged system of hundreds of different health insurance plans exacerbating alienation and atomization, millions of Americans that are compelled to abandon their health insurance each year as their jobs and incomes change leading to incessant disruptions in doctor-patient relationships and patients that are suddenly unable to obtain medicines indispensable to their well-being.

    Regarding this last point: try talking to almost any American doctor about your fear of losing your insurance or of being chronically under-insured. You are speaking with someone who is living on another planet, as they are accustomed to always having one of the very finest plans, rendering the world in which the average American inhabits utterly alien to them. Can a country with such extreme forms of inequality even be called a real society?

    One of my high school classmates has become the director of one of the biggest human rights NGOs, and I see her posting Russophobic propaganda on Twitter from time to time. The point here is that her keeping this prestigious position is contingent on her parroting whatever the mass media says. Who in such a coveted job wants to learn all about the Banderite putsch and the siege of the Donbass, start openly questioning NATO designs in Eastern Europe, and then lose a great income along with one of the best health insurance plans? The same could be said of the doctors who intuitively sensed that “the science” behind the Branch Covidian coup was nonsense, but were afraid to risk their jobs which they need to pay off hundreds of thousands of dollars in student loans while maintaining their excellent health care coverage. In neoliberal America, the line between “success” and selling hot dogs in Central Park is very fine indeed.

    The perversion and defilement of these two healing professions, so vital to solidarity, knowledge, and the cultivation of the human spirit into instruments of subjugation and control has destroyed any semblance of a humane society and serves to further terrorize a population already reeling from grievous assaults on the First Amendment and bodily autonomy, along with a catastrophic crisis of household debt.

    It is noteworthy that the authorities in Donetsk and Lugansk maintained nationalized health and education systems during their eight year war with the Banderite junta prior to the Russian military intervention, and this was achieved at a time when they existed in an existential no man’s land, being neither a part of Russia nor Ukraine. This deep state hijacking of education and health care, institutions which have been crying out for nationalization for decades, is indicative of a ruling class that has abdicated any sense of social responsibility towards its citizens.

    Ultimately, American health care and education are not run by incompetents but by rapacious and despotic oligarchic forces. That these hallowed institutions have been transformed into tools of oppression is a monstrous demonstration of their barbarism. The horrors this has unleashed threaten civilization itself.

    The post The Weaponization of Health Care and Education is Incompatible with Democracy first appeared on Dissident Voice.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by David Penner.

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    FestPAC 2024: Largest celebration of indigenous Pacific islanders kicks off https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/06/festpac-2024-largest-celebration-of-indigenous-pacific-islanders-kicks-off/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/06/festpac-2024-largest-celebration-of-indigenous-pacific-islanders-kicks-off/#respond Thu, 06 Jun 2024 03:33:48 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=102350 By Tiana Haxton, RNZ Pacific in Hawai’i

    After an eight-year break due to the covid pandemic, the world’s largest Pacific festival is kicking off again this week.

    Hundreds of indigenous Pacific islanders are gathered in Hawai’i for the 13th Festival of Pacific Arts and Culture (FestPAC).

    The event was established more than 50 years ago in 1972, aimed at providing a space for indigenous people to come together and keep their traditional practices alive.

    Usually held every four years, the festival is a highly anticipated calendar event, showcasing high calibre dance performances, traditional arts and crafts, oral traditions and much, much more.

    Twenty-seven Pacific nations are involved in this year’s cultural exchange, with a packed 10-day programme promising to teleport festival-goers into the heart of each country, experiencing the sights, sounds, and flavours of the region.

    Random pretty waikiki water body (convention centre on the right too)
    The Hawaii Convention Centre ( right) will be the main hive of activities over the next fortnight. Image: RNZ Pacific/Tiana Haxton

    Festival director Dr Aaron Sala told RNZ Pacific the festival honours Pacific ancestors and recognises the valuable traditional knowledge held and passed on by community elders.

    “Youth can sit at the feet of elders, to learn, to literally touch the hands of elders as they weave, to thus know the world that our ancestors lived in,” he said.

    ‘Power of FestPAC’
    “That is the power of the Festival of Pacific Arts and Culture.”

    With most Pacific delegations coming with more than 100 team members, there is a large number of young people who are attending and participating for the first time.

    Dr Aaron and Tiana Haxton
    Festival director Dr Aaron Sala (left) with RNZ Pacific’s Tiana Haxton, who will be covering the FestPAC. Image: RNZ Pacific/Tiana Haxton

    Travelling all the way from the Federated States of Micronesia is Christopher Sigrah.

    “I’m so excited to be here, I’m looking forward to the performances, the arts, the carving,” he said.

    “For past festivals I’ve been watching them online, so being here in person this time means a lot.”

    With it being his first time alongside his peers, Sigrah said they are all hyped up to share their cultural heritage with the world.

    FSM delegates at FestPPAC. (SIGRAH tallest dude no hat)
    FSM delegates at FestPPAC. Christopher Sigrah is second from right. Image: RNZ Pacific/Tiana Haxton

    Flying the Cook Islands flag is Ambushia Mateariki, a famous champion dancer in the community.

    She is a part of the performing arts team who have spent the past year choreographing traditional dance performances for the festival.

    ‘Very excited, honoured’
    Speaking to RNZ Pacific after their rehearsal on Tuesday, Mateariki said she was “very excited, grateful and honoured to be here and represent my homeland.”

    “This is very important for my people, because we are here to promote and showcase our beautiful Cook Islands culture through dance.”

    Cook Islands ladies (MATEARIKI in centre with yellow flower)
    Cook Islands dancers (Ambushia Mateariki in centre with yellow flower). Image: RNZ Pacific/Tiana Haxton

    The festival’s grand opening is on Thursday, June 6 (Hawai’i time — tomorrow NZ time).

    Thousands are expected to attend and get their first taste of what to expect as the hundreds of delegates parade the Stan Sheriff Centre grounds for the official opening ceremony.

    The Hawai’i Convention Centre will be the main hive of activities in the two weeks to follow, with Pacific Village spaces spread out across the venue, offering a unique cultural experience for all.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    Royal Hawaiian Band welcoming Maori King at airport.
    Royal Hawaiian Band welcoming Māori King at the Honolulu International Airport. Image: RNZ Pacific/Tiana Haxton


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    “No Schoolers”: How Illinois’ Hands-Off Approach to Homeschooling Leaves Children at Risk https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/05/no-schoolers-how-illinois-hands-off-approach-to-homeschooling-leaves-children-at-risk/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/05/no-schoolers-how-illinois-hands-off-approach-to-homeschooling-leaves-children-at-risk/#respond Wed, 05 Jun 2024 12:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/illinois-homeschool-education-regulations by Molly Parker and Beth Hundsdorfer, Capitol News Illinois

    This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with Capitol News Illinois. Sign up for Dispatches to get stories like this one as soon as they are published.

    It was on L.J.’s 11th birthday, in December 2022, that child welfare workers finally took him away. They arrived at his central Illinois home to investigate an abuse allegation and decided on the spot to remove the boy along with his baby brother and sister — the “Irish twins,” as their parents called them.

    His mother begged to keep the children while her boyfriend told child welfare workers and the police called to the scene that they could take L.J.: “You wanna take someone? Take that little motherfucker down there or wherever the fuck he is at. I’ve been trying to get him out of here for a long time.”

    By that time, L.J. told authorities he hadn’t been in a classroom for years, according to police records. First came COVID-19. Then, in August 2021 when he was going to have to repeat the third grade, his mother and her boyfriend decided that L.J. would be homeschooled and that they would be his teachers. In an instant, his world shrank to the confines of a one-bedroom apartment in the small Illinois college town of Charleston — no teachers, counselors or classmates.

    In that apartment, L.J. would later tell police, he was beaten and denied food: Getting leftovers from the refrigerator was punishable by a whipping with a belt; sass was met with a slap in the face.

    L.J. told police he got no lessons or schoolwork at home. Asked if he had learned much, L.J. replied, “Not really.”

    L.J. told police that he was sometimes left alone to care for his baby siblings and punished for eating food without permission, according to Charleston Police Department records. (Obtained by Capitol News Illinois and ProPublica. Highlighted and redacted by ProPublica.)

    Reporters are using the first and middle initials of the boy, who is now 12 and remains in state custody, to protect his identity.

    While each state has different regulations for homeschooling — and most of them are relatively weak — Illinois is among a small minority that places virtually no rules on parents who homeschool their children: The parents aren’t required to register with any governmental agency, and no tests are required. Under Illinois law, they must provide an education equivalent to what is offered in public schools, covering core subjects like math, language arts, science and health. But parents don’t have to have a high school diploma or GED, and state authorities cannot compel them to demonstrate their teaching methods or prove attendance, curriculum or testing outcomes.

    The Illinois State Board of Education said in a statement that regional education offices are empowered by Illinois law to request evidence that a family that homeschools is providing an adequate course of instruction. But, the spokesperson said, their “ability to intervene can be limited.”

    Educational officials say this lack of regulation allows parents to pull vulnerable children like L.J. from public schools then not provide any education for them. They call them “no schoolers.”

    No oversight also means children schooled at home lose the protections schools provide, including teachers, counselors, coaches and bus drivers — school personnel legally bound to report suspected child abuse and neglect. Under Illinois law, parents may homeschool even if they would be disqualified from working with youth in any other setting; this includes parents with violent criminal records or pending child abuse investigations, or those found to have abused children in the past.

    The number of students from preschool to 12th grade enrolled in the state’s public schools has dropped by about 127,000 since the pandemic began. Enrollment losses have outpaced declines in population, according to a report by Advance Illinois, a nonprofit education policy and advocacy organization. And, despite conventional wisdom, the drop was also not the result of wealthier families moving their children to private schools: After the pandemic, private school enrollment declined too, according to the same report.

    In the face of this historic exodus from public schools, Capitol News Illinois and ProPublica set out to examine the lack of oversight by education and child welfare systems when some of those children disappear into families later accused of no-schooling and, sometimes, abuse and neglect.

    Reporters found no centralized system for investigating homeschooling concerns. Educational officials said they were ill equipped to handle cases where parents are accused of neglecting their children’s education. They also said the state’s laws made it all but impossible to intervene in cases where parents claim they are homeschooling. Reporters also found that under the current structure, concerns about homeschooling bounce between child welfare and education authorities, with no entity fully prepared to step in.

    “Although we have parents that do a great job of homeschooling, we have many ‘no schoolers’” said Angie Zarvell, superintendent of a regional education office about 100 miles southwest of Chicago that covers three counties and 23 school districts. “The damage this is doing to small rural areas is great. These children will not have the basic skills needed to be contributing members of society.”

    Regional education offices, like the one Zarvell oversees, are required by law to identify children who are truant and try to help get them back into school.

    We have many ‘no schoolers.’ The damage this is doing to small rural areas is great. These children will not have the basic skills needed to be contributing members of society.

    —Angie Zarvell, superintendent of a regional education office that covers 23 school districts

    But once parents claim they are homeschooling, “our hands are tied,” said Superintendent Michelle Mueller, whose regional office is located about 60 miles north of St. Louis.

    Even the state’s child welfare agency can do little: Reports to its child abuse hotline alleging that parents are depriving their children of an education have multiplied, but the Department of Children and Family Services doesn’t investigate schooling matters. Instead, it passes reports to regional education offices.

    Todd Vilardo, who since 2017 has been superintendent of the school district where L.J. was enrolled, said he is seeing more and more children outside of school during the day. He wonders, “‘Aren’t they supposed to be in school?’ But I’m reminded that maybe they’re homeschooled,” said Vilardo, who has worked in the Charleston school district for 33 years. “Then I’m reminded that there are very few effective checks and balances on home schools.”

    “A Huge Crack in Our System”

    There’s no way to determine the precise number of children who are homeschooled. In 2022, 4,493 children were recorded as withdrawn to homeschool, a number that is likely much higher because Illinois doesn’t require parents to register homeschooled children. That is a little more than double the number a decade before.

    In late fall of 2020, L.J. was one of the kids who slipped out of school. After a roughly five-month hiatus from the classroom during the pandemic, L.J.’s school resumed in-person classes. The third grader, however, was frequently absent.

    At home, tensions ran high. In the 640-square-foot apartment, L.J.’s mother, Ashley White, and her boyfriend, Brian Anderson, juggled the demands of three children including two born just about 10 months apart.

    White, now 31, worked at a local fast-food restaurant. Anderson, now 51, who uses a wheelchair, had applied for disability payments. Anderson doesn’t have a valid driver’s license. The family lived in a subsidized housing complex for low-income seniors and people with disabilities.

    In an interview with reporters in late February, 14 months after L.J. had been taken into custody by the state, the couple offered a range of explanations for why he hadn’t been in school. L.J. had been suspended and barred from returning, they said, though school records show no expulsion. They also said they had tried to put L.J. in an alternative school for children with special needs, but he didn’t have a diagnosis that qualified him to attend.

    The couple made clear they believed that L.J. was a problem child who could get them in trouble; they said they thought he could get them sued. In the interview, Anderson called L.J. a pathological liar, a thief and a bad kid.

    “I have 11 kids, never had a problem with any of them, never,” Anderson said. “I’ve never had a problem like this,” he said of L.J. The boy, he said, lacked discipline and continued to get “worse and worse and worse every year” he’d known him.

    To support the idea that L.J. was combative, White provided a copy of a screenshot taken from a school chat forum in which the boy cursed at his schoolmates.

    At the end of the school year, in spring 2021, the principal told White and Anderson that the boy would have to repeat the third grade. Rather than have L.J. held back, the couple pulled him out of school to homeschool. They didn’t have to fill out any paperwork or give a reason.

    On any given day in Illinois, a parent can make that same decision. That’s due to a series of court and legislative decisions that strengthened parents’ rights against state interference in how they educate their children.

    In 1950, the Illinois Supreme Court heard a case involving college-educated parents who kept their 7-year-old daughter at home. Those parents, Seventh-day Adventists, argued that a public school education produced a “pugnacious character” and believed the mother was the best teacher and nature was the best textbook. The judges ruled in their favor, finding that, in many respects under the law, homeschools are essentially like private schools: not required to register kids with the state and not subject to testing or curriculum mandates.

    In 1989, the legislature voted to change how educational neglect cases are handled. Before the vote, DCFS was allowed to investigate parents who failed to ensure their child’s education just as it does other types of neglect. In a bipartisan vote, the General Assembly changed that, in part to reduce caseloads on DCFS — which has been overburdened and inadequately staffed for decades — and also in response to concerns about state interference from families who homeschool.

    Since then, DCFS has referred complaints about schooling that come in to its child abuse hotline over to regional offices of education. The letter accompanying the educational neglect referral form ends with: “This notice is for your information and pursuit only. No response to this office is required.”

    The Department of Children and Family Services forwards educational neglect claims made to its hotline to regional offices of education handling truancy, stating educational officials need not report findings back. (Obtained by Capitol News Illinois and ProPublica. Highlighted by ProPublica.)

    Tierney Stutz, executive deputy director at DCFS, said that regional education officials are welcome to report back findings, but that “DCFS does not have statutory authority to act on this information.”

    “Unfortunately, this is a huge crack in our system,” said Amber Quirk, regional superintendent of the office of education that covers densely populated DuPage County in the Chicago suburbs.

    To see how this system is working, reporters obtained more than 450 of these educational neglect reports, representing over a third of the more than 1,200 forwarded by DCFS over three years ending in 2023. About 10% of them specifically cited substandard homeschooling claims. But officials said that in many of the other reported cases of kids out of school, they found that families also claimed they were homeschooling.

    Faced with cases of truancy or educational neglect, county prosecutors can press charges against parents. But if they do, parents can lean on Illinois’ parental protections when they defend themselves in court from a truancy charge.

    That’s been the experience of Dirk Muffler, who oversees truancy intervention at a regional office of education covering five counties in west-central Illinois. “We’ve gone through an entire truancy process, literally standing on the courthouse steps getting ready to walk in to screen a kid into court and the parents say, ‘We are homeschooling.’ I have to just walk away then.”

    More recently, the ISBE made one more decision to loosen the monitoring of parents who homeschool: For years, school districts and regional offices distributed voluntary registration forms to families who homeschool, some of whom returned them. Then last year, the state agency told those regional offices that they no longer had to send those forms to ISBE.

    All we want is to be left alone. And Illinois has been so good. We have probably the best state in the nation to homeschool.

    —Kirk Smith, executive director of Illinois Christian Home Educators

    “The homeschool registration form was being misinterpreted in some instances that ISBE was reviewing or approving homeschool programs, which it does not have statutory authority to do,” an ISBE spokesperson told the news organizations.

    Over the years, the legislature has taken up proposals to strengthen the state’s oversight of homeschooling. In 2011, lawmakers considered requiring parents to notify their local school districts of their intent to homeschool, and in 2019 they considered calling for DCFS to inspect all homeschools and have ISBE approve their curriculum.

    Each time, however, the state’s strong homeschooling lobby, mostly made up of religious-based organizations, stepped in.

    This March, under sponsorship of the Illinois Christian Home Educators, homeschoolers massed at the state Capitol as they have for decades for Cherry Pie Day, bringing pies to each of the state’s 177 lawmakers.

    Families who homeschool and their supporters assembled at the Illinois Capitol in March to give lawmakers cherry pies, a gesture of gratitude for maintaining regulation-free homeschooling. (Dominique Martinez-Powell/Saluki Local Reporting Lab, for Capitol News Illinois)

    Kirk Smith, the organization’s executive director and former public school teacher, summed up his group’s appeal to lawmakers: “All we want is to be left alone. And Illinois has been so good. We have probably the best state in the nation to homeschool.”

    “Nobody Knows. He’s Not in School.”

    Just days after child protection workers took 11-year-old L.J. into protective custody on his birthday, a 9-year-old homeschooled boy, 240 miles away, disappeared and was missing for months before police went looking for him.

    Though the case of Zion Staples was covered in the media, it has not been previously reported that his homeschooling status delayed the discovery of his death.

    Zion had been living in Rock Island, in the northwest part of the state, with his mother, Sushi Staples. The family had a long history of abuse and neglect investigations by DCFS, and Staples had lost two kids to foster care in Illinois nearly two decades before because she mistreated them; the children were not returned to her. The most recent investigation by DCFS was in 2021. The department did not find enough evidence to find mistreatment and the case was closed.

    Despite her past involvement with child welfare services, no Illinois laws restricted her from homeschooling the children who remained in her care, including Zion and five others who were then ages 8 to 14.

    When reporters asked DCFS for his schooling status, the agency’s responses revealed considerable confusion about where he was being educated. DCFS originally told the news organizations that Zion was enrolled in an online school program, but the company that DCFS said had been providing his schooling told reporters that Zion had never been enrolled. DCFS later clarified that his mother said he was leaving public school in August 2021 to attend an online program, but no one was required to verify this information.

    On a December morning in 2022, Staples told police she returned home from running errands and found Zion dead. A coroner would later find that he died from an accidental, self-inflicted shot fired from a gun the children found in the house. His mother hid the body and later confided to her friend, Laterrica Wilson, that she did it because she did not want to risk losing her other children.

    “She said: ‘Nobody knows. He’s not in school. He’s homeschooled. I’ve got this figured out,’” Wilson recalled in an interview with a reporter about a conversation she had with Staples a few months after the child had died. “She said she had too much to lose.”

    Wilson, who lives in Florida, said it was one of several calls she had with Staples over the course of months as she tried to figure out what had happened and what to do about it. Police records indicate that in July, in response to a call from Wilson, they visited the home. Staples denied the child even existed. Later, when police executed a search warrant, officers found Zion’s body in a metal trash can in the garage; he was still wearing his Spiderman pajama bottoms. He’d been dead for seven months, an autopsy revealed.

    Staples was charged with concealing a death, failure to report the death of a child within 24 hours and obstructing justice. Staples pleaded guilty to felony endangering the health of a child in February and was sentenced to two years in prison in April.

    Staples did not respond to a letter sent to her in prison seeking comment on this case.

    DCFS and its university partners study all sorts of risks to children involved with the child welfare system, but they’ve never examined homeschooling and do not track the number of children the agency comes in contact with who are homeschooled. While the agency’s inspector general is required to file reports on every child who dies in foster care or whose family the agency had investigated within the preceding year of the child’s death, the children’s schooling status is rarely noted in them.

    For L.J., homeschooling rules also blinded school officials to abuse he suffered, although their administrative office is within sight of his apartment complex. About five months passed from when he was withdrawn to homeschool in the summer of 2021 before the first signs of help arrived. Following a call to its hotline in January 2022, DCFS found White and Anderson neglectful, citing inadequate supervision, but that did not result in L.J. returning to school. DCFS offered services, but Anderson and White declined.

    DCFS received more calls to its hotline in June 2022 and again that September, alleging that Anderson and White had mistreated L.J. In both of those cases, DCFS investigators did not find enough evidence to support those allegations and closed the cases.

    The caller in September told DCFS the boy appeared malnourished. L.J. hadn’t been in school since 2019, the caller reported. But DCFS said they did not pursue an investigation into his schooling matters because it wasn’t in their policies to do so.

    It did send an educational neglect report to Kyle Thompson, the superintendent of schools overseeing the regional office of education in Charleston. The form didn’t mention physical abuse, but it did say that L.J. had begged for food from neighbors, that doctors were concerned about his weight and that a DCFS caseworker had recently visited the home but no one had answered the door.

    DCFS fielded a complaint about L.J. to its hotline in September 2022 that included concerns about his eating and weight; it also said he hadn’t been in school for years. The department forwarded these details on an educational neglect report to the regional office of education in Charleston. (Obtained by Capitol News Illinois and ProPublica. Highlighted by ProPublica.)

    Thompson was in his office when the educational neglect report ended up on his desk on an October afternoon. Alarmed when he read the allegations, Thompson went to the apartment that same day. White and Anderson came to the door, Thompson recalled, and eventually agreed to meet with school officials.

    “I really feel like we may have saved that kid’s life that day,” Thompson said.

    But Anderson and White continued to keep L.J. at home.

    In November, a grocery store manager found L.J. in the parking lot begging for quarters and called police, who took L.J. home and later issued a ticket to White and Anderson for violating a city truancy ordinance. L.J. hadn’t been to school the whole year — 70 days.

    Anderson said he didn’t know why he was cited, since he was homeschooling. “Apparently, it wasn’t good enough for the school system,” he told reporters.

    A few days later, police and child welfare services again visited the home and found welts and bruises on L.J.’s back. L.J. said Anderson had beaten him with a belt as punishment for eating leftover Salisbury steak and potatoes without permission. The boy also told child welfare workers he had not showered for two weeks.

    Anderson and White would later tell reporters L.J. was on a diet of fruits and vegetables because he was too fat and prediabetic, but L.J. told police he ate mostly cereal. Though DCFS found credible evidence of both neglect and abuse in its November and December investigations, the couple said they did not abuse L.J. or deny him an education. They are still trying to get the two younger children back, but they say they don’t want L.J. In an April court custody hearing, a judge in their child welfare case admonished them for not accepting responsibility for their treatment of L.J., including keeping him from school.

    For its part, the state did ultimately take responsibility for L.J.’s schooling: Caseworkers took the children into custody on a Friday. The following Monday, L.J. returned to public school.

    Help ProPublica Report on Education

    Have a news tip regarding homeschooling, chronic truancy or educational neglect? Email them to Molly Parker or Beth Hundsdorfer at investigations@capitolnewsillinois.com.

    Mollie Simon of ProPublica contributed research. Andrew Adams of Capitol News Illinois contributed data reporting.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Molly Parker and Beth Hundsdorfer, Capitol News Illinois.

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    Columbia Law Review website shut down over ‘censored’ article critical of Israel https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/05/columbia-law-review-website-shut-down-over-censored-article-critical-of-israel/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/05/columbia-law-review-website-shut-down-over-censored-article-critical-of-israel/#respond Wed, 05 Jun 2024 08:38:28 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=102332 Pacific Media Watch

    The editorial board of the Columbia Law Review journal — made up of faculty and alumni from the university’s law school — shut down the review’s website on Monday after editors refused to halt publication of an academic article by a Palestinian human rights lawyer that was critical of Israel.

    Al Jazeera reports that the student editors of the journal said they were pressured by the board to not publish the article which accused Israel of carrying out genocide in Gaza and implementing an apartheid regime against Palestinians.

    The review’s website was taken down after the article was published on Monday morning and remained offline last night, reports AP news agency.

    Columbia Law Review
    Columbia Law Review . . . “under maintenance”. Image: APR screenshot

    A static homepage informed visitors the domain was “under maintenance”.

    Several editors at the Columbia Law Review described the board’s intervention as an unprecedented breach of editorial independence at the periodical.

    In a letter sent to student editors yesterday, the board of directors said it was concerned that the article, titled “Nakba as a Legal Concept,” had not gone through the “usual processes of review or selection for articles”.

    However, the editor involved in soliciting and editing the aricle said they had followed a “rigorous review process”.

    ‘A microcosm of repression’
    The author of the article, human rights lawyer Rabea Eghbariah, a Harvard doctoral candidate, said the suspension of the journal’s website should be seen as “a microcosm of a broader authoritarian repression taking place across US campuses”.

    The Intercept reports that this was the second time in barely eight months that Eghbariah had been censored by US academic publications.

    Columbia Law Review
    Columbia Law Review . . . second journal to censor Palestinian law scholar over Nakba truth. Image: APR screenshot

    Last November, the Harvard Law Review made the unprecedented decision to “kill” (not publish) the author’s edited essay prior to publication. The author was due to be the first Palestinian legal scholar published in the quality journal.

    As The Intercept reported at the time, “Eghbariah’s essay — an argument for establishing ‘Nakba’, the expulsion, dispossession, and oppression of Palestinians, as a formal legal concept that widens its scope — faced extraordinary editorial scrutiny and eventual censorship.”

    “When the Harvard publication spiked his article, editors from another Ivy League law school reached out to Eghbariah.

    “Students from the Columbia Law Review solicited a new article from the scholar and, upon receiving it, decided to edit it and prepare it for publication.

    “Now, eight months into Israel’s onslaught against Gaza, Eghbariah’s work has once again been stifled.”


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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    Author Kiley Reid on money and day jobs and creative work https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/05/author-kiley-reid-on-money-and-day-jobs-and-creative-work/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/05/author-kiley-reid-on-money-and-day-jobs-and-creative-work/#respond Wed, 05 Jun 2024 07:00:00 +0000 https://thecreativeindependent.com/people/author-kiley-reid-on-money-and-day-jobs-and-creative-work When did you realize you had a sixth sense for writing about money so relatably?

    I don’t know if that realization is ever really cemented to any author’s mind as far as their penchants are concerned.

    Money fascinates me. The limitations that it puts on our world, the way that we think about it, the way that we talk about it, the way that a word like Venmo very quickly becomes a verb, and how technology takes communication away from people and further degrades culture because of how we communicate.

    I don’t write science fiction, but I’m very intrigued by the world-building that happens in science fiction. I like to treat money in the same way, highlighting the quality of our lives in response to the boundaries that money places on us in terms of who we date, where we go to school, what we can buy, the food we eat, how that food is made. All of those things are circulating around money.

    I love reading about normal people, people that I see every day working at Walgreens, or being a nurse, or taking a cigarette break, doing things that people do in real life. If you are writing about normal people in the 21st century on a low-to-the-ground, domestic level, money has to play some sort of role.

    And people love talking about money. People always like to let me know that they think it’s gauche to talk about money, and they wouldn’t do that in a normal circumstance because it’s impolite, but they’re very interested in money and want to know details of dollars and cents in the same way that I do.

    Coming off the success of Such a Fun Age, did you ever think that the way you wrote about money and class in that book in particular would resonate so much?

    After Such a Fun Age, I was really pleasantly surprised to see that readers were obsessed with the same domestic and petty instances that I was: those little things that someone says that makes you stay up late and wondering, what did they mean by that?

    Did you know straight away when you began writing Come and Get It that you wanted to feature similar themes to Such a Fun Age?

    I have a feeling that money will play a big role in everything that I write, as I do see the world through a bit of a materialist lens. [But] I never go into a book with themes that I mean to hitch. I never go in with a checklist of a list of moral points or political avenues that I want to go down. I always start with people.

    Let’s get into the research process. Did you tour dorm rooms and speak to college students about their attitudes to money?

    I did not tour dorm rooms. I did speak to many college students about money. That’s how this novel really began. I read Paying for the Party: How College Maintains Inequality, written by two sociologists, Elizabeth Armstrong and Laura Hamilton, and I was really moved by their findings in their research about who college works for and who it works against. It really clearly depicts how different a college experience can be from one student to another and the opportunities available [for] one college student, just because they happened to be in the same room with someone who studied abroad, or had a brother who did something, or whose father worked somewhere where they could get an internship. It was really fascinating to see those results.

    I interviewed around 30 to 40 people formally. I started at the University of Iowa and interviewed students who I’d had in classes and some of my [colleagues’] students as well. I went in [to the interviews for Come and Get It] not knowing plot points, but I wanted to ask students about how they navigate money and how much they get, who they get it from, how they ask for it, how much rent they pay. I wanted to just delve into this world of undergraduate life and see how they lived.

    The more that I wrote, the more I understood who I needed to go to… and a lot of the themes [of the book] ended up coming out of those interviews, from loneliness, to guilt over money, to a blasé attitude towards finances, scholarships. It became more focused as time went on.

    What about your own college and early graduate experiences as it relates to money?

    I was ruthlessly saving everything to a fault. I wish I had had a little bit more fun, spent a little bit more money at that time.

    I worked a lot. I was a babysitter and a nanny for a very long time. I worked as a hostess, I worked at Godiva Chocolate, I worked at American Eagle for a second. I was a magician’s assistant for about eight weeks. I got sawed in half. I did anything to make sure I could have some footing beneath me.

    What were your attitudes to money growing up? And how do they show up in your work now?

    I was a saver. I had and still have a bit of an anxious personality and always wanted to have something to fall back on. I don’t think that’s a surprise. I think many authors and writers in general, and probably artists at large, have a bit of an anxious spirit about them.

    I’m terribly interested in the dimensions of living within a class society, and how some people can work hard and have nothing, and some people cannot work and have everything, but I do not believe that money controls our morality or makes us nicer, richer, worse, better than anyone else. And so I’m really interested in fiction that gets to the truth of what money does to us as people. I’m not sure when that started, but I’ve always been interested in people and storytelling, and money always makes its way in.

    What’s your attitude to money now with the success of Such a Fun Age?

    Having more financial stability has highlighted how completely unfair it is that other people don’t have the stability, and I think it’s reflected in our literature. It’s hard to pick up a book written about normal people told by normal people, because it’s mostly people who have financial stability who get to have the time to write books, and I think that that’s a huge detriment to literature at large.

    There were moments in my twenties where I did not have healthcare, and I knew that that was a scary thing then. But now having healthcare, I am even more angered by the fact that that was something that was not given to me just as a human right when I was younger… I think we’d all like to believe that money doesn’t buy happiness… but money can drastically change the quality of your life.

    A small example, I got to have a research assistant for this novel. That’s something I couldn’t have done with Such a Fun Age. My research assistant has the most quick and clever mind, and my novel was made so much richer for that. So that in itself is an example of the tremendous power that money has over art, and if anything, it’s just made me more incensed as to what so many people in the United States go through in terms of financial security.

    I know you’ve said that the Iowa Writers’ Workshop was your last shot at trying to make it as an author. What would you have done if you didn’t make it?

    I had just been rejected from nine graduate schools [before applying to Iowa]. This was my last time applying to graduate school as a whole. It’s draining, and expensive, and there’s no feedback system. You’re not exactly sure what you did or didn’t do wrong if you don’t get in the first time, and many of these programs accept between one and two percent of applicants.

    If it [didn’t] work, I’[d] go back to copywriting. I remember I looked at jobs, and there was a job opening for a copywriter at Chobani Yogurt, and I thought, Okay, I’ll do something like that. I felt very comforted by the shop at Chobani!

    Now, I’m on the other side where I read MFA applications, and some students who come back a second time, their writing has changed so dramatically and they feel ready, so I don’t know if that was the same case for me. I would suggest that people who are dedicated to literature try more than once to get into a program, because having that time and space to write really is incredible.

    You recently had a baby. Congratulations! How has that changed your writing process?

    Having something so important in your life makes you take bigger risks in other areas, and I‘m happy to say that despite the pressures that come from having work out in the world, a baby will very quickly remind you to write about exactly what you want to write about. It’s also made me say to myself, “Okay. You get 20 minutes to clean up, and then it’s time to write.” And she’s just so cute! It’s very fun.

    What advice do you have for folks when it comes to making money from their craft?

    Get a high-yield savings account immediately. Finding a job that doesn’t mentally follow you home was a key component of me becoming a successful writer, and understanding that being a writer is an exercise and a muscle and a practice is really key as well.

    As romantic as it is to stay up late and drink until two in the morning with your novel, it’s just unfortunately not sustainable. So I think finding a job in the meantime that ends at a certain point and starts at a certain point, that was what was really key for me.

    I was a receptionist for two-and-a-half years when I was writing a lot, and I knew that at 5:30 I could go home, and that’s when I would work on my short stories. Every Friday night, I would stay in the office in the big conference room, and I would get myself dinner, and I would write some more.

    For me, jobs like waitressing were not very beneficial because I didn’t know when I was getting off of work. Having a very secure time when you know that you’re not going to be working so that you can put that job aside and go somewhere else is really important.

    Someone told me once to not get good at things that I don’t want to be good at, and I think that’s a key for people trying to make money from writing. Finding a job that you can do well that doesn’t make you miserable, where hopefully you can move around and stand up a bit, and then go home at a certain time, that’s my biggest advice.

    What are you up to next? You mentioned the next novel, so have you already started on that? I’m curious to know what kind of insights you will have from motherhood now, because I am dying to read a motherhood novel from Kiley Reid.

    A motherhood novel? Interesting. I’m always working on something mentally, but this semester and these few months in particular, I am focused more on two other projects. I’m a professor at the University of Michigan, and my students have novels of their own and thesis projects. I’m teaching a class called The Workplace Novel, and so I’m focusing on my students this semester.

    I’m also, if you can believe it, still working on Such a Fun Age film adaptation. There were starts and stops between the pandemic and the strike, but I’m happy to say that we have a great team in place, and I’m keeping my fingers crossed.

    Tell me about that process. How was it taking off your author hat and putting on a screenwriter hat?

    Luckily, I have really wonderful teachers who trust my voice and know how to push me into the right direction. It’s like learning a different language. I feel like I’m back in graduate school a bit or some type of master class, where I’m learning how to portray ideas in a whole new medium.

    I love film and TV, so I’m really excited to see what this looks like. My favorite adaptations are the ones that are a bit different than the book, because why else tell it in a different way? It’s been interesting to see Such a Fun Age in this light. Writing is such a solitary process so it’s nice to have people to bounce ideas off.

    How do you balance teaching writing and shepherding these young writers? I’m sure that takes a lot of mental energy. How do you ensure you’ve got some left for your own endeavors?

    As best as I can. It’s a lot of compartmentalizing, and it’s saying, “Monday and Tuesday, I do this; Wednesday, Thursday is for this.” But of course, things come up. I think having realistic expectations as a writer is really important.

    But I also think taking a break and working on something else is great for your creative brain, so it’s definitely not a chore to take a break from my work and to dive into a student’s novel. I think it’s actually pretty beneficial to my writing brain. I take a red pen to my own work a lot quicker after doing student work.

    Kiley Reid recommends:

    OneClock

    Evicted by Matthew Desmond audiobook, read by Dion Graham

    “What Once Was” by Her’s

    “Palm Trees” by GoldLink

    “Psycho” by Eddie Noack


    This content originally appeared on The Creative Independent and was authored by Scarlett Harris.

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    An Illinois School District’s Reliance on Police to Ticket Students Is Discriminatory, Civil Rights Complaint Says https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/04/an-illinois-school-districts-reliance-on-police-to-ticket-students-is-discriminatory-civil-rights-complaint-says/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/04/an-illinois-school-districts-reliance-on-police-to-ticket-students-is-discriminatory-civil-rights-complaint-says/#respond Tue, 04 Jun 2024 17:30:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/federal-civil-rights-complaint-rockford-illinois-schools by Jennifer Smith Richards and Jodi S. Cohen

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    Two national civil rights groups accused Illinois’ third-largest school district on Tuesday of relying on police to handle school discipline, unlawfully targeting Black students with tickets, arrests and other discipline.

    In a 25-page complaint against Rockford Public Schools, filed with the U.S. Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights, the National Center for Youth Law and the MacArthur Justice Center said that Rockford police officers have been “addressing minor behaviors that should be handled as an educational matter by parents, teachers, and school leaders — and not as a law enforcement matter by police officers.”

    The complaint adds: “Black students bear the brunt of this harm.”

    The groups, which shared a copy of the complaint with ProPublica, asked the Education Department to find that the district violated federal law prohibiting discrimination and to order it to change its discipline practices and reliance on police. Using data obtained from the Rockford district and the Rockford Police Department, the groups argue that the district’s partnership with police funnels Black students — but not their white peers — into the justice system, even for the same infractions at school.

    A spokesperson for Rockford schools declined to answer questions from ProPublica, saying the district had not been told by the Office for Civil Rights that a complaint had been filed and that it “will respond accordingly” if an investigation is opened.

    The two national groups have won civil rights claims in school districts previously and also prompted change on criminal justice issues, such as solitary confinement in prisons. The groups began to investigate school-based ticketing in Rockford after a 2022 investigation by ProPublica and the Chicago Tribune into the practice in Illinois that included a database of thousands of student tickets issued across the state, including in Rockford.

    “The Price Kids Pay” investigation found that even though Illinois law bans school officials from fining students directly, districts skirt the law by cooperating with police. It also found that Black students were twice as likely to be ticketed at school than their white peers.

    The municipal tickets — for violating ordinances including those against vaping, truancy and disorderly conduct — can include fines of as much as $750 in Rockford and are difficult to fight. They’ve left some families with debt and other serious financial consequences. Unlike in juvenile court, students in local ticket hearings cannot get a public defender.

    Rockford is the second large district in Illinois to face a civil rights investigation for racial disparities in ticketing since “The Price Kids Pay” was published. An investigation by the Illinois attorney general’s office into Township High School District 211, the state’s biggest high school district, was opened in May 2022 and is still ongoing, the office said Monday. The district has denied that students’ race plays a role in discipline there.

    The Rockford district has about 28,000 students: 26% white, 31% Black and 32% Latino. The district oversees 41 schools for students in kindergarten through high school. According to the complaint, Black students were more than three times as likely as their white peers to be sent to a school police officer during the past three school years up until March.

    As a result of disproportionate police involvement, the complaint alleges, Black students are then more likely to get ticketed. For example, at least nine Black students received police tickets for “trespassing,” or being on campus without permission this year. While 27 white students were accused of trespassing during the same period, none were referred to police or ticketed.

    Representatives from the two legal groups said they attended about a dozen administrative ticket hearings, as recently as May, held at Rockford City Hall during the school day. They found that ticketed students were almost exclusively students of color.

    “I have seen parents and families in the City Hall very confused and distraught that they were being ticketed for these things,” Zoe Li, an attorney with the MacArthur Justice Center, said in an interview with ProPublica. “The fact that I have not seen a single white kid at a ticket hearing in Rockford is a little surprising.”

    Illinois lawmakers and advocates twice have introduced bills that would curb school-based ticketing in Illinois, including this spring, but both efforts fizzled. Even though the state schools superintendent and governor have said they support an end to the practice, some legislators and school leaders worry that banning student ticketing might unintentionally limit when police can get involved in more serious incidents.

    But ordinance violations are by definition not criminal; students who bring weapons to school, for example, typically would be arrested, not ticketed. Rockford is a good example of the harm caused by ticketing and the need for a change in state law, said Angie Jimenez, an attorney focused on justice and equity at the National Center for Youth Law, which has pushed for reforms in Illinois law.

    “The plan is to still move forward with the legislative advocacy to stop the practice of school ticketing,” Jimenez said. “We are hopeful that this complaint will help to support those efforts overall.”

    The complaint also highlights racial disparities in discipline overall in Rockford. Black students are more likely to be suspended or expelled than their white peers, the groups found, even if the district’s code of conduct prescribed a lesser consequence such as detention.

    The Rockford district has been the subject of discrimination complaints before. In 1993, a federal judge ruled that the district was illegally segregating students, including by steering Black and Latino students into lower-level classes. As a result of its disparate treatment of students, the district remained under a federal desegregation order until 2001.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jennifer Smith Richards and Jodi S. Cohen.

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    Veteran PNG editor promotes Tok Pisin writing, trains journalists https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/03/veteran-png-editor-promotes-tok-pisin-writing-trains-journalists/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/03/veteran-png-editor-promotes-tok-pisin-writing-trains-journalists/#respond Mon, 03 Jun 2024 20:53:32 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=102301 Inside PNG

    Anna Solomon, a Papua New Guinean journalist and editor with 40 years experience, is now providing training for journalists at the Wantok Niuspepa.

    Wantok is a weekly newspaper and the only Tok Pisin language newspaper in PNG.

    Solomon, who spoke during last month’s public inquiry on Media in Papua New Guinea, asked if the Parliamentary Committee could work with the media industry to set up a Complaints Tribunal that could address issues affecting media in PNG.


    Anna Solomon talks about the media role to “educate people” at the public media inquiry.  Video: Inside PNG

    She also called for better Tok Pisin writers as it was one of two main languages that leaders, especially Parliamentarians, used in PNG to communicate with their voters.

    At the start of the 3-day public inquiry (21-24 May 2024), media houses also called for parliamentarians and the public to understand how the industry functions.

    The public inquiry focused on the “Role and Impact of Media in Papua New Guinea” and was led by the Permanent Parliamentary Committee on Communication with an aim to improve the standard of journalism within the country.

    Republished from Inside PNG with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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    50 years of challenge and change: David Robie reflects on a career in Pacific journalism https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/03/50-years-of-challenge-and-change-david-robie-reflects-on-a-career-in-pacific-journalism/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/03/50-years-of-challenge-and-change-david-robie-reflects-on-a-career-in-pacific-journalism/#respond Mon, 03 Jun 2024 08:47:00 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=102267

    This King’s Birthday, the New Zealand Order of Merit recognises Professor David Robie’s 50 years of service to Pacific journalism.

    He says he is astonished and quite delighted, and feels quite humbled by it all.

    “However, I feel that it’s not just me, I owe an enormous amount to my wife, Del, who is a teacher and designer by profession, but she has given journalism and me enormous support over many years and kept me going through difficult times,” he said.

    “There’s a whole range of people who have contributed over the years so it’s sort of like a recognition of all of us. So, yes, it is a delight and I feel quite privileged,” he said.

    Starting his career at The Dominion in 1965, Dr Robie has been “on the ground” at pivotal events in regional history, including the bombing of the Rainbow Warrior in 1985 (he was on board the Greenpeace ship on the voyage to the Marshall Islands and wrote the book Eyes of Fire about it), the 1997 Sandline mercenary scandal in Papua New Guinea, and the George Speight coup in Fiji in 2000.

    In both PNG and Fiji, Dr Robie and his journalism students covered unfolding events when their safety was far from assured.

    David Robie standing with Kanak pro-independence activists and two Australian journalists at Touho, northern New Caledonia, while on assignment during the FLNKS boycott of the 1984 New Caledonian elections. (David is standing with cameras strung around his back).
    David Robie standing with Kanak pro-independence activists and two Australian journalists at Touho, north-eastern New Caledonia, while on assignment during the FLNKS boycott of the 1984 New Caledonian elections. (Robie is standing with cameras strung around his back). Image: Wiken Books/RNZ

    As an educator, Dr Robie was head of journalism at the University of Papua New Guinea (UPNG) 1993-1997 and then at the University of the South Pacific (USP) in Suva from 1998 to 2002.

    Started Pacific Media Centre
    In 2007 he started the Pacific Media Centre, while working as professor of Pacific journalism and communications at Auckland University of Technology (AUT). He has organised scholarships for Pacific media students, including scholarships to China, Indonesia and the Philippines, with the Asia New Zealand Foundation.

    Running education programmes for journalists was not always easy. While he had a solid programme to follow at UPNG, his start at USP was not as easy.

    He described arriving at USP, opening the filing cabinet to discover “…there was nothing there.” It was a “baptism of fire” and he had to rebuild the programme, although he notes that currently UPNG is struggling whereas USP is “bounding ahead.”

    He wrote about his experiences in the 2004 book Mekim Nius: South Pacific media, politics and education.

    Dr Robie recalled the enthusiasm of his Pacific journalism students in the face of significant challenges. Pacific journalists are regularly confronted by threats and pressures from governments, which do not recognise the importance of a free media to a functioning democracy.

    He stated that while resources were being employed to train quality regional journalists, it was really politicians who needed educating about the role of the media, particularly public broadcasters — not just to be a “parrot” for government policy.

    Another challenge Robie noted was the attrition of quality journalists, who only stay in the mainstream media for a year or two before finding better-paying communication roles in NGOs.

    Independence an issue
    He said that while resourcing was an issue the other most significant challenge facing media outlets in the Pacific today was independence — freedom from the influence and control of the power players in the region.

    While he mentioned China, he also suggested that the West also attempted to expand its own influence, and that Pacific media should be able set its own path.

    “The other big challenge facing the Pacific is the climate crisis and consequently that’s the biggest issue for journalists in the region and they deal with this every day, unlike Australia and New Zealand,” he said.

    Dr Robie stated his belief that it was love of the industry that had kept him and other journalists going, that being a journalist was an important role and a service to society, more than just a job.

    He expressed deep gratitude for having been given the opportunity to serve the Pacific in this capacity for so long.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    The King’s Birthday Honours list:

    To be Officers of the New Zealand Order of Merit:

    • The Very Reverend Taimoanaifakaofo Kaio for services to the Pacific community
    • Anapela Polataivao for services to Pacific performing arts

    To be a Member of the New Zealand Order of Merit:

    • Bridget Kauraka for services to the Cook Islands community
    • Frances Oakes for services to mental health and the Pacific community
    • Leitualaalemalietoa Lynn Lolokini Pavihi for services to Pacific education
    • Dr David Robie for services to journalism and Asia-Pacific media education

    The King’s Service Medal (KSM):

    • Mailigi Hetutū for services to the Niuean community
    • Tupuna Kaiaruna for services to the Cook Islands community and performing arts
    • Maituteau Karora for services to the Cook Islands community

     


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/03/50-years-of-challenge-and-change-david-robie-reflects-on-a-career-in-pacific-journalism/feed/ 0 477706
    King’s Birthday Honours: NZ journalist reflects on work in the Pacific https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/03/kings-birthday-honours-nz-journalist-reflects-on-work-in-the-pacific/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/03/kings-birthday-honours-nz-journalist-reflects-on-work-in-the-pacific/#respond Mon, 03 Jun 2024 02:44:11 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=102231 By Alakihihifo Vailala of PMN News

    Flipped “back in time” is how New Zealand author, journalist and media educator Dr David Robie describes the crisis in New Caledonia.

    Robie has covered the Asia-Pacific region for international media and educated Pacific journalists for more than four decades.

    He reported on the indigenous Kanak pro-independence uprising in the 1980s and says it is happening again in the French-colonised territory.

    Recognised for their services to the Pacific community in the King's Birthday Honours
    Recognised for their services to the Pacific community in the King’s Birthday Honours . . . Reverend Taimoanaifakaofo Kaio (from top left, clockwise:, Frances Mary Latu Oakes (JP), Maituteau Karora, Anapela Polataivao, Dr David Telfer Robie, Leitualaalemalietoa Lynn Lolokini Pavihi, Tupuna Mataki Kaiaruna, Mailigi Hetutū and Bridget Piu Kauraka. Montage: PMN News


    Dr David Robie talks to Ma’a Brian Sagala of PMN News in 2021.     Video: PMN/Café Pacific

    Robie’s comments follow the rioting and looting in New Caledonia’s capital Nouméa on May 13 that followed protesters against France President Emmanuel Macron’s plan for electoral reform.

    At least seven people have died and hundreds injured with damage estimated in the millions of dollars.

    “The tragic thing is that we’ve gone back in time,” he told PMN News.

    “Things were progressing really well towards independence and then it’s all gone haywire.

    “But back in the 1980s, it was a very terrible time. At the end of the 1980s with the accords [Matignon and Nouméa accords], there was so much hope for the Kanak people.”

    Robie, who has travelled to Noumēa multiple times, has long advocated for liberation for Kanaky/New Caledonia and was even arrested at gunpoint by French police in January 1987.

    He reflected on his work throughout the Pacific, which includes his involvement in the Rainbow Warrior bombing — the subject of his book Eyes of Fire; covering the Sandline crisis with student journalists in Papua New Guinea; and helping his students report the George Speight-led coup of 2000 in Fiji.


    Dr David Robie talks to Ma’a Brian Sagala of PMN News in August 2018.  Video: PMN/PMC

    “Because I was a freelance journalist, I could actually go and travel to many countries and spend a lot of time there.”

    “I guess that’s been my commitment really, helping to tell stories at a grassroots level and also trying to empower other journalists.”

    Robie’s commitment has been recognised in this year’s King’s Birthday Honours and he has been named a Member of the New Zealand Order of Merit.

    He headed the journalism programmes at the University of Papua New Guinea and University of the South Pacific for 10 years, and also founded the Pacific Media Centre at AUT University.

    What Robie calls “an incredible surprise”, he says the award also serves as recognition for those who have worked alongside him.

    “Right now, we need journalists more than ever. We’re living in a world of absolute chaos of disinformation,” he said.

    Robie said trust in the media had declined due to there being “too much opinionated and personality” journalism.

    “We’re moving more towards niche journalism, if I might say, mainstream journalism is losing its way and Pacific media actually fit into the niche journalism mode,” he said.

    “So I think there will be a growing support and need for Pacific journalism whereas mainstream media’s got a lot more of a battle on its hands.”

    Republished from PMN News with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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    Open letter by Gaza academics: ‘Help us resist Israel’s scholasticide’ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/01/open-letter-by-gaza-academics-help-us-resist-israels-scholasticide/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/01/open-letter-by-gaza-academics-help-us-resist-israels-scholasticide/#respond Sat, 01 Jun 2024 08:36:01 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=102181 OPEN LETTER: Gaza academics and administrators

    We have come together as Palestinian academics and staff of Gaza universities to affirm our existence, the existence of our colleagues and our students, and the insistence on our future, in the face of all current attempts to erase us.

    The Israeli occupation forces have demolished our buildings but our universities live on. We reaffirm our collective determination to remain on our land and to resume teaching, study, and research in Gaza, at our own Palestinian universities, at the earliest opportunity.

    We call upon our friends and colleagues around the world to resist the ongoing campaign of scholasticide in occupied Palestine, to work alongside us in rebuilding our demolished universities, and to refuse all plans seeking to bypass, erase, or weaken the integrity of our academic institutions.

    The future of our young people in Gaza depends upon us, and our ability to remain on our land in order to continue to serve the coming generations of our people.

    We issue this call from beneath the bombs of the occupation forces across occupied Gaza, in the refugee camps of Rafah, and from the sites of temporary new exile in Egypt and other host countries.

    We are disseminating it as the Israeli occupation continues to wage its genocidal campaign against our people daily, in its attempt to eliminate every aspect of our collective and individual life.

    Our families, colleagues, and students are being assassinated, while we have once again been rendered homeless, reliving the experiences of our parents and grandparents during the massacres and mass expulsions by Zionist armed forces in 1947 and 1948.

    Our infrastructure is in ruins
    Our civic infrastructure — universities, schools, hospitals, libraries, museums and cultural centres — built by generations of our people, lies in ruins from this deliberate continuous Nakba. The deliberate targeting of our educational infrastructure is a blatant attempt to render Gaza uninhabitable and erode the intellectual and cultural fabric of our society.

    However, we refuse to allow such acts to extinguish the flame of knowledge and resilience that burns within us.

    Allies of the Israeli occupation in the United States and United Kingdom are opening yet another scholasticide front through promoting alleged reconstruction schemes that seek to eliminate the possibility of independent Palestinian educational life in Gaza. We reject all such schemes and urge our colleagues to refuse any complicity in them.

    We also urge all universities and colleagues worldwide to coordinate any academic aid efforts directly with our universities.

    We extend our heartfelt appreciation to the national and international institutions that have stood in solidarity with us, providing support and assistance during these challenging times. However, we stress the importance of coordinating these efforts to effectively reopen Palestinian universities in Gaza.

    We emphasise the urgent need to reoperate Gaza’s education institutions, not merely to support current students, but to ensure the long-term resilience and sustainability of our higher education system.

    Education is not just a means of imparting knowledge; it is a vital pillar of our existence and a beacon of hope for the Palestinian people.

    Long-term strategy essential
    Accordingly, it is essential to formulate a long-term strategy for rehabilitating the infrastructure and rebuilding the entire facilities of the universities. However, such endeavours require considerable time and substantial funding, posing a risk to the ability of academic institutions to sustain operations, potentially leading to the loss of staff, students, and the capacity to reoperate.

    Given the current circumstances, it is imperative to swiftly transition to online teaching to mitigate the disruption caused by the destruction of physical infrastructure. This transition necessitates comprehensive support to cover operational costs, including the salaries of academic staff.

    Student fees, the main source of income for universities, have collapsed since the start of the genocide. The lack of income has left staff without salaries, pushing many of them to search for external opportunities.

    Beyond striking at the livelihoods of university faculty and staff, this financial strain caused by the deliberate campaign of scholasticide poses an existential threat to the future of the universities themselves.

    Thus, urgent measures must be taken to address the financial crisis now faced by academic institutions, to ensure their very survival. We call upon all concerned parties to immediately coordinate their efforts in support of this critical objective.

    The rebuilding of Gaza’s academic institutions is not just a matter of education; it is a testament to our resilience, determination, and unwavering commitment to securing a future for generations to come.

    The fate of higher education in Gaza belongs to the universities in Gaza, their faculty, staff, and students and to the Palestinian people as a whole. We appreciate the efforts of peoples and citizens around the world to bring an end to this ongoing genocide.

    We call upon our colleagues in the homeland and internationally to support our steadfast attempts to defend and preserve our universities for the sake of the future of our people, and our ability to remain on our Palestinian land in Gaza.

    We built these universities from tents. And from tents, with the support of our friends, we will rebuild them once again.

    This open letter by the university academics and administrators of Gaza to the world was first published by Al Jazeera. The full list of signatories is here.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/01/open-letter-by-gaza-academics-help-us-resist-israels-scholasticide/feed/ 0 477538
    New York Education Department Hindered an Abuse Investigation at Boarding School for Autistic Youth https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/31/new-york-education-department-hindered-an-abuse-investigation-at-boarding-school-for-autistic-youth/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/31/new-york-education-department-hindered-an-abuse-investigation-at-boarding-school-for-autistic-youth/#respond Fri, 31 May 2024 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/ny-education-department-abuse-investigation-shrub-oak-international-school by Jennifer Smith Richards and Jodi S. Cohen

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    In a strongly worded rebuke, a New York judge has ordered the state Education Department to cooperate with an investigation into abuse and neglect at a pricey residential school that draws students with autism from across the country.

    The judge ruled that the New York State Education Department must turn over documents it has about incidents at Shrub Oak International School to the watchdog group Disability Rights New York within seven days of the decision. The Education Department for months has refused to give DRNY records it has received about the private school, which is not approved or monitored by the state.

    State Supreme Court Judge Andra Ackerman wrote in her decision, issued last week, that the department had violated state and federal law when it refused to provide records related to incidents as well as the school’s business applications to the state. She called the agency’s actions “arbitrary and capricious” and “an abuse of discretion.”

    The Education Department has acknowledged it has “documents relevant to an investigation of abuse and neglect inflicted on the students at the school,” Ackerman wrote. “It claims, however, that it is entitled to keep that documentation for itself — apparently doing nothing with it — and to refuse DRNY access simply because NYSED is not responsible for these particular students,” Ackerman added.

    The judge’s ruling also follows a ProPublica investigation published this month that documented multiple allegations of abuse and neglect at Shrub Oak, a residential school for students with autism and other challenges. It revealed how would-be whistleblowers could not get state authorities to intervene at the school.

    DRNY, which receives federal funding to conduct investigations on behalf of people with disabilities, petitioned the New York Supreme Court in Albany County in April to force the department’s hand. (In New York, the Supreme Court is a lower court, not the state’s high court.)

    David Hutt, the legal director at the National Disability Rights Network, said interfering with watchdog groups’ investigations undermines their authority and is “frankly wasting federal money.” He said it’s important for DRNY to challenge the Education Department so that concerns about people with disabilities don’t “stay in the shadows.”

    Even though Shrub Oak is a school, it is allowed under New York law to operate without approval from the state and has never sought such approval. As a result, the Education Department has no oversight responsibility though the school enrolls mostly publicly funded students from New York and about a dozen other states.

    Shrub Oak opened in 2018 in a former seminary in Mohegan Lake and has about 85 students this year. Though it is a private, for-profit school, most students’ tuition is paid by their public school districts. Many students require round-the-clock care and have a dedicated aide for most of the day, bringing the cost of their tuition to $573,200.

    David Bloomfield, an education law professor at Brooklyn College and the CUNY Graduate Center, said the Education Department’s unwillingness to cooperate with DRNY’s abuse investigation “is an example of the state being highly deferential to private institutions.”

    An Education Department spokesperson did not respond to requests for comment. But the New York attorney general, which represents the department, argued in legal filings that because the state does not oversee Shrub Oak, it has no duty to investigate allegations of abuse and neglect of students there and should be allowed to keep its records secret.

    A DRNY spokesperson said she could not comment. The organization does not have enforcement authority, meaning it cannot sanction Shrub Oak, but could issue a public report of its findings or try to force change at Shrub Oak through a lawsuit.

    The disability rights group has been investigating the school for about a year and said in court filings that it has received complaints that students were left to sleep on urine-soaked mattresses, had unexplained black eyes and were denied medical care. The group also has been investigating whether school workers were discouraged from calling 911 in emergencies. Investigators “observed conditions that were consistent with the allegations in the complaints,” according to the judge’s decision.

    Shrub Oak did not respond to requests for comment for this story. But the school has been critical of the investigations by DRNY and a sister group in Connecticut. In a letter last month from a Shrub Oak attorney to the watchdog organizations, the school said investigators were unqualified to observe or understand autistic students. The letter criticized the groups for having made more than 17 requests for documents and information and more than nine unannounced visits but not sharing their findings.

    The attorney wrote that the school is concerned that even though it is cooperating, the organizations “are not focused on a complete and balanced understanding of the services and environment SOIS provides to its students. Accordingly, the resulting reports of their investigations are likely to unfairly portray SOIS in a negative light.”

    Shrub Oak has said it provides a critical need for a student population that lacks options, often enrolling students who have been rejected from other schools. It has said that the staff is qualified, caring and encouraged to call 911 in emergencies, and that it investigates allegations of misconduct by staff members. School leaders would not comment about individual incidents involving student injuries or neglect allegations, but they said Shrub Oak caters to students who injure themselves and are learning toileting skills or intentionally urinate as part of their behavioral challenges.

    Through its spokesperson, Shrub Oak said it plans to seek state approval as a special-education school.

    ProPublica also has sought public records from the state Education Department about Shrub Oak, including complaints against the school. The department has denied access to some records and has delayed releasing others after Shrub Oak requested that it keep the records confidential. Shrub Oak general counsel Brian Koffler said in a letter to the Education Department that releasing the records could hurt the school’s competitive position and that they should be kept “away from individuals who seek nothing more than to create problems for our staff and our students.”

    Help ProPublica Report on Education


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jennifer Smith Richards and Jodi S. Cohen.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/31/new-york-education-department-hindered-an-abuse-investigation-at-boarding-school-for-autistic-youth/feed/ 0 477373
    Get Up, Stand Up, Don’t Give Up the Fight: Know Your Rights or You Will Lose Them https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/30/get-up-stand-up-dont-give-up-the-fight-know-your-rights-or-you-will-lose-them/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/30/get-up-stand-up-dont-give-up-the-fight-know-your-rights-or-you-will-lose-them/#respond Thu, 30 May 2024 17:39:08 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=150750 If a nation expects to be ignorant and free in a state of civilization, it expects what never was and never will be. — Thomas Jefferson If America’s schools are to impart principles of freedom and democracy to future generations, they must start by respecting the constitutional rights of their students Take the case of […]

    The post Get Up, Stand Up, Don’t Give Up the Fight: Know Your Rights or You Will Lose Them first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>

    If a nation expects to be ignorant and free in a state of civilization, it expects what never was and never will be.

    — Thomas Jefferson

    If America’s schools are to impart principles of freedom and democracy to future generations, they must start by respecting the constitutional rights of their students

    Take the case of Lucas Hudson.

    With all the negative press being written about today’s young people, it’s refreshing to meet a young person who not only knows his rights but is prepared to stand up for them.

    Lucas is a smart kid, a valedictorian of his graduating class at the Collegiate Academy at Armwood High School in Hillsborough County, Fla.

    So, when school officials gave Lucas an ultimatum: either remove most of his speech’s religious references from his graduation speech—in which he thanked the people who helped shape his character, reflected on how quickly time goes by, and urged people to use whatever time they have to love others and serve the God who loves us—or he would not be speaking at all, Lucas refused to forfeit his rights.

    That’s when Lucas’s father turned to The Rutherford Institute for help.

    In coming to Lucas’ defense, attorneys for The Rutherford Institute warned school officials that their attempts to browbeat Lucas into watering down his graduation speech could expose the school to a First Amendment lawsuit.

    Thankfully for Lucas, the school backed down, and he was able to deliver his speech as written.

    It doesn’t always work out so well, unfortunately.

    Over the course of The Rutherford Institute’s 42-year history, we have defended countless young people who found themselves censored, silenced and denied their basic First Amendment rights, especially when they chose to exercise their rights to free speech and religious freedom.

    In case after case, we encounter an appalling level of ignorance on the part of public school officials who mistakenly believe that the law requires anything religious be banned from public schools.

    Here’s where government officials get it wrong: while the government may not establish or compel a particular religion, it also may not silence and suppress religious speech merely because others might take offense.

    People are free to ignore, disagree with, or counter the religious speech of others, but the government cannot censor private religious speech.

    Unfortunately, you can only defend your rights when you know them, and the American people—and those who represent them—are utterly ignorant about their freedoms, history, and how the government is supposed to operate.

    As Morris Berman points out in his book Dark Ages America, “70 percent of American adults cannot name their senators or congressmen; more than half don’t know the actual number of senators, and nearly a quarter cannot name a single right guaranteed by the First Amendment. Sixty-three percent cannot name the three branches of government. Other studies reveal that uninformed or undecided voters often vote for the candidate whose name and packaging (e.g., logo) are the most powerful; color is apparently a major factor in their decision.”

    More than government corruption and ineptitude, police brutality, terrorism, gun violence, drugs, illegal immigration or any other so-called “danger” that threatens our nation, civic illiteracy may be what finally pushes us over the edge.

    As Thomas Jefferson warned, no nation can be both ignorant and free.

    Unfortunately, the American people have existed in a technology-laden, entertainment-fueled, perpetual state of cluelessness for so long that civic illiteracy has become the new normal for the citizenry.

    In fact, most immigrants who aspire to become citizens know more about national civics than native-born Americans. Surveys indicate that half of native-born Americans couldn’t correctly answer 70% of the civics questions on the U.S. Citizenship test.

    Not even the government bureaucrats who are supposed to represent us know much about civics, American history and geography, or the Constitution although they take an oath to uphold, support and defend the Constitution against “enemies foreign and domestic.”

    For instance, a couple attempting to get a marriage license was recently forced to prove to a government official that New Mexico is, in fact, one of the 50 states and not a foreign country.

    You can’t make this stuff up.

    Those who gave us the Constitution and the Bill of Rights believed that the government exists at the behest of its citizens. The government’s purpose is to protect, defend and even enhance our freedoms, not violate them.

    It was no idle happenstance that the Constitution opens with these three powerful words: “We the people.”

    Those who founded this country knew quite well that every citizen must remain vigilant or freedom would be lost. As Thomas Paine recognized, “It is the responsibility of the patriot to protect his country from its government.”

    You have no rights unless you exercise them.

    Still, you can’t exercise your rights unless you know what those rights are.

    “If Americans do not understand the Constitution and the institutions and processes through which we are governed, we cannot rationally evaluate important legislation and the efforts of our elected officials, nor can we preserve the national unity necessary to meaningfully confront the multiple problems we face today,” warns the Brennan Center in its Civic Literacy Report Card. “Rather, every act of government will be measured only by its individual value or cost, without concern for its larger impact. More and more we will ‘want what we want, and [will be] convinced that the system that is stopping us is wrong, flawed, broken or outmoded.’”

    Education precedes action.

    As the Brennan Center concludes “America, unlike most of the world’s nations, is not a country defined by blood or belief. America is an idea, or a set of ideas, about freedom and opportunity. It is these ideas that bind us together as Americans and have kept us free, strong, and prosperous. But these ideas do not perpetuate themselves. They must be taught and learned anew with each generation.”

    There is a movement underway to require that all public-school students pass the civics portion of the U.S. naturalization test100 basic facts about U.S. history and civics—before receiving their high-school diploma, and that’s a start.

    Lucas Hudson would have passed such a test with flying colors.

    On graduation day, Lucas stepped up to the podium and delivered his uncensored valedictorian speech as written, without any interference by school censors.

    As Lucas’s father relayed to The Rutherford Institute:

    In the end, Lucas got to give his entire speech the way he wanted to give it, and everybody was paying attention.  Nobody got hurt.  Nothing bad happened.  It was just a young man using the First Amendment rights to speak his mind regarding his personal beliefs. [Lucas] never thought a few sentences in a speech would create such a controversy in his world, but this speech turned into a defining moment for him.  He will never be the same after this experience, but this permanent change is a good thing.  When it mattered, Lucas stood up for himself, and when those he stood up against tried to push him down, [The Rutherford Institute] came to his aide and backed him up to make it a fair fight. I am comforted to know you are defending the rights of the people.  These fights matter.  Every time you defend the rights of one person, you defend the rights of every person.  You helped my son fight for his rights against the school, and, in doing so, Hillsborough County Public Schools will think twice before infringing on the rights of future students. Your defense of Lucas became an inspiration for the students in his school and sparked a healthy and meaningful debate among the teachers, students, and parents about the value of the First Amendment and the need for limits on government control over our personal beliefs.  You are fighting for good and doing important work.  Don’t ever stop. Thank you, Rutherford Institute, for being there for my son when he needed you most.

    America needs more freedom fighters like Lucas Hudson and The Rutherford Institute.

    It’s up to us.

    We have the power to make and break the government.

    We the American people—the citizenry—are the arbiters and ultimate guardians of America’s welfare, defense, liberty, laws and prosperity.

    We must act—and act responsibly.

    A healthy, representative government is hard work. It takes a citizenry that is informed about the issues, educated about how the government operates, and willing to make the sacrifices necessary to stay involved.

    As I make clear in my book Battlefield America: The War on the American People and in its fictional counterpart The Erik Blair Diaries, it’s our job to keep freedom alive using every nonviolent means available to us.

    As Martin Luther King Jr. recognized in a speech delivered on December 5, 1955, just four days after Rosa Parks was arrested for refusing to relinquish her seat on a Montgomery city bus: “Democracy transformed from thin paper to thick action is the greatest form of government on earth.”

    Know your rights. Exercise your rights. Defend your rights. If not, you will lose them.

    The post Get Up, Stand Up, Don’t Give Up the Fight: Know Your Rights or You Will Lose Them first appeared on Dissident Voice.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by John W. Whitehead and Nisha Whitehead.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/30/get-up-stand-up-dont-give-up-the-fight-know-your-rights-or-you-will-lose-them/feed/ 0 477255
    An Open Letter on the Fate of Higher Education in Gaza https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/30/an-open-letter-on-the-fate-of-higher-education-in-gaza/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/30/an-open-letter-on-the-fate-of-higher-education-in-gaza/#respond Thu, 30 May 2024 05:58:13 +0000 https://www.counterpunch.org/?p=324046 We have come together as Palestinian academics and staff of Gaza universities to affirm our existence, the existence of our colleagues and our students, and the insistence on our future, in the face of all current attempts to erase us. The Israeli occupation forces have demolished our buildings but our universities live on. We reaffirm our collective determination to remain on our land and to resume teaching, study, and research in Gaza, at our own Palestinian universities, at the earliest opportunity. More

    The post An Open Letter on the Fate of Higher Education in Gaza appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    ]]>

    Photograph Source: IDF Spokesperson’s Unit – CC BY-SA 3.0

    We have come together as Palestinian academics and staff of Gaza universities to affirm our existence, the existence of our colleagues and our students, and the insistence on our future, in the face of all current attempts to erase us.

    The Israeli occupation forces have demolished our buildings but our universities live on. We reaffirm our collective determination to remain on our land and to resume teaching, study, and research in Gaza, at our own Palestinian universities, at the earliest opportunity.

    We call upon our friends and colleagues around the world to resist the ongoing campaign of scholasticide in occupied Palestine, to work alongside us in rebuilding our demolished universities, and to refuse all plans seeking to bypass, erase, or weaken the integrity of our academic institutions. The future of our young people in Gaza depends upon us, and our ability to remain on our land in order to continue to serve the coming generations of our people.

    We issue this call from beneath the bombs of the occupation forces across occupied Gaza, in the refugee camps of Rafah, and from the sites of temporary new exile in Egypt and other host countries. We are disseminating it as the Israeli occupation continues to wage its genocidal campaign against our people daily, in its attempt to eliminate every aspect of our collective and individual life.

    Our families, colleagues, and students are being assassinated, while we have once again been rendered homeless, reliving the experiences of our parents and grandparents during the massacres and mass expulsions by Zionist armed forces in 1947 and 1948.

    Our civic infrastructure – universities, schools, hospitals, libraries, museums and cultural centres – built by generations of our people, lies in ruins from this deliberate continuous Nakba. The deliberate targeting of our educational infrastructure is a blatant attempt to render Gaza uninhabitable and erode the intellectual and cultural fabric of our society. However, we refuse to allow such acts to extinguish the flame of knowledge and resilience that burns within us.

    Allies of the Israeli occupation in the United States and United Kingdom are opening yet another scholasticide front through promoting alleged reconstruction schemes that seek to eliminate the possibility of independent Palestinian educational life in Gaza. We reject all such schemes and urge our colleagues to refuse any complicity in them. We also urge all universities and colleagues worldwide to coordinate any academic aid efforts directly with our universities.

    We extend our heartfelt appreciation to the national and international institutions that have stood in solidarity with us, providing support and assistance during these challenging times. However, we stress the importance of coordinating these efforts to effectively reopen Palestinian universities in Gaza.

    We emphasise the urgent need to reoperate Gaza’s education institutions, not merely to support current students, but to ensure the long-term resilience and sustainability of our higher education system. Education is not just a means of imparting knowledge; it is a vital pillar of our existence and a beacon of hope for the Palestinian people.

    Accordingly, it is essential to formulate a long-term strategy for rehabilitating the infrastructure and rebuilding the entire facilities of the universities. However, such endeavours require considerable time and substantial funding, posing a risk to the ability of academic institutions to sustain operations, potentially leading to the loss of staff, students, and the capacity to reoperate.

    Given the current circumstances, it is imperative to swiftly transition to online teaching to mitigate the disruption caused by the destruction of physical infrastructure. This transition necessitates comprehensive support to cover operational costs, including the salaries of academic staff.

    Student fees, the main source of income for universities, have collapsed since the start of the genocide. The lack of income has left staff without salaries, pushing many of them to search for external opportunities.

    Beyond striking at the livelihoods of university faculty and staff, this financial strain caused by the deliberate campaign of scholasticide poses an existential threat to the future of the universities themselves.

    Thus, urgent measures must be taken to address the financial crisis now faced by academic institutions, to ensure their very survival. We call upon all concerned parties to immediately coordinate their efforts in support of this critical objective.

    The rebuilding of Gaza’s academic institutions is not just a matter of education; it is a testament to our resilience, determination, and unwavering commitment to securing a future for generations to come.

    The fate of higher education in Gaza belongs to the universities in Gaza, their faculty, staff, and students and to the Palestinian people as a whole. We appreciate the efforts of peoples and citizens around the world to bring an end to this ongoing genocide.

    We call upon our colleagues in the homeland and internationally to support our steadfast attempts to defend and preserve our universities for the sake of the future of our people, and our ability to remain on our Palestinian land in Gaza. We built these universities from tents. And from tents, with the support of our friends, we will rebuild them once again.

    Signatories:

    Dr Kamalain Shaath, Vice Chairman of the Board of Trustees, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Prof Omar Milad, President of Al Azhar University Gaza, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Mohamed Reyad Zughbur, Dean of the Faculty of Medicine, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Nasser Abu Alatta, Dean of Students Affairs, Al Aqsa University

    Dr Akram Mohammed Radwan, Dean of Admission, Registration, and Student Affairs, University College of Applied Sciences – Gaza

    Dr Atta Abu Hany, Dean of Faculty of Science, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Prof Hamdi Shhadeh Zourb, Dean of the Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Dr Ahmed Abu Shaban, Dean of the Faculty of Agriculture and Veterinary Medicine, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Ahmed A Najim, Dean of Admission and Registration, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Noha A Nijim, Dean of Economics and Administrative Science Faculty, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Prof Hatem Ali Al-Aidi, Dean of Planning and Quality, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Dr Ihab A Naser Dean of Faculty of Applied Medical Sciences, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Eng Amani Al-Mqadama, Head of the International Relations, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Dr Mohammed R AlBaba, Dean of Faculty of Dentistry, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Rami Wishah , Dean of the Faculty of Law, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Prof Basim Mohammad Ayesh, Head of MSc Programme Committee and Professor of Molecular Genetics, Al Aqsa University

    Prof Hassan Asour, Dean of Scientific Research, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Khaled Ismail Shahada Tabish, Head of Salaries Department, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Prof Mazen Sabbah, Dean of Faculty of Sharia, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Ashraf J Shaqalaih, Head of Laboratory Medicine Dept, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Mahmoud El Ajouz, Head of Food Analysis Center and Lecturer at the Faculty of Agriculture, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Mazen AbuQamar, Head of Nursing Department, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Eng Abed Elnaser Mustafa Abu Assi, Head of Engineering Office, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Ahmed Rezk Al-Wawi, Vice President of the Islamic University Workers’ Union, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Shareef El Buhaisi, Head of Administration Office at the Faculty of Applied Medical Sciences, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Saeb Hussein Al-Owaini, Director of Employees, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Dr Mai Ramadan, Director of the Drug and Toxicology Analysis Centre, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Mohammed S M Kuhail, Director of Libraries, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Eng Emad Ahmed Ismail Al-Nounou, Director, Technical Department, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Eng Ismail Abdul Rahman Abu Sukhaila, Director Engineering Office, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Osama R Shawwa, Director of Administrative Office in the Department of Political Sciences, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Adnan A S El-Ajrami, Director of Administrative Office at the Faculty of Medicine, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Hashem Mahmoud Kassab, Director of Public Relations and Media Department, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Mazen Hilles, Director of Administration of Diploma Programme, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Adel Mansour Suleiman Al-Louh , Services Manager, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Hammam Al-Nabahen, Director of IT Services, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Maher Haron Ereif, Audit Department Assistant Director, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Khalid Solayman Alsayed, Information Technology Administrator, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Amani H Abujarad, Assistant Professor of Applied Linguistics Department of English, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Ayman Shaheen, Assistant Professor in Political Sciences, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Prof Alaa Mustafa Al-Halees, Faculty of Information Technology, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Prof Basil Hamed, Faculty of Engineering, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Dr Mohamed Elhindy, Assistant Professor in Veterinary Medicine, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Prof Bassam Ahmed Abu Zaher, Faculty of Science, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Prof Fakhr Abo Awad, Faculty of Science – Department of Chemistry, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Prof Saher Al Waleed, Professor of Law, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Prof Kamal Ahmed Ghneim, Faculty of Arts, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Prof Khadir Tawfiq Khadir, Department of English Language – Faculty of Arts, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Dr Marwan Saleem El-Agha, Assistant Professor of Business Administration, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Mona Jehad Wadi, Assistant Professor of microbiology, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Mohammed Faek Aziz, Deanship of Quality and Development, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Dr Muhammed Abu Mattar, Associate Professor in Law, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Prof Abdul Fattah Nazmi Hassan Abdel Rabbo, Faculty of Science, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Dr Saher Al Waleed, Professor of Law, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Sari El Sahhar, Assistant Professor in Plant Protection, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Nidal Jamal Masoud Jarada, Law, University College of Applied Sciences – Gaza

    Dr Sherin H Aldani, Assistant Professor in Social Sciences, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Wael Mousa, Assistant Professor in Food Technology, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Prof Mohamed I H Migdad, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Prof Alaa Mustafa Al-Halees, Faculty of Information Technology, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Prof Usama Hashem Hamed Hegazy, Professor of Applied Mathematics, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Prof Basil Hamed, Faculty of Engineering, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Prof Tawfik Musa Allouh, Professor of Arabic Literature, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Prof Bassam Ahmed Abu Zaher, Faculty of Science, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Prof Zaki S Safi, Professor of Chemistry, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Prof Fakhr Abo Awad, Faculty of Science – Department of Chemistry, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Prof Kamal Ahmed Ghneim, Faculty of Arts, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Prof Khadir Tawfiq Khadir, Department of English Language – Faculty of Arts, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Prof Khaled Hussein Hamdan, Faculty of Fundamentals of Religion, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Prof Ata Hasan Ismail Darwish, Professor of Science Education and Curriculum, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Prof Hazem Falah Sakeek, Professor of Physics, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Prof Mohammed Abdel Aati, Department of Electrical Engineering and Intelligent Systems, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Prof Nader Jawad Al-Nimra, Faculty of Engineering, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Prof Nasir Sobhy Abu Foul, Professor of Food Technology, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Rawand Sami Abu Nahla, Lecturer at Faculty of Dentistry, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Prof Hussein M. H. Alhendawi, Professor of Organic Chemistry, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Prof Ihab S. S. Zaqout, Professor in Computer Science, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Rushdy A S Wady, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Dr Abed El-Raziq A Salama, Assistant Professor in Food Technology, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Ahmed Aabed, Admin Assistant in Administrative and Financial Affairs Office, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Ahmed Mesmeh, Faculty of Sharia and Law, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Emad Khalil Abu Alkhair Masoud, Associate professor of microbiology, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Alaa Issa Mohammed Saleh, Lecturer at the faculty of Dentistry, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Ali Al-Jariri, Continuing Education Department, Al Quds Open University

    Dr Arwa Eid Ashour, Faculty of Science, Department of Mathematics, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Dr Hala Zakaria Alagha, Assistant Professor in Clinical Pharmacy, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Prof Marwan Khazinda, Professor of Mathematics, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Prof Moamin Alhanjouri, Associate Professor in Statistics, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Prof Sameer Mostafa Abumdallala, Professor of Economics, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Bilal Al-Dabbour, Faculty of Medicine, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Dr Nabil Kamel Mohammed Dukhan, Faculty of Education – Department of Psychology, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Dr Jamal Mohamed Alshareef, Assistant Professor, Linguistics Department of English, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Sadiq Ahmed Mohammed Abdel Aal, Faculty of Engineering, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Dr Khaled Abushab, Associate Professor in Applied Medical Sciences, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Abed El-Raziq A Salama, Assistant Professor in Food Technology, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Emad Khalil Abu Alkhair Masoud, Associate Professor of Microbiology, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Hala Zakaria Alagha, Assistant Professor in Clinical Pharmacy, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Jamal Mohamed Alshareef, Assistant Professor, Linguistics Department of English, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Khaled Abushab, Associate Professor in Applied Medical Sciences, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Suheir Ammar, Faculty of Engineering, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Dr Waseem Bahjat Mushtaha, Associate Professor in Dental Medicine, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Prof Ali Abu Zaid, Professor of Statistics, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Dr Zahir Mahmoud Khalil Nassar, Faculty of Science, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Abdul Hamid Mustafa Said Mortaja, Faculty of Arts, Department of Arabic Language, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Abdul Rahman Salman Nasr Al-Daya, Associate Professor at the Faculty of Sharia and Law, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Ayman Salah Khalil Abumayla, Officer – Student Affairs Department, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Abdullah Ahmed Al-Sawarqa, Library, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Ashraf Ahmed Mohammed Abu Mughisib, Faculty of Science, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Mohammed Abdul Fattah Abdel Rabbo, Deanship of Engineering and Information Systems, University College of Applied Sciences – Gaza

    Basheer Ismail Hamed Hammo, Faculty of Fundamentals of Religion, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Bssam Fadel Nssar, Faculty of Engineering, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Eng Mohammed Awni Abushaban, Teaching Assistant IT Department, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Etemad Mohammed Abdul Aziz Al-Attar, Faculty of Science, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Fahd Ghassan Abdullah Al-Khatib, Engineering Office, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Ibrahim K I Albozom, Administrative Officer Faculty of Arts, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Abdullah Ahmed Anaqlah, Faculty of Information Technology, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Ahmed Abdelrahman Abu Saloom, Radiologist at the College of Dentistry, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Feryal Ali Mahmoud Farhat, Administrator, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Fifi Al-Zard, Campus Services, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Manar Y Abuamara, Secretary, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Hani Rubhi Abdel Aal, Graduate Studies, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Ahmed Abdul Raouf Al-Mabhouh, Faculty of Science, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Ahmed Adnan Al-Qazzaz, Faculty of Information Technology, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Sfadi Salim Abu Amra, Supporting Services Department, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Hassan Ahmed Hassan Al-Nabih, Department of English Language – Faculty of Arts, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Hassan Nasr, Information Technology, University College of Applied Sciences – Gaza

    Hatem Barhoom, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Tamer Musallam, Lecturer in Business Diploma Programme, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Ahmed Adnan Mahmoud Mattar, Information Technology, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Ahmed Jaber Mahmoud Al-Omsey, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Ahmed Khalil Ibrahim Qadoura, Administrator, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Hussein Al-Jadaily, Faculty of Nursing, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Ibrahim Issa Ibrahim Seidem, Faculty of Fundamentals of Religion, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Ezia Abu Zaida, Secretary, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Khaled Mutlaq Issa, Faculty of Engineering, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Khalil Mohammed Said Hassan Abu Kuweik, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Ibraheem Almasharawi, Instructor at the Faculty of Agriculture and Veterinary Medicine, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Maher Jaber Mahmoud Shaqlieh, Information Technology Affairs, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Mahmoud Abdul Rahman Mousa Asraf, Department of English Language, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Ahmed Mohammed Said Abu Safi, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Ahmed Omar Ismail Al-Dahdouh, Faculty of Information Technology, University College of Applied Sciences – Gaza

    Ahmed Salman Ali Abu Amra, Faculty of Sharia and Law, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Ahmed Saqer, Faculty of Science, Department of Mathematics, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Ahmed Younes Abu Labda, Personnel Affairs, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Alaa Fathi Salim Abu Ajwa, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Mahmoud Said Mohammed Al- Damouni, Central Library, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Ghasasn Alswairki, Adminstration Officer at Faculty of Pharmacy, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Mahmoud Shukri Sarhan, Faculty of Education, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Mahmoud Youssef Mohammed Al- Shoubaki, Faculty of Fundamentals of Religion, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Majdi Said Aqel, Faculty of Education, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Muahmmed Abu Aouda, Security Department, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Majed Hania, Faculty of Science, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Majed Mohammed Ibrahim Al-Naami, Faculty of Literature, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Mamoun Abdul Aziz Ahmed Salha, Information Technology, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Emad Ali Ahmed Abdel Rabbo, Administrator, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Imad Alwaheidi Lecturer in Livestock Production Al Azhar University Gaza

    Manar Mustafa Al-Maghari, Medical Department, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Mohammed Bassam Mohammed Al- Kurd, Campus Services, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Marwa Rouhi Abu Jalaleh, Information Technology Department, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Yousif Altaban, Security Department, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Hala Muti Mahmoud Abu Naqeera, Student Affairs, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Marwan Ismail Abdul Rahman Hamad, Faculty of Education, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Mohammad Hussein Kraizem, Health Sciences, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Mohammed AlAshi, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Mohammed Hassan Al-Sar, Faculty of Engineering, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Mohammed Ibrahim Khidr Al-Gomasy, Faculty of Education, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Mohammed Juma Al-Ghoul, Faculty of Sharia and Law, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Mohammed Khalil Ayesh, Information Technology, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Faiz Ahmed Ali Hales, Computer Maintenance Department, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Mohammed Taha Mohammed Abu Qadama, Administrator, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Yousef Fahmy Krayem, Lab Technician at Faculty of Agriculture and Veterinary Medicine, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Nabhan Salem Abu Jamous, Department of Supplies and Purchases, Head of Storage Section, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Nihad Mohammed Sheikh Khalil, Faculty of Arts – Department of History, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Tamer Nazeer Nassar Madi, Faculty of Information Technology, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Rami Othman Mohammed Hassan Skik, Faculty of Information Technology, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Salah Hassan Radwan, Information Technology, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Salem Abushawarib, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Salem Jameel Bakir Al-Sazaji, Faculty of Information Technology, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Abed Alraouf S Almasharawi, Administrative Officer in the Library, Al Azhar University Gaza

    Samah Al-Samoni, Public Relations, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Wafa Farhan Ismail Ubaid, Faculty of Nursing, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Tawfiq Sufian Tawfiq Harzallah, Admission and Registration Department, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Walid Zuheir Aidi Abu Shaaban, Finance and Auditing Department, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Yasser Zaidan Salem Al-Nahal, Faculty of Science, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    Youssef Sobhi Abdel Nabi Al-Rantissi, Computer Technician, Islamic University of Gaza (IUG)

    The post An Open Letter on the Fate of Higher Education in Gaza appeared first on CounterPunch.org.


    This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Gaza Academics and University Administrators.

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    How an Alabama Town Staved Off School Resegregation https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/29/how-an-alabama-town-staved-off-school-resegregation/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/29/how-an-alabama-town-staved-off-school-resegregation/#respond Wed, 29 May 2024 09:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/thomasville-alabama-segregation-academies by Jennifer Berry Hawes

    I recently traveled to rural Wilcox County, in Alabama’s Black Belt, to understand the origins of the local “segregation academy” and how it still divides the broader community. It was the first story in our series about segregation academies, private schools that opened across the Deep South after the U.S Supreme Court released its landmark decision in Brown v. Board of Education in 1954. White Southerners opened hundreds — perhaps thousands — of these schools, which allowed white children to flee just as Black children arrived in the public schools. Now, 70 years later, ProPublica has found that hundreds of these academies still operate. Where they do, schools often remain segregated — and as a result, so do entire communities.

    While I was in Wilcox County, I wondered: How would things be different if the segregation academy didn’t exist? Locals I met in the county seat of Camden mentioned another small town just a short drive over the county line where people had chosen a different path.

    So I headed to Thomasville, Alabama, to meet current school leaders and a group of Black former students who were on the front lines during desegregation. They described the critical turning points when Black and white residents alike made decisions that resulted in integrated public schools and a very different future for the town’s schoolchildren.

    When Jim Emerson arrived in rural Alabama’s Wilcox County to work as a paper mill executive, he saw opportunities for development in its rolling hills, lush riverbanks and charming small-town county seat of Camden.

    He tried to steer new hires toward moving there.

    Join us on June 5 for a virtual discussion of how private schools known as “segregation academies” in the Deep South continue to preserve divisions within communities even 70 years after Brown v. Board of Education.

    But he hit an obstacle: The local schools were sharply divided by race. Virtually all of the public school students were Black, and most white students attended Wilcox Academy, one of the hundreds of private schools in the Deep South that researchers call “segregation academies.”

    Many of the paper mill’s new employees instead moved to Thomasville, a small town in a neighboring county.

    In Thomasville, Emerson sees what Camden could have been.

    Trophy cases at A.L. Martin High School celebrated its students’ achievements. (Lt. R.C. Brooks of the Alabama Highway Patrol/Alabama Department of Archives and History)

    The two small towns’ futures diverged, in many ways, starting in 1970. That year, the fairly new Thomasville City Schools came up with a court-ordered desegregation plan that called for shuttering A.L. Martin, the high school for Black students, and sending its students to Thomasville High, the school for whites. A segregation academy also opened in Thomasville that year.

    Several former A.L. Martin students recalled that when they arrived at Thomasville High, they were sent to separate classrooms from the white students. Gone were their Black coaches. Their principal was relegated to a job as the superintendent’s clerk.

    “It destroyed the fabric of the community. This was the nucleus of the Black community,” said G.B. Quinney, a student then who’s now director of a museum in the A.L. Martin building.

    Sign up for Dispatches, a weekly ProPublica newsletter about wrongdoing in America.

    By fall 1971, they’d had enough. Every Black student got up and walked out of school together in protest. A large majority stayed out for nearly the entire school year, organizing protests and a boycott that cost local white businesses money. Their demands included eliminating segregated classes, hiring a Black administrator and more Black teachers’ aides, and increasing the participation of Black teachers in planning school activities.

    What happened next separates Thomasville from Camden and many other Black Belt areas.

    White leaders eventually invited Black protestors to negotiate a return to school — and to their businesses. Many white parents also either never left the public schools or did so but soon returned.

    Some students also transferred from Wilcox County to Thomasville “to escape the almost all-black Wilcox County public schools and to avoid the cost of tuition at private academies,” according to a U.S. Commission on Civil Rights report issued in 1983.

    In the 1970s, the chair of the Thomasville school board also stood firm: The district would not hire teachers who sent their children to private schools, nor would it beg students who left to return.

    The superintendent agreed: “If they leave, I don’t want them back.”

    In 1987, the segregation academy in town closed. Today, Thomasville High School’s students are about 60% Black and 40% white, far more integrated than many schools in Alabama’s Black Belt.

    Annette Davis was in 10th grade when the district moved her class from A.L. Martin to the white high school in 1969, the year before the entire school was merged. She was among the student protesters who were arrested.

    Today, when she returns to Thomasville High for football games and other events, she is proud to see white and Black students in class together — and a Black principal at the helm. “When I walk into that school now, I feel good,” Davis said.

    Many families who can afford private school tuition still choose the city’s public schools. They use their resources to help other students with everything from transportation to winter coats and wrestling uniforms. They become alumni who support the school through fundraisers involving their businesses, Thomasville Superintendent Vickie Morris said.

    In downtown Thomasville, a sign in a storefront reads, “Let’s Go Tigers!” — the public high school mascot.

    In contrast, a sign in the window of a downtown Camden business reads, “Proud Supporters of the Wilcox Wildcats” — the local private academy.

    A.L. Martin High School was built on a hill overlooking Thomasville. Today, a museum dedicated to the city’s Black history operates in the space. (Lt. R.C. Brooks of the Alabama Highway Patrol/Alabama Department of Archives and History)

    “We’ve got the whole city’s support,” said Thomas E. Jackson, who graduated in one of A.L. Martin’s final classes and now is a longtime Democratic state legislator. In 1966, when he was a junior, he and three other Black students fled gunfire after entering an ice cream store through the front door, which was reserved for white patrons.

    Morris, the current superintendent, described parents from surrounding districts, who pay $400 a year to transfer students in, tearfully begging her to admit their children when classes are full. “We are the choice,” she said.

    Among those transfers are 71 students from Wilcox County.

    “It shows you what can happen when the community makes up its mind not to be divided,” said Emerson, the paper mill executive who’s now retired. Wilcox County’s white citizens chose another path in the 1970s, “which, in retrospect, was a very, very bad decision.”

    For more deep dives into how we report our stories, sign up for our weekly newsletter.

    Help ProPublica Report on Education


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jennifer Berry Hawes.

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    Can Education Solve Poverty? https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/28/can-education-solve-poverty/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/28/can-education-solve-poverty/#respond Tue, 28 May 2024 22:00:16 +0000 https://progressive.org/public-schools-advocate/can-education-solve-poverty-bader-20240528/
    This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Eleanor J. Bader.

    ]]>
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    NYT Misses What’s True and Important About an Anti-Trans School Resolution https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/28/nyt-misses-whats-true-and-important-about-an-anti-trans-school-resolution/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/28/nyt-misses-whats-true-and-important-about-an-anti-trans-school-resolution/#respond Tue, 28 May 2024 20:10:41 +0000 https://fair.org/?p=9039817  

    The New York Times has become notorious for its role in laundering right-wing transphobia for its largely liberal audience (see, e.g., FAIR.org, 12/16/22, 5/11/23, 5/19/23). A recent article (5/20/24) about local school politics serves as yet another example of how the paper’s anti-trans agenda most likely flies under the radar of most readers—making its propaganda that much more effective.

    The headline read, “NYC Parents Rebuked for Questioning Transgender Student-Athlete Rules.” The subhead explained further:

    Over a dozen Democratic elected officials criticized a parent group that asked for a review of rules that let students play on sports teams that align with their gender identity.

    It’s a framing clearly intended to portray the parents as reasonable—they just want to ask questions and review some rules!—and the city officials as censorious. After all, who rebukes people for just wanting to have a conversation?

    ‘Asked the city to review’

    NYT: N.Y.C. Parents Rebuked for Questioning Transgender Student-Athlete Rules

    The New York Times (5/20/24) framed a story about a transphobic resolution as “parents” being attacked for merely “questioning.”

    The article, by education reporter Troy Closson, began by describing “a group of elected parent leaders”–representing District 2, one of six Manhattan school districts–who “asked the city to review education department rules allowing transgender students to play on sports teams that align with their gender identity.”

    “Elected,” so they must be representative, and simply “asked…to review,” so there’s presumably nothing anyone should get upset about. At least, as far as Times readers would be able to tell.

    And what was the response? Closson tells readers:

    The schools chancellor, David C. Banks, called the proposal “despicable” and “no way in line with our values.”

    Democratic officials also have responded to the parent council swiftly, and angrily.

    In a letter made public on Monday, a coalition of 18 Democratic elected officials from New York called the proposal “hateful, discriminatory and actively harmful” to the city’s children.

    New York City’s Democrats sure sound extreme! Closson did finally give readers at least a glimpse of the other side’s perspective:

    The officials argued that while some parents say they were “simply asking for a conversation,” the resolution “was based in anti-LGBTQ+ rhetoric” that has helped fuel harassment and mental health issues for young people. They demanded that the council formally rescind the resolution.

    Toward the end of the piece, Closson acknowledged that, according to another council member, the council “received dozens of messages in opposition and only a handful in support in the lead-up to their meeting on the resolution.”

    Crossing ‘political lines’

    The Times gave no further context about the resolution or the people behind it that could possibly make the officials’ reactions make sense.

    Instead, to help readers understand how out of the mainstream those Democratic officials are, Closson wrote, “But opinions on this issue don’t necessarily break neatly along political lines.” He offered a poll of “registered voters statewide” that found about two-thirds support barring trans athletes from competing with others who share their gender identity, with Republican respondents 30 percentage points more supportive than Democrats.

    Of course, New York state is far more conservative than New York City (5–4 Democrat to Republican statewide, versus about 7–1 in the city), so it’s not a very useful barometer of NYC public opinion.

    But perhaps more importantly, is it really the opinions of ill-informed voters that should matter here? Or is it the safety and well-being of the city’s public school students?

    Like most Times articles about trans politics that FAIR has analyzed (FAIR.org, 5/6/21, 6/23/22, 5/11/23), Closson’s piece marginalized the voices of those most impacted. The piece quoted no students; it quoted one trans person—an “educator who runs a local after-school program”—who opposed the resolution. The rest were officials and parent council members.

    A pointless ‘review’

    CNN: NY court strikes down Nassau County order that banned transgender athletes from competing on girls’ sports teams

    The New York Times didn’t mention that the rules the resolution called for “reviewing” in fact are required under state law prohibiting discrimination on the basis of gender identity or expression (CNN, 5/11/24).

    Reading about the incident in outlets focused on education news, you get a very different understanding of the situation—including what the resolution could do. And there’s much more backstory to these “concerned parents” than the Times lets on.

    First of all, as ACLU lawyer (and trans parent in District 2) Chase Strangio pointed out at the meeting, New York City school guidelines on trans youth athletes already align with state law.

    Indeed, when a Republican county executive tried to ban trans athletes from competing on women’s teams in nearby Nassau County, the state attorney general sent him a cease-and-desist letter for contravening New York’s law against gender identity discrimination. A state judge (CNN, 5/11/24) struck down the executive order shortly before the Times article on the school council resolution, suggesting that any sort of “review” of the city’s school anti-discrimination policy would likewise serve no purpose—other than scoring cheap political points by targeting a vulnerable student population.

    That would be nothing new for some of the supposedly representative and reasonable leaders involved. For the real story here, you need a little bit of context about those leaders.

    Community education councils in New York City, unlike school boards in many places, have no authority to change school policies; their resolutions are nonbinding and their role is advisory only. In part because of this—and because prior to 2021, council positions were filled by PTAs, not by popular vote—awareness of and participation in the elections are both extremely low, making them easy targets for small but organized activist groups. (In the 2021 elections, only 2% of eligible voters participated.)

    Out of PLACE

    City: City Education Council Elections Bring Polarizing National Issues to Local School Districts

    PLACE co-founder Maud Maron (The City, 4/28/23) called New York City schools an “oppressor woke environment where DOE employees make them pledge allegiance to their LGBTQI+ religion.”

    In New York, just such a group took advantage of that low-hanging fruit: PLACE NYC. Founded in 2019 to oppose city efforts to address some of the worst school segregation rates in the country by reforming screened admissions and gifted programs, PLACE-endorsed candidates won a whopping 40% of council seats in the 2023 elections (The City, 4/28/23).

    PLACE does not advertise a particular stance on LGBTQ issues, but its leadership overlaps with other “parent rights” groups that take anti-trans positions, including the far-right Moms for Liberty.

    The anti-trans resolution in New York City’s District 2 passed by 8 votes to 3. Of these eight concerned council members, seven were endorsed by PLACE in the 2023 elections, including three who are in leadership roles at the organization.

    Leonard Silverman, president of the council, was quoted by the Times; it didn’t mention that he is also a founder of PLACE. PLACE treasurer Craig Slutkin was another “yes” vote.

    Another founder (and former president) of PLACE, Maud Maron, sponsored the anti-trans resolution. Maron is a well-known local activist, a proud member of the Moms for Liberty who, in an unsuccessful long-shot bid for Congress last year, advocated for a trans youth athlete ban. Maron and fellow council and PLACE member Charles Love spoke at a recent Moms for Liberty panel (Chalkbeat, 1/18/24).

    ‘No such thing as trans kids’

    74: In Private Texts, NY Ed Council Reps, Congressional Candidate Demean LGBTQ Kids

    A city councilmember characterized PLACE leaders’ private texts as “demeaning, transphobic smears that are reminiscent of playground bullies” (The74, 12/14/23).

    Back in December, education news site The74 (12/14/23) reported on a leaked WhatsApp chat among Maron, fellow council and PLACE member Danyela Egorov and other parent leaders. In it, Maron declared that “there is no such thing as trans kids.” When a parent expressed concern about how many LGBTQ kids were in her child’s school, Maron responded, “The social contagion is undeniable.” She also falsely claimed of gender-affirming hormone therapy: “Some of these kids never develop adult genitalia and will never have full sexual function. It’s an abomination.”

    Three months later, Maron called an anonymous high school student who penned a pro-Palestinian op-ed in their school paper a “coward,” and accused them of “Jew hatred” in the New York Post (2/24/24). After numerous parent and official complaints about her conduct, the NYC Department of Education (The74, 4/18/24) investigated and issued an order last month to Maron to

    cease engaging in conduct involving derogatory or offensive comments about any New York City Public School student, and conduct that serves to harass, intimidate or threaten, including but not limited to frequent verbal abuse and unnecessary aggressive speech that serves to intimidate and cause others to have concern for their personal safety.

    This very relevant context was reported just a few weeks before Closson’s Times article.

    PLACE and its controversial members and history are well known among local education activists and reporters. So Closson, who specifically covers the Times‘ “K–12 schools in New York City” beat, would appear to be either remarkably uninformed about his beat or intentionally obscuring the background to his story.

    ‘An attempt to roll back protections’

    Chalkbeat: An attempt to roll back protections for trans students in sports angers NYC students and families

    Chalkbeat‘s report (4/23/24) put the focus on “protections for trans students,” not on “questioning” parents.

    Meanwhile, Chalkbeat (4/23/24), which covers education news in a handful of large US cities, covered the council meeting with the headline “An Attempt to Roll Back Protections for Trans Students in Sports Angers NYC Students and Families.”

    Unlike Closson, reporter Liz Rosenberg quoted a number of people directly impacted by the resolution: a local trans teen, a local seventh grader who had started a Gay/Straight Alliance, and a parent who had moved to New York from Florida to protect her young trans child from the anti-trans laws there.

    Rosenberg explained Maron’s history, including the cease-and-desist letter she had received only a week before the meeting. She quoted experts who described the documented negative impacts on trans kids when exclusionary or restrictive anti-trans laws are enacted, including a sharp rise in K–12 hate crimes against LGBTQ students.

    Over at The74 (3/22/24), Marianna McMurdock also provided the back story on Maron. She noted, as Closson did not, that “dozens of community members spoke out against the gender resolution with only one expressing support.” According to McMurdock, the messages received by the council about the resolution were even more lopsided than Closson reported: 173–2.

    Where Closson wrote that it was “unclear…whether the issue has affected sports teams in the city,” but that “some parents worried that their children could be disadvantaged or injured if transgender girls joined girls’ teams,” even non-local outlet Politico (3/20/24) noted directly that there was no evidence that any cisgender girls in the district had been harmed by the city schools’ policy.

    In other words, it’s not terribly difficult to provide the kind of context that helps readers understand what’s “true and important” about this story. But on trans issues, the New York Times has proven itself time and again less interested in what’s true and important than in acting as a trojan horse for organized right-wing transphobia.


    ACTION ALERT: You can send a message to the New York Times at letters@nytimes.com. Please remember that respectful communication is the most effective. Feel free to leave a copy of your communication in the comments thread.


    This content originally appeared on FAIR and was authored by Julie Hollar.

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    ‘We’re Seeing Universities Following a Corporate Agenda to Get Favor With Donors’: CounterSpin interview with Ellen Schrecker on the attack on academic freedom https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/28/were-seeing-universities-following-a-corporate-agenda-to-get-favor-with-donors-counterspin-interview-with-ellen-schrecker-on-the-attack-on-academic-freedom/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/28/were-seeing-universities-following-a-corporate-agenda-to-get-favor-with-donors-counterspin-interview-with-ellen-schrecker-on-the-attack-on-academic-freedom/#respond Tue, 28 May 2024 18:39:56 +0000 https://fair.org/?p=9039806  

    Janine Jackson interviewed historian Ellen Schrecker about the attack on academic freedom for the May 24, 2024, episode of CounterSpin. This is a lightly edited transcript.

     

    Intercept: University Professors Are Losing Their Jobs Over “New McCarthyism” on Gaza

    Intercept (5/16/24)

    Janine Jackson: Any accounting of the impact of Israel’s Gaza assault on scholarship, on learning, has to start with the reduction to rubble of all 12 universities in Gaza, with the incalculable loss that entails, and the reported killing of at least 90 professors. But as the Intercept’s Natasha Lennard writes:

    Israel’s attempted eradication of intellectual life in Gaza echoes far beyond the territory, with US universities ensuring that some professors vocal in their support of Palestine can no longer do their jobs either.

    We are now learning of how many academics and teachers around the country are seeing their jobs targeted as part of a purge, aggressively encouraged by funders and—mostly, but not only—Republican politicians.

    It’s being called a new McCarthyism. But our guest, an expert on McCarthyism, suggests we understand other elements at play that make today different from, say, anti-Vietnam college protests in the 1960s, including the fact that today’s political repression aims not just at teachers themselves, but at what gets studied and taught.

    Historian Ellen Schrecker is author of numerous books, including The Lost Promise: American Universities in the 1960s; No Ivory Tower: McCarthyism and the Universities; and she’s editor, with Valerie C. Johnson and Jennifer Ruth, of the new book The Right to Learn: Resisting the Ring-Wing Attack on Academic Freedom, out now from Beacon Press. She joins us now by phone. Welcome back to CounterSpin, Ellen Schrecker.

    Ellen Schrecker: Thank you for having me on your program.

    JJ: There are a number of differences between student (in particular) protests today, and that of the 1960s. For one thing, today’s student protesters remember previous student protesters, and their impact on history. And I would say, also, the availability today of more person-to-person information sources, avenues outside of “all the news that’s fit to print.” But you note that the playing field of the university, as a site, as a place for voicing dissent, is itself importantly different. Tell us about that.

    ES: Yes, that’s really the key issue now. Every time there is an attempt to repress free speech and academic freedom, I’m always asked, how does this compare to McCarthyism? And I’m a trained historian, so I sort of put in a lot of nuance, and I’ll say, “Oh, it depends….” But I don’t do that anymore, because it’s worse than McCarthyism. Much worse.

    And that is really because the university of 2024 is a very different place than the academic community in the late 1960s. In the 1960s, American universities were expanding. They had a great reputation. People loved them. State governments and the federal government were throwing money at the universities.

    And that’s no longer the case. And what we’re seeing is a very much weaker system of American higher education than had existed during what was called the Golden Age of American higher education, in the late 1950s and 1960s.

    So I’d like to talk about what has changed between that period and now, and why what’s happening today is so much worse.

    When we look at McCarthyism itself—and up until recently, it was probably the longest-lasting and most widespread episode of political repression in the modern American university—what we saw was an attack on individual faculty members. It was part of a broader purge of left-wing scholars, movie stars, government officials. It was running throughout large sectors of American society, not specifically targeting the universities, but they probably accounted for a quarter or fifth, maybe, of the victims of McCarthyism, in the sense that these were the people who were losing their jobs as a result of the inquisition.

    To my knowledge, there were about a hundred people, more or less—probably more, because people kept this stuff secret, so they could keep their jobs—who were fired. And they were fired specifically because they had had some kind of connection with the American Communist movement earlier in the 1930s and ’40s, and did not want to cooperate with the ongoing anti-Communist inquisition that we now call McCarthyism. (Although we should have called it Hooverism, if we really understood how it operated.)

    But anyhow, what’s interesting, and what’s very different, of course, from today, is that these people were being fired for their external political activities, or former political activities, and were never questioned about their teaching or scholarship. That was simply not of interest. It was their political work, or former political work.

     

    Vox: The “anti-intellectual attack” on higher ed will take years to undo

    Vox (6/17/23)

    That’s not the case today. What is happening today is that there is a huge movement attacking all of American higher education. It’s been ongoing now for 40 years. It started as a response to the ’60s, to the student movement of the ’60s, to the originally nonviolent civil disobedience. These students were protesting, very much like students today, against what they saw as a dreadful moral calamity, a dreadful American participation in the Vietnam War. Certainly that was the main thing, but also, they were very involved with the movement for racial justice.

    And as they tried to get some kind of action to end the war—which they actually did do, but it wasn’t obvious at the time—and trying to open up American society to racial equality, they became frustrated and noticed that their own institutions, universities, had been collaborating in some way with these injustices that they were seeking to rectify.

    And so that’s why you get this sort of campus-focused movement on the part of students, because, after all, this was the only institution they could affect. They may not have been particularly realistic; in retrospect, maybe they should have emphasized electoral politics a lot more than they did, but that’s rewriting history. What we need to learn from history is the fact that as a result of the student unrest of the ’60s—which was essentially nonviolent on the part of the students, and only became particularly violent when universities and political bodies sought to repress it, just like today, of course—what we’re seeing on campuses is police violence; the kids have been remarkably restrained, much more so than in the ’60s, actually. They’re just sitting on the ground in their tents.

    They’re not bothering anybody, except, of course: if you look at this from the perspective of 40 years of repression against higher education, that is in large part, not entirely by any means, but in large part the product of a very self-conscious conspiracy, and I don’t use the word “conspiracy” a lot, on the part of a group of very wealthy businessmen and intellectuals who were seeking, as early as the 1960s, to roll back the political reforms of the ’60s, and impose a more right-wing, neoliberal political culture on the United States, that contained, as one of its main focuses, an attack on higher education.

    Because these wealthy conservatives felt that the kind of dispassionate and educated, evidence-based scholarship that was coming out of universities was attacking them, and they wanted to destroy the reputation of higher education. And they did so very self-consciously, by undermining the institutions of higher learning, by circulating propaganda about how universities have been taken over by left-wing professors, by—the word that they use today is “woke”—the forces of “woke” left-wing radicals, by weak-kneed administrators who are capitulating to these powerful forces.

    Well, that wasn’t the case at all. What happened was universities themselves changed in response, not just to this attack, but also in response to a very strong economic pullback on the part of the state legislatures and the federal government that had been funding them so well up until the end of the ’60s.

    So what we’re seeing is universities that then, for the past 40 years, have been responding to a very different financial economic situation, an economic climate that was punishing them, and they had to respond, administrators did, not by taking a more positive approach to what’s going on, and trying to sell what American higher education was doing for the country, for individuals, they thought to placate these forces of reaction.

    But they also responded by seeking other sources of income, when state funding shrank, and that’s key. And what did they do? They raised tuition, slowly at first, but then quite significantly. So we now have, of course, the student debt problem, which I think it’s up to $1.8 trillion of student debt. And we have people being very upset about how much higher education costs, when in so many other countries, it seems to be free.

    They also look for other sources of income: donors. The leaders of higher education began to curry favor with these very wealthy billionaires, many of whom were funding this attack on higher education. So we’re seeing that, and we’re also seeing universities themselves following a corporate agenda, on the assumption that this is what they can do to get favor with the new donors.

    Ellen Schrecker

    Ellen Schrecker: “Universities have also ignored their faculty members, and this is why they have put up, I think, such a pathetically weak and collaborationist response to the current repression.”

    But also because they have imbibed the neoliberalism that came about beginning in the 1970s, and continuing through til today, whereby the public good sort of disappears from the agenda and it’s intensely individualistic. Even a higher education now is something that’s good for individual people, and its role as a benefit to the rest of society has long since disappeared, which is really a total travesty.

    Anyhow, as a result, universities have also ignored their faculty members, and this is why they have put up, I think, such a pathetically weak and collaborationist response to the current repression.

    The final point here is that the way that the universities have been weakened is by ignoring their faculty members, but also by destroying the faculty:  Over the past 40 years or so, very gradually, the number of full-time tenured and tenure-track faculty members has declined to the extent that 75% of all instruction is now being offered by faculty members who have no academic freedom.

    These are what we call contingent workers. They are part-time or contract temporary workers who have no academic freedom, no economic security. They can be fired at any time for any purpose or no purpose at all. And they are not in a position to fight back, and their administrations do not support them when they’re attacked from the outside.

    They’re very good teachers. They’re equally qualified with the tenured and tenure-track faculty members, but have terrible salaries. They often are hired to teach one course for one semester for $3,000 or so, that’s the average pay, and can be fired at any time.

    And I think we have to realize that this is a structural problem that needs to be addressed before we can really fight back and preserve the jobs of people who are now particularly threatened, especially after October 7, by another group, a very powerful political group of supporters of Israel.

    JJ: The fact that, of the many professors who’ve been fired, only one of them, as far as we know right now, had tenure—it is the adjuncts, it is the people who are basically at-will workers who are easier to just be cut off by these universities. So part of it is, it is this structural thing where you undermine the very idea that as a professor you would have some kind of job security, you would have some kind of protection.

    ES: Exactly. Yes.

    JJ: Let me just say, we have seen a number of professors putting themselves, sometimes physically, between students and police. We have seen professors standing up for, not only their own rights to speak, but their students’ rights to protest. And I would just say, because we’ve talked about this before, that faculty/student support and coalition-building, that’s part of a tradition too.

    ES: Exactly. And what we’re seeing, for the first time, really, since the 1960s, is faculties beginning to organize themselves in support of causes that many of us support. And that should be protected by the universities and has not been, because the administrations over the past 40 years have been seeking to curry favor with these right-wing billionaire donors, and have been living in a kind of right-wing bubble.

    They don’t know students, they don’t care about students. What they care about is getting money, getting support, growing their institutions, growing them in a way that will appear on the US News & World Report status ranking, without really paying attention to the kind of education they’re giving their students.

    And it’s been shown, there’s evidence that the predominance of these temporary and low-paid contingent workers are unable to give their students the kind of education they deserve. And that’s a very significant problem. But, together, what we’re seeing is a real beginning, however, of a new awareness that we’re all in this together.

    I would argue that the most powerful way to fight against this probably is through unionization, through organizing unions that can get contracts that include language supporting academic freedom. That’s very important. That seems to be the only way that these gig, part-time and temporary professors can gain a measure of economic security, so that they can speak out and keep their jobs.

    I mean, this is really destroying free speech within American society, because universities have traditionally been, and certainly at the moment still are, spaces where there is more support for intellectual freedom than anywhere else in American society.

    So it’s very important that faculty members begin to fight back, begin to form coalitions, can begin to argue for a serious pushback against these forces that, as we know, have been passing laws, certainly since 2020, in red states and in some blue, to sanction free speech and ideas that the right-wing Republicans do not think are appropriate. And this is a terrible threat to our whole democratic system.

    The Right to Learn

    Beacon Press, 2024

    JJ: The book talks about how we can’t just rhetorically defend academic freedom and free speech; we have to act, and the book is part of that. So I would just ask you, finally, this new book, The Right to Learn, I want to say, it’s not a tome; it’s immensely readable. I just would ask you, what do you and other contributors hope that this book will do in the world? How do you look for it to be used?

    ES: OK, we wrote this book more than two years ago, and I remember feeling it recently: “Oh my God, it’s out of date. How can it be used?” Well, it’s more relevant now than it was then. The situation has really worsened enormously since October 7.

    What we were hoping to do is give people some intellectual ammunition, the facts about what’s going on on American campuses, and how people have been distorting history, have been distorting constitutional measures, have been distorting the function of academic freedom, and how people can fight back, give people information that they need, so that then they can go out and become active on their campuses, recruit colleagues, recruit students, start teach-ins, start doing whatever they can to create a buzz on their campuses, which certainly is happening.

    But we’ve got to mobilize. We’ve got to organize. People have to have the information, and that’s what we felt was a necessary precursor for mounting a serious campaign to take back power on our campuses, to bring the faculty back into action as it has never been before. And we’re really asking for something very revolutionary, I guess.

    What we’d like to see is a much more democratic university, that isn’t under the sway of these reactionary politicians and businessmen. And it’s going to be hard to do. It’s going to require a lot of action, but we want that action to be well-informed, and we hope that this book will be useful, be a weapon. It’s not going to save the world, obviously, but it’s our contribution to this campaign.

    JJ: Thank you so much for that. We’ve been speaking with Ellen Schrecker, author of books, including The Lost Soul of Higher Education: Corporatization, the Assault on Academic Freedom and the End of the American University. That’s available from the New Press. The new book we’re talking about is called The Right to Learn: Resisting the Ring-Wing Attack on Academic Freedom That’s out now from Beacon Press. Thank you so much, Ellen Schrecker, for joining us this week on CounterSpin.

    ES: Thank you so much, Janine, for having me.

     


    This content originally appeared on FAIR and was authored by Janine Jackson.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/28/were-seeing-universities-following-a-corporate-agenda-to-get-favor-with-donors-counterspin-interview-with-ellen-schrecker-on-the-attack-on-academic-freedom/feed/ 0 476970
    Ellen Schrecker on the Attack on Academic Freedom https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/24/ellen-schrecker-on-the-attack-on-academic-freedom/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/24/ellen-schrecker-on-the-attack-on-academic-freedom/#respond Fri, 24 May 2024 15:47:53 +0000 https://fair.org/?p=9039787  

     

    Law enforcement at UCLA looks on as student protesters are attacked by a right-wing mob.

    Law enforcement at UCLA looks on as student peace protesters are attacked by a right-wing mob (CNN, 5/16/24).

    This week on CounterSpin: As an historic catastrophe, the deep and myriad impacts of Israel’s assault on Palestinians will not be fully understood until years from now, if then. That only adds urgency to present-day resistance to the collateral assault—on the ability to witness, to record and to remember. And of course to protest. The violent, state-sponsored attacks on college students and faculty across the country, who are standing in solidarity with Palestinians and opposed to colleges’ investment in the war and occupation, are showcasing many things—among them the abandonment by many educational institutions of their responsibility to protect not only students, but the space in which they can speak and learn freely.

    When we spoke with historian Ellen Schrecker in 2017, she noted that the power of the movement associated with Joseph McCarthy was not the man himself, but the “collaboration of the employers, of the mainstream media, of the legal system, you name it, to go along with this anti-Communist purge.” And while many people feel comforted that McCarthy the man was eventually censured by the Senate, the truth is “the American political spectrum narrowed [and] a whole bunch of ideas and causes kind of disappeared from American political discourse and American political life.”

    We hear again today from historian and author Ellen Schrecker, co-editor of the new book The Right to Learn: Resisting the Ring-Wing Attack on Academic Freedom, from Beacon Press.

     

    Plus Janine Jackson takes a quick look at recent press coverage of Amazon.

     


    This content originally appeared on FAIR and was authored by CounterSpin.

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    After Decades, Voters Finally OK Replacement for Crumbling Idaho School https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/24/after-decades-voters-finally-ok-replacement-for-crumbling-idaho-school/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/24/after-decades-voters-finally-ok-replacement-for-crumbling-idaho-school/#respond Fri, 24 May 2024 11:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/idaho-salmon-school-district-bond-approved by Becca Savransky, Idaho Statesman

    This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with the Idaho Statesman. Sign up for Dispatches to get stories like this one as soon as they are published.

    The Salmon School District in remote Central Idaho will finally get a new school.

    After decades in which voters rejected every bond the district asked for, the community on Tuesday approved a $20 million bond to build a new pre-K-through-8 school with a resounding 72% support.

    The election comes after the Idaho Statesman and ProPublica reported last year on how children across the state were learning in schools with freezing classrooms, leaking roofs and discolored water. Salmon was one of the most poignant examples — in the last two decades, the district failed to pass around a dozen bonds to replace its dilapidated schools. Idaho is one of just two states that require support from two-thirds of voters to pass a bond.

    At Salmon’s Pioneer Elementary, the plumbing is failing, the floors are uneven and pose tripping hazards, and sewage sometimes backs up into a corner of the kitchen. Parts of the building aren’t accessible for students with disabilities. The foundation is crumbling.

    Unable to pass a bond or to find other ways to fix these problems, the district turned to a state program created in 2006. It was one of only two districts ever to do so. But a state panel decided that Salmon’s problems — though bad enough to pose safety hazards — did not warrant a new school, only new roofs and seismic reinforcements. After that process, the district ultimately decided to close its middle school, which now sits abandoned beside the elementary school, surrounded by a razor-wire fence.

    When the Statesman and ProPublica visited the elementary school last year, reporters saw many of the same problems the school had said it had about a decade ago, when it first applied for help from the state.

    Over the past several months, a group called the Salmon Schools Needs Assessment Committee has been active on social media to provide information about the bond and share the challenges that the elementary school faces. In a Facebook post Wednesday, the committee said it was “overcome with gratitude and excitement.”

    Jill Patton, the principal of the elementary school, said she is “deeply thankful” that the community came together to support the district’s schools. She praised the grassroots initiative spearheaded by the assessment committee.

    The effort “involved a remarkable group that dedicated countless hours to understanding community concerns and identifying preferred solutions,” she said in an email. “They meticulously developed a plan that the community could rally behind.”

    Since 2006, the news organizations reported, fewer than half of all Idaho school bonds have passed, but that 80% of them would have passed if a simple majority were required.

    Idaho lawmakers considered a proposal that would have started the process to lower the vote threshold needed to pass a school bond, but the effort did not move forward during the legislative session.

    Legislators did approve $2 billion in funding over a decade to repair and replace schools. The measure was signed by Republican Gov. Brad Little, who cited the investigation and called school funding “priority No. 1” in his State of the State address in January.

    Help ProPublica Report on Education


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Becca Savransky, Idaho Statesman.

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    How Residents in a Rural Alabama County Are Confronting the Lasting Harm of Segregation Academies https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/24/how-residents-in-a-rural-alabama-county-are-confronting-the-lasting-harm-of-segregation-academies/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/24/how-residents-in-a-rural-alabama-county-are-confronting-the-lasting-harm-of-segregation-academies/#respond Fri, 24 May 2024 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/wilcox-county-alabama-segregation-academies by Jennifer Berry Hawes, photography by Sarahbeth Maney

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    Join us for a virtual discussion of how private schools known as “segregation academies” in the Deep South continue to preserve divisions within communities even 70 years after Brown v. Board of Education.

    In the rural community of Wilcox County, Alabama, a Black principal is working to empower students in the segregated public high school. A Black woman is grappling with demons of the county’s past. A white woman is digging into that history. A white high school graduate is realizing the importance of interracial friendships. Others are using art to bridge divides.

    ProPublica is examining the lasting effects of “segregation academies,” private schools that opened across the Deep South in opposition to desegregation. In our first story, we wrote about how the local academy in Wilcox is nearly all white while the public schools are virtually all Black. As a result, people don’t often know one another well. When we asked local residents how often they have ever invited someone of another race over for dinner, we heard variations of, “That would be very uncommon.”

    Although people haven’t often forged those deeper relationships, we met many who said they want to. We met others who are already doing so.

    They confront a long and painful legacy of racism. They battle the inertia of “the way things are.” And they must build trust across racial divides where it often hasn’t existed before.

    Shelly Dallas Dale Shelly Dallas Dale, left, talks with a visitor to Black Belt Treasures, a cultural center in downtown Camden.

    Shelly Dallas Dale still has flashbacks to being sprayed with tear gas, especially that first time.

    Dale was 16 years old in 1971 when she joined a march in downtown Camden, 40 miles south of Selma in the heart of Alabama’s Black Belt, to protest its segregated schools. She and 428 others were arrested for “illegal marching.” They included 87 students. In an article about the march, the local newspaper called them “deluded blacks.”

    Dale had grown up afraid of white people, but she still summoned her courage to join the Civil Rights Movement as it unfolded in Camden — even though protestors had lost their jobs and faced violence and arrests.

    Before the desegregation march, she had become so fearful for her safety that she wrote her own obituary. Then she went to her older sister with a request. “This is the dress,” she recalled saying. “If I should get killed, bury me in it.”

    At the march, someone fired tear gas at her. A white man shot her younger sister, she said, the bullet rocketing across the girl’s back just beneath the skin. But Dale and her family remained determined that Black students in Wilcox County should have access to the same educational opportunities as white children. She would march again — and face tear gas again.

    Dale went on to become the county’s long-serving (and first female) tax assessor, a role that brought her into contact with every type of person — including the white people who had traumatized her and other Black children.

    She tried to face her fear each day. She said she got to know people beyond the flashbacks and the years of fighting for basic rights like voting and school equality.

    “I think it has helped me to embrace people more,” she said. “And to look beyond the evil side.”

    Betty Anderson Betty Anderson, left, and Vera Spinks chat during one of Anderson’s frequent visits to Black Belt Treasures, where Spinks works.

    Unlike many Black residents of Wilcox County during the 1950s and 1960s, Betty Anderson’s father did not work for a white man. For more than four decades, Joe Anderson ran the Camden Shoe Shop in the heart of downtown. Because he was his own boss, he joined local actions in the Civil Rights Movement without the fear for his livelihood that others, including sharecropping families, faced.

    When his health declined in 2006, Betty Anderson moved back to help him. She had spent 42 years away, including a stint modeling in New York, but quickly became a fixture again in Wilcox County.

    To honor her father and other family members, she opened the Camden Shoe Shop & Quilt Museum in his old building. The sidewalk leading up to it is painted shades of rose, azure and forest green. A pillow embroidered with “Welcome” sits on the arm of an old chair adorned with flowers. Inside its colorful doors awaits an array of artwork and historical memorabilia, much of it from her own relatives.

    Her whole family was involved in the Civil Rights Movement. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. visited their home. Activists stayed with them. Her grandmother and other family living in nearby Gee’s Bend made quilts to earn money for demonstrators’ gas and other needs.

    The museum features quilts made by her great-great-grandmother, who had been enslaved and passed the craft down to later generations. Her father’s 1965 voting card and his 1967 NAACP membership card are on display. So are the jeans and a shoe Anderson herself wore in the historic 1965 march from the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma to the state capital of Montgomery, Alabama, 54 miles away. Her Converse — black with a red stripe — has two golf-ball-sized holes worn into its sole.

    Anderson marched again for voting rights in Camden a few weeks later with classmates from her school. Although Wilcox County was mostly Black, virtually none of its registered voters were. Police arrested her middle brother. They jailed her youngest brother, just 8 years old, in Selma. For hours, nobody knew where he was.

    Despite the pain she lived through, Anderson is one of the people in Camden who seems to know everyone in town — Black and white. An upbeat and gregarious woman, she has no qualms crossing racial lines and is a frequent presence at activities held by both Black and white residents. She opens her eclectic museum as a local gathering spot.

    Frequent visitors include the women who work in the nearby Black Belt Treasures Cultural Arts Center. Anderson is an artist in residence there, but the organization means much more to her. In a town where white and Black neighbors remain apart in many ways, she and the white women who run it have become close friends.

    Black Belt Treasures Black Belt Treasures operates a gallery in downtown Camden that sells the work of hundreds of artists from across the region.

    When Black Belt Treasures launched in 2005, one goal rose above others: Its founders wanted to craft a new narrative, one that had gone largely untold in a region often defined by poverty and need.

    To do this, they wanted to draw people off the interstate and into Alabama’s Black Belt — particularly Camden, in the heart of it — to see for themselves.

    “We have gotten so much negative press and yet there’s a richness of life here,” Executive Director Sulynn Creswell said. “We have problems, but there are many, many talented, gifted people who live in this region.”

    Among other things, Black Belt Treasures operates a gallery in a former car dealership that is now filled with paintings and pottery and quilts fashioned by hundreds of artists from across the region. Its staffers also work with tourism efforts and take myriad arts programs out into schools and the broader community.

    Creswell and the center’s other employees have been key players in revitalizing downtown Camden, including playing a role in the creation of a colorful “Revolution of Joy” mural on a building between their gallery and Betty Anderson’s museum. All of their names are painted on it, along with those of a diverse group of people from around the county who came together to add their own artistic touches. Creswell and Kristin Law, who directs the center’s art programs and marketing, also were founding members of a local racial reconciliation group. The women, who are white, emphasized that they want the community to come together more — and they see the arts as a prime vehicle for that.

    “Yes, we have had our bad history,” Law said. “But we are also a beautiful place with beautiful people, and we’re all trying to work together to make a better place.”

    That includes two teenagers who work with them. Jazmyne Posey is a Black student at the local public high school. While working in the gallery, she met and befriended Law’s daughter, Samantha Cook, who is white and attends Wilcox Academy, the local private school. The other key women on staff here also have sent their children to the academy.

    In a town that is otherwise still segregated, especially in its schools, the two teenagers forged a friendship that likely would never have happened if they had relied on their school encounters.

    Susan McIntyre

    In 1975, a few years after the private Wilcox Academy opened in Camden when schools were being desegregated, a young white woman named Susan McIntyre took a job there.

    During her 12 years teaching French, she admired the school’s instruction and met families whose ancestors had owned plantations in the area. She sent her two daughters to the school and became close friends with another white woman whose children were about the same age.

    Back then, it was unheard of, she said, for a Black student to attend the academy, and none did. After growing up in a white world, she didn’t think much about why.

    Later, she took a job teaching in the county’s mostly Black public schools, where she still works. She interacted with Black students and teachers far more than ever before in her life.

    One day, while watching a group of Black students, a thought struck her. She wondered what message generations of school segregation had sent them. It was, she feared, an unjust lesson of inferiority.

    She began to read every book she could find in the local library about slavery. She dug into the ways desegregation played out in Wilcox County — and how it continues to affect students. It was hard to ignore the role Wilcox Academy had played in the continued segregation of students.

    “This is the thing that’s haunted me for years,” she said. “What if we had never started the private school?”

    The public schools in Wilcox County remain nearly all Black. But in recent years, a few Black students have crossed the county’s racial divide to enroll at the academy.

    Anna Crosswhit

    In August 2020, McIntyre’s granddaughter Anna Crosswhite was about to start her junior year at Wilcox Academy when she volunteered to be a water girl for the football team. One day, she noticed four Black students watching practice. Recognizing a couple of them from her brother’s summer baseball league, she walked over to say hello.

    The guys explained that COVID-19 had shut down the public school’s football season. As upperclassmen, they didn’t want to miss their last years of high school sports and they were thinking of applying to the academy.

    Crosswhite, who is white and has an adopted brother from China, was excited about the prospect of the academy’s student body becoming more diverse.She only knew of one Black student at the school. And with just 23 students in her class, she liked the possibility of new friends.

    She also thought back to when she was younger and volunteered at BAMA Kids Inc., a local nonprofit. Once in a while, she heard Black youth volunteers say things like, “Girl, we’re not allowed at your school.” Maybe the new students would help change that perception.

    But old notions lingered. She said she heard pushback from other academy students, although she didn’t want to divulge details that would identify her classmates.

    “We were 50 years behind,” she said. “I didn’t realize how behind we were.”

    The academy admitted the football players, and Crosswhite said she became friends with them. Although they hung out on the weekends and often went out to eat together, she never went into any of their homes. But she got to know them far better than she would have if they hadn’t gone to school together.

    Now a student at Auburn University, she is studying to become a teacher and sees how those friendships better prepared her for what she calls “the real world.”

    Principal Curtis Black Wilcox Central High School Principal Curtis Black drops in on a science class.

    When a bell blared at Wilcox Central High School one morning this spring, the principal slipped from behind his desk beneath a stuffed deer head with blue school baseball caps propped on its antlers.

    Curtis Black emerged into a hallway filled with students who, like him, grew up in a segregated school. Not a single white student attended the one he went to in a neighboring county. He realized the detriments of isolating students this way when he arrived at college and encountered a wider variety of people.

    Due to population decline in Wilcox County, the school operates in a building far bigger than its student body of about 400 can fill. Where once the county had three public high schools, it now has just this one. When the centralized school opened in this building near downtown Camden, complete with a competition-size swimming pool, many hoped it offered what white parents wanted — and that they might give it a chance.

    That didn’t happen. But Black carefully avoided criticizing Wilcox Academy. Instead, he rattled off programs that his school offers. Students can access the high school’s medical-training lab, its agriculture lab, its welding lab. They can take dual credit courses with area community colleges. They can earn certifications.

    As principal, he wants to create broader opportunities for his students, many of whom descend from people who were enslaved in this area. Their grandparents were traumatized by violent reactions to the Civil Rights Movement. His goals include exposing them more to the outside world and providing them the academic tools to land quality jobs out of high school or to succeed in college.

    This spring, walking down the school’s hallways, he pointed to the senior class.

    “In two or three months, they’re going to be around people from different backgrounds, different ethnic groups, different Christian groups,” Black said. “So we need that exposure.”

    Help ProPublica Report on Education


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jennifer Berry Hawes, photography by Sarahbeth Maney.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/24/how-residents-in-a-rural-alabama-county-are-confronting-the-lasting-harm-of-segregation-academies/feed/ 0 476187
    NZ students stage Gaza protests in global ‘take a stand’ rallies https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/23/nz-students-stage-gaza-protests-in-global-take-a-stand-rallies/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/23/nz-students-stage-gaza-protests-in-global-take-a-stand-rallies/#respond Thu, 23 May 2024 10:00:04 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=101758 Asia Pacific Report

    Thousands of students across Aotearoa New Zealand protested in a nationwide rally at seven universities across the country in a global day of solidarity with Palestine, calling on their universities to divest all partnerships with Israel.

    A combined group of students and academic staff from the country’s two largest universities chanted “AUT take a stand” at their rally in the Hikuwai Plaza in the heart of Auckland University of Technology (AUT).

    Students from the neighbouring University of Auckland (UOA) also took part.

    The students carried placards such as “Educators against genocide”, “Stand for students. Stand for justice. Stand with Palestine”, “Maite Te Awa Ki Te Moana” – te reo for “From the river to the sea – Free Palestine”.

    Another sign said, “No universities left in Gaza”, referring to Israeli military forces having destroyed all 12 universities in the besieged enclave during the war now in its eighth month.

    “We urge all students, alumni, and staff from universities across Aotearoa to sign the University Students’ Open Letter,” said organisers.

    “Let’s hold our institutions accountable, demanding they meet our calls for action and adhere to the guidelines of the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement.

    ‘Gross injustices’
    “Together, we can push for change and recognise Israel’s violations for what they are — gross injustices against humanity.

    “Stand with us in this global movement of solidarity with Palestine.”

    "No universities left in Gaza"
    “No universities left in Gaza” . . . because Israel bombed or destroyed all 12. Image: David Robie/APR

    The rally was in support of thousands of students around the world demonstrating against the Israeli genocide against Palestinians in Gaza. Their aim with their universities:

    * Declare and recognise Palestine as an independent and sovereign state;
    * Disclose and divest all partnerships with Israel; and
    * Denounce antisemitism, Islamophobia and all forms of discrimination.


    Ali, the “voice of Free Palestine”.      Video: Café Pacific

    A declaration said that the nationwide protest expressed “our unapologetic solidarity with Palestinians and our commitment to the Palestinian struggle for liberation “.

    “We refuse to be silent or complicit in genocide, and we reject all forms of cooperation between our institutions and the Israeli state.

    "End the genocide"
    “End the genocide” . . . a watermelon protest. Image: David Robie/APR

    ‘Major win’ at Melbourne University
    Meanwhile, in Melbourne pro-Palestine protesters who occupied a university building last week called off their encampment.

    Protest leaders told a media conference at the University of Melbourne that had agreed to end the protest after the institution had agreed to disclose research partnerships with weapons manufacturers.

    “After months of campaigning, rallies, petitions, meetings and in recent weeks, the encampment, the University of Melbourne has finally agreed to meet an important demand of our campaign,” a spokesperson later told the ABC.

    “This is a major win.”

    Some of the protesting students at AUT university's Hikuwai Plaza
    Some of the protesting students at AUT University’s Hikuwai Plaza today. Image: David Robie/APR


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    “I Refuse to Be Told What to Do”: Facebook Posts Show a Conservative School Board Member Rejecting Extremism https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/22/i-refuse-to-be-told-what-to-do-facebook-posts-show-a-conservative-school-board-member-rejecting-extremism/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/22/i-refuse-to-be-told-what-to-do-facebook-posts-show-a-conservative-school-board-member-rejecting-extremism/#respond Wed, 22 May 2024 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/texas-school-board-courtney-gore-facebook by Jeremy Schwartz

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    I have been covering the bare-knuckle, far-right political battles in a rural North Texas county since shortly after the 2020 presidential election. Just about an hour southwest of Fort Worth, Hood County might be off the beaten path, but it has been at the cutting edge of hard-line conservative activism in Texas for the past few years.

    A year after the 2020 presidential election, I covered the effort in the county, which voted 81% for former President Donald Trump, to force out its independent elections administrator and give her duties to an elected county clerk who had used social media to promote baseless allegations of widespread election fraud.

    That’s when a local activist named Courtney Gore first came across my radar; she seemed to be the very embodiment of an uncompromising Republican movement intent on making schools the battleground for culture war issues over race and gender. As the co-host of a local far-right web-based talk show, Gore and her colleagues had taken aim at fellow Republicans they considered insufficiently conservative and frequently attacked the school district, alleging it was providing sexually explicit books to kids and teaching socialism and left-wing ideology about race and gender.

    Gore ran for a seat on the Granbury Independent School District board in the fall of 2021. After she won, I spoke to parents who feared the worst. One gay parent said she and her wife were contemplating moving their 4-year-old son out of the district.

    “Seeing stuff like the school board election definitely opens my eyes,” the parent told me. “Even though this is a small town, and I know most of the people, and I grew up next door, when it comes to sexuality nobody’s safe.”

    A few months after the election, the local school district became one of the first in Texas to remove about 130 library books. The district eventually returned most of the books to the shelves, but in 2022 the Department of Education launched an investigation into whether the district violated federal laws that prohibit discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender after ProPublica, The Texas Tribune and NBC News published audio of the district superintendent targeting books with LGBTQ+ themes.

    As we continued to cover the district and efforts to remove LGBTQ+ library books, I kept tabs on the always lively local Facebook forums, where I watched Gore make a stunning about-face.

    In May 2022, she publicly broke with her former hard-line supporters and admitted to her Facebook followers that she had unwittingly contributed to an effort to weaken support for public education in Granbury. Without naming names, she warned her followers on social media to be on guard against misinformation and efforts to manipulate their emotions with “conjecture.”

    In May 2022, Gore wrote on Facebook about misinformation and efforts to “manipulate with the power of suggestion.” (Screenshot by ProPublica)

    Gore’s social media messages became more pointed a week later. In response to a Facebook post about some of the tactics she believed were being used by her former allies, she spoke bluntly: “I’m over the political agenda, hypocrisy bs,” she wrote. “I took part in it myself. I refuse to participate in it any longer, it’s not serving our party. We have to do better, imvho.”

    The next month, she made her break explicit and began warning residents that a deeper plan was afoot to eliminate public education in Texas.

    In June 2022, Gore wrote on Facebook, “I refuse to be someone’s puppet.” (Screenshot by ProPublica)

    Then, in October, she told her Facebook followers that she had witnessed firsthand a plan for “weaponizing” the school board in an effort to build support for a voucher program, in which public education dollars would be spent on private and religious schools.

    In October 2022, Gore wrote on Facebook about a “systemic plan” that involved “weaponizing our local school board.” (Screenshot by ProPublica)

    I reached out to Gore to see if she would be willing to talk to me about her political evolution. She was initially hesitant to do an interview, but I kept in communication with her. Then, nearly a year after I’d first reached out, as the Granbury district continued to undergo battles about library books, bond elections and vouchers, she agreed to meet with me. Since then we have done hours of interviews over Zoom, where she has described her experience, providing insight into what was happening behind the scenes as she ran for school board and in those first crucial months after she took office. Our stories this week detail how she came to her conclusions and her thoughts on what she sees as the larger forces that have played a role in Hood County politics.

    Texas politics experts told me it is rare to see someone in modern political life have the fortitude to not just admit that they were wrong and had been misled, but to then turn around and challenge the party directly. Much more common in the Trump age, political scientists told me, is for politicians to stay silent or quietly resign rather than risk facing the wrath of the conservative hard-liners.

    I’ll continue to report on school district elections and vouchers in Texas throughout the year. If you have tips or inside information, you can fill out this form.

    Help ProPublica and The Texas Tribune Report on School Board and Bond Elections in Your Community


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jeremy Schwartz.

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    How Palestine fights ecocide with biodiversity and sustainability resistance https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/20/how-palestine-fights-ecocide-with-biodiversity-and-sustainability-resistance/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/20/how-palestine-fights-ecocide-with-biodiversity-and-sustainability-resistance/#respond Mon, 20 May 2024 11:43:17 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=101530 Asia Pacific Report

    For more than 76 years, Palestinians have resisted occupation, dispossession and ethnic cleansing, culminating in Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza.

    Yet in the midst of this catastrophic seven months of “hell on earth”, it is a paradox that there exists an extraordinary oasis of peace and nature.

    Nestling in an Al-Karkarfa hillside at the University of Bethlehem is the Palestine Institute for Biodiversity and Sustainability (PIBS), a remarkable botanical garden and animal rehabilitation unit that is an antidote for conflict and destruction.

    “There is both a genocide and an ecocide going on, supported by some Western governments against the will of the Western public,” says environmental justice advocate Professor Mazin Qumsiyeh, the founder and director of the institute.

    It has been a hectic week for him and his wife and mentor Jessie Chang Qumsiyeh.

    On Wednesday, May 15 — Nakba Day 2024 — they were in Canberra in conversation with local Palestinian, First Nations and environmental campaigners. Nakba – “the catastrophe” in English — is the day of mourning for the destruction of Palestinian society and its homeland in 1948, and the permanent displacement of a majority of the Palestinian people (14 million, of which about 5.3 million live in the “State of Palestine”.)

    Three days later in Auckland, they were addressing about 250 people with a Palestinian Christian perspective on Israel’s illegal occupation of Palestine and the war in the historic St Mary’s-in-Holy-Trinity Church in Parnell.

    This followed a lively presentation and discussion on the work of the PIBS and its volunteers at the annual general meeting of Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa (PSNA) along with more than 100 young and veteran activists such as chair John Minto, who had just returned from a global solidarity conference in South Africa.


    Professor Mazin Qumsiyeh’s speech at Saint Mary’s-in-Holy-Trinity Church in Parnell.  Video: Radio Inqilaab 

    Environmental impacts less understood
    While the horrendous social and human costs of the relentless massacres in Gaza are in daily view on the world’s television screens, the environmental impacts of the occupation and destruction of Palestine are less understood.

    As Professor Qumsiyeh explains, water sources have been restricted, destroyed and polluted; habitat loss is pushing species like wolves, gazelles, and hyenas to the brink; destruction of crops and farmland drives food insecurity; and climate crisis is already impacting on Palestine and its people.

    The PIBS oasis as pictured on the front cover of the institute's latest annual report
    The PIBS oasis as pictured on the front cover of the institute’s latest annual report. Image: David Robie/APR

    The institute was initiated in 2014 by the Qumsiyehs at Bethlehem University along with a host of volunteers and supporters. After 11 years of operation, the latest PIBS 2023 annual report provides a surprisingly up-to-date and telling preface feeding into the early part of this year.

    “In 2023, there were increased restrictions on movement, settler and soldier attacks on Palestinians throughout the occupied territories, combined with the ongoing siege and strangulation of the Gaza Strip, under Israel’s extreme rightwing government.

    “This led to the Gaza ghetto uprising that started on 7 October 2023. The Israeli regime’s ongoing response is a genocidal campaign in Gaza.

    Professor Mazin Qumsiyeh
    Professor Mazin Qumsiyeh . . . In contrast to false perceptions of violence about Palestinians, “these methods have been the exception to what is a peaceful and creative.” Image: Del Abcede/Pax Christi

    “[Since that date], 35,500 civilians were brutally killed, 79,500 were wounded (72 percent women and children) and nearly 2 million people displaced. Thousands more still lay under the rubble.

    “An immense amount – nearly two-thirds – of Gaza’s infrastructure was destroyed , including 70 per cent of residential buildings, hospitals, schools, universities and government buildings.

    Total food, water blockade
    “Israel also imposed a total blockade of, among other things, fuel, food, water, and medicine.

    “This fits the definition of genocide per international law.

    “Israel also attacked the West Bank, killing hundreds of Palestinians in 2023 (and into 2024), destroyed homes and infrastructure (especially in refugee camnps), arrested thousands of innocent civilians, and ethnically cleansed communities in Area C.

    “Many of these marginalised communities were those that worked with the institute on issues of biodiversity and sustainability.”

    This is the context and the political environment that Professor Qumsiyeh confronts in his daily sustainability struggle. He is committed to a vision of sustainable human and natural communities, responding to the growing needs for education, community service, and protection of land and environment.

    Popular Resistance in Palestine cover (2011)
    Popular Resistance in Palestine cover (2011). Image: Pluto Press/APR

    In one of his many books, Popular Resistance in Palestine: A history of Hope and Empowerment, he argues that in contrast to how Western media usually paints Palestine resistance as exclusively violent: armed resistance, suicide bombings, and rocket attacks. “In reality,” he says, “these methods have been the exception to what is a peaceful  and creative

    Call for immediate ceasefire
    An enormous global movement has been calling for an immediate and permanent ceasefire in Gaza, to end decades of colonisation, and work toward a free Palestine that delivers sustainable peace for all in the region.

    Professor Qumsiyeh reminded the audience at St Mary’s that the first Christians were in Palestine.

    “The Romans used to feed us to the lions until the 4 th century,” when ancient Rome adopted Christianity and it became the Holy Roman Empire.

    He spoke about how Christians had also paid a high price for Israel’s war on Gaza as well as Muslims.

    PSNA's Billy Hania
    PSNA’s Billy Hania . . . a response to Professor Qumsiyeh. Image: David Robie/APR

    Christendom’s third oldest church and the oldest in Gaza, the Greek Orthodox church of Saint Porphyrius in the Zaytoun neighbourhood — which had served as a sanctuary for both Christians and Muslims during  Israel’s periodic wars was bombed just 12 days after the start of the current war.

    There had been about 1000 Christians in Gaza; 300 mosques had been bombed.

    He said “everything we do is suspect, we are harassed and attacked by the Israelis”.

    ‘Don’t want children to be happy’
    “They don’t want children to be happy, they have killed 15,000 of them in Gaza. They don’t want us to survive.”

    Palestine action for the planet
    Palestine action for the planet . . . a slide from Professor Qumsiyeh’s talk earlier in the day at the PSNA annual general meeting. Image: David Robie/APR

    He said colonisers did not seem to like diversity  — they destroy it, whether it is human diversity, biodiversity.

    “Palestine is a multiethnic, multicultural and multireligious country.”

    “Diversity is healthy, an equal system. We have all sorts of religions in our part of the world.

    “Life would be boring if we were all the same – that’s human. A forest with only one kind of  trees is not healthy.’

    Professor Qumsiyeh was critical of much Western news media.

    “If you watch Western media, Fox news and so on, you would be told that we are people who have been fighting for years.”

    That wasn’t true. “We had the most peaceful country on earth.”

    “If you go back a few years, to the Crusades, that is when political ideas from Europe such as principalities and kingdoms started to spread.”

    Heading into nuclear war
    He warned against a world that was rushing headlong into a nuclear war, which would be devastating for the planet – “only cockroaches can survive a nuclear war.”

    "Humanity for Gaza"
    “Humanity for Gaza” . . . a slide from Professor Qumsiyeh’s talk earlier in the day. Image: David Robie

    Professor Qumsiyeh likened his role to that of a shepherd, “telling the world that something must be done” to protect food sovereignty and biodiversity as “climate change is coming to us with a vengeance. So please help us achieve the goal.”

    The institute says that they are leaders in “disseminating information and ideas to challenge the propaganda spread about Palestine”.

    It annual report says: “We published 17 scientific articles on areas like environmental justice, protected areas, national parks, fauna, and flora.

    “Our team gave over 210 talks locally, only and abroad, and over 200 interviews (radio and TV).

    “We produced statements responding to attacks on institutions for higher education, natural areas, and cultural heritage.

    “We published research on the impact of war, on Israel’s weaponisation of ‘nature reserves’ and ‘national parks, and a vision for peace based on justice and sustainability.”

    When it is considered that Israel destroyed all 12 universities in Gaza, the sustaining work of the institute on many fronts is vital.

    Professor Qumsiyeh also appealed for volunteers, interns and researchers to come to Bethlehem to help the institute to contribute to a “more liveable world”.

    Professor Mazin Qumsiyeh
    Professor Mazin Qumsiyeh . . . an appeal for help from volunteers to contribute to a “more liveable world”. Image: David Robie/APR


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Kanaky New Caledonia unrest: NZ student in Nouméa taught to use fire extinguishers https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/19/kanaky-new-caledonia-unrest-nz-student-in-noumea-taught-to-use-fire-extinguishers/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/19/kanaky-new-caledonia-unrest-nz-student-in-noumea-taught-to-use-fire-extinguishers/#respond Sun, 19 May 2024 23:24:33 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=101496

    A New Zealander studying at the University of New Caledonia says students have been taught to use fire extinguishers as firefighters are unlikely to come help if there is an emergency.

    It comes as days of unrest followed a controversial proposed constitutional amendment which would allow more French residents of New Caledonia to vote — a move that pro-independence protesters say would weaken the indigenous Kanak vote.

    Six people have been confirmed dead so far in the state of emergency and there are reports of hundreds of people injured, numerous fires and looting in New Caledonia’s capital Nouméa.

    Emma Royland is one of several international students at the university in Nouméa and said everyone was getting a bit “high-strung”.

    “There’s this high-strung suspicion from every noise, every bang that ‘is that somebody coming to the university?'”

    Royland said a roster had been set up so that someone was constantly up overnight, looking over the university campus.

    Nights had become more quiet, but there was still unrest, she said.

    Concern over technology
    The vice-president of the university had visited yesterday to bring students some cooking oil and expressed the concern the university had for its expensive technology, Royland said.

    “They are very worried that people come and they burn things just as a middle finger to the state.

    A New Zealand student studying at the University of New Caledonia says the unrest in Noumea is leaving her and other students high-strung and suspicious of every little bump or noise. They have been taught to use fire extinguishers in case rioters sets anything at the university of fire as firefighters are unlikely to come help.
    Smoke wafts over the harbour near Nouméa. Image: Emma Royland/RNZ

    “We’ve been told that ‘if you see a fire, it’s unlikely that the firefighters will come so we will try and manage it ourselves’.”

    Royland said water to the part of Nouméa she was in had not been affected but food was becoming an issue.

    The university was providing food when it could but even it was struggling to get access to it — snacks such as oreos had been provided.

    But the closest supermarket that was open had “queues down the block” that could last three or four hours, Royland said.

    Seeing ‘absolutely crazy things’
    She was seeing “absolutely crazy things that I’ve never seen in my life”.

    A New Zealand student studying at the University of New Caledonia says the unrest in Noumea is leaving her and other students high-strung and suspicious of every little bump or noise. They have been taught to use fire extinguishers in case rioters sets anything at the university of fire as firefighters are unlikely to come help.
    Food supplies are delivered to the University of Caledonia campus. Image: Emma Royland/RNZ

    That included people holding guns.

    “It is quite scary to know just 20 seconds down from the university there are guys with guns blocking the road.”

    Yesterday, the NZ Defence Force (NZDF) said it would fly into New Caledonia to bring home New Zealanders while commercial services were not operating.

    Foreign Affairs Minister Winston Peters said New Zealand was waiting for the go-ahead from French authorities, based on safety.

    “Ever since the security situation in New Caledonia deteriorated earlier this week, the safety of New Zealanders there has been an urgent priority for us,” Peters wrote on X (formerly Twitter).

    “NZ authorities have now completed preparations for flights using NZDF aircraft to bring home New Zealanders in New Caledonia while commercial services are not operating.

    ‘Ready to fly’
    “We are ready to fly, and await approval from French authorities as to when our flights are safe to proceed.”

    A New Zealand student studying at the University of New Caledonia says the unrest in Noumea is leaving her and other students high-strung and suspicious of every little bump or noise. They have been taught to use fire extinguishers in case rioters sets anything at the university of fire as firefighters are unlikely to come help.
    Businesses and facilities have been torched by rioters. Image: Emma Royland/RNZ

    Royland praised the response from New Zealand, saying other countries had not been so quick to help its citizens.

    She said she had received both a call and email from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade asking her if she was in immediate danger and if she needed assistance straight away.

    Everyone she had spoken to at the university seemed impressed with how New Zealand was responding, she said.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Hell in a Very Small Place https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/18/hell-in-a-very-small-place/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/18/hell-in-a-very-small-place/#respond Sat, 18 May 2024 18:15:42 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=150478 Hell: the creditor of last resort Note: While I was writing this I thought about many things I experienced and read. Then as I was posting this the title of a book I read many years ago came to mind. Bernard Fall’s Hell in a Very Small Place. Fall was and remained a sympathizer with […]

    The post Hell in a Very Small Place first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
    Hell: the creditor of last resort

    Note: While I was writing this I thought about many things I experienced and read. Then as I was posting this the title of a book I read many years ago came to mind. Bernard Fall’s Hell in a Very Small Place. Fall was and remained a sympathizer with the imperial powers that exploited Indochina, both French and American. His account of the defeat of the French at Dien Bien Phu was a combination of despair and appeal for a more sensible counter-insurgency strategy that would waste fewer (French) lives. While Gaza and Dien Bien Phu are by no means politically or historically comparable. The ambiguities in the assessment of this military operation do bear some similarity to the contradictions among opponents of the annihilation of Palestinians in Gaza. Thus the reference to Fall’s title is not intended as analogy or allegory but as cognitive provocation.

    Between BlackRock and a hard place

    According to published sources, whatever one may think of Wikipedia’s notoriously selective entries, the university named after the Puritan merchant-adventurer of Massachusetts Bay Colony, John Harvard, constitutes a corporation with the largest academic endowment in the world, valued at some USD 50 billion as of 2022. This had led to at least one wag designating “Harvard” as a hedge fund with a university in its portfolio. Hedge funds are unregulated entities that permit people with real money to move it from one source of extraction to another with various benefits such as offshore opacity, tax avoidance, and sundry immunities obtained through the efforts of correspondingly empowered managers to influence investment conditions and outcomes. The hedge fund is a modern version of the Latin Church’s vast traffic in salvation, otherwise known as the indulgence business and Crusades.

    Salvation is the intangible product promised by the Latin Church in the context of its risk management business. Financial risk management is the modern product for which the hedge fund was developed. The rabbinical-papal financial services industry — concentrated in the Vatican by Innocent III —  is composed of the congregations that preach damnation, those that preach salvation, and the orders and offices that deliver the risk management products, i.e. various types of sacraments, indulgences, dispensations and preferment. Parallel to but in fact a logical extension of the Latin Church’s financial system, the hedge fund has superseded the bank as the core instrument for trading life in return for death.

    The university corporations upon which the US Ivy League were based are found in the renowned collegiate universities located in Cambridge and Oxford. Unlike most universities today, the collegiate university was created on the basis of ecclesiastical endowments — hedge funds by which the founders secured dispensation and protected their wealth from those they had robbed in their lifetime. When the Latin Church was nationalized under the Tudors, the English Church succeeded in title but the business continued otherwise unabated. The history of exclusion from the Oxford and Cambridge colleges has been presented as a history of arbitrary prejudice and discrimination, all of which was successively remedied by the post-1945 order. This is a crass avoidance of the real issue. The Oxford or Cambridge college was foremost a financial institution. One must recall that both universities were entitled to send members to the House of Commons. That was not because of their learned activity but because they were property and asset holders and as such satisfied the requirements for the franchise whereas municipalities with ordinary tenants did not.

    In other words to become a member of a college in either university made one a shareholder in the corporation and at least a limited beneficiary of the wealth extraction instruments inherent in these entities. From the standpoint of the university corporations, it was clearly inconceivable that persons otherwise not entitled to property or the franchise be admitted to these universities. The fact that Oxford and Cambridge graduates enjoyed privileged access to government, after the precedence of aristocracy and the great public schools, was not based on academic merit but on class membership and in some cases meritorious service to the ruling class. The US elite universities were founded with the same principles and the same structures, albeit without the loyal toast at high table. Later foundations, the post-colonial colleges and universities were controlled by a similar business model. Then the 1862 (and 1890) Morrill Acts, created the basis for the so-called Land Grant universities. Federal land, generously transferred from the indigenous population to the US government, was allocated to the states for the purpose of establishing universities, mainly of the agricultural and technical type. These were a departure from the collegiate structure and more closely resembled the German technical college. Toward the end of the 19th century the US would largely abandon the English model in favour of the German Hochschule. On one hand this was because the Anglo-American elite needed engineers and technicians to develop the country and lacked (rejected) the occupational dual-education system common on the Continent. On the other hand it was implicitly desired to replace hereditary aristocracy with quasi-hereditary “meritocracy”. The Ivy League was to continue to indoctrinate the senior civil service and managerial class as well as issue credentials to the runs of the plutocratic litter so as to preserve the latent class structure in America’s “classless society.” The Anglo-American elite, in contrast to the latifundista of the “Blessed Isle”, recognized the need for merchants and engineers or mechanics to convert a stolen and progressively vacated continent into fungible assets. The settler-colonial elite in North America did not have the benefit or obstacle of the millions with which first the East India Company and then HM Viceroy was confronted.

    As a result of this distinct historical development most of the US higher (tertiary) education system is in fact state established and funded by the public purse. After the Second World War, the US elite — in panic after failure to destroy the Soviet Union or even inhibit its technological and social development — adopted legislation to inject massive amounts of public funds into education, a policy deeply antithetical to Anglo-American elite culture, Thomas Arnold and John Dewey notwithstanding. Harvard and Yale graduates were forced to recognize that even their theological seminaries (the new business schools) were not enough to train the masses of indoctrinated technicians needed to confront the Ivan who had not only taken Berlin but launched the first artificial satellite into orbit. Places like Michigan State specialized in counter-insurgency to help the regime terrorize Vietnamese. However even here the bulk of the money went to private universities. This was not only because of the personal union of grantors and grantees but because funnelling public funds for research at MIT or Columbia promoted the money-laundering schemes by which these foundations retained their exclusivity.

    Behind the mask of merit, the endowment (and the gravy train to public research funding) permit the university to operate profitably without regard for tuition fees. Essentially the “research grants” subsidize these tax dodges (universities are generally tax-exempt and can accept donations for tax exemption) and constitute a covert subsidy to those corporations or wealthy individuals who endow them. What is in a name? A library by any other name would smell as mouldy.

    There is another less obvious but intellectually insidious aspect of this business model. Elite universities become repositories of rare and valuable cultural, intellectual and scientific resources. They are able to hoard them and restrict access accordingly. Thus a poor or mediocre scholar can establish himself as an authority by virtue of using the sources held by such endowments to which others have only restricted access, if any. In a system where canonical texts are used to exemplify dominant ideology, limiting access to such materials gives authority to the loyal servants while diminishing that of scholars forced to rely on secondary or even tertiary sources. It should be recalled that until the Reformation even possession of a Bible by anyone without ecclesiastical license could be punished by death. When our loquacious regurgitators of doctrine and dogma preach against conspiracy they are protected by the locks and keys of the Hoover Institution and the US Holocaust Museum as well as the soft files that saturate the corporate, espionage and secret police bureaucracies.

    Which leads us to the business at hand: what is actually happening at the renowned universities of the Great North American republic? The charming claims that academic freedom is being violated are really nothing more than charming. As George Carlin said about “rights”, they are a cute idea. There has never been anything called “academic freedom”, unless one means by that “free enterprise” applied to universities as businesses. As I have already argued elsewhere, science was wholly replaced by Science after the Manhattan Project and the less known biological warfare unit run by Merck during the great war against communism (aka WW2). Where scholarship has been genuinely free it has been despite the university not because of it. The same applies even more rigorously to teaching. There is a reason why teacher colleges (once the only venues to accept women) were called “normal schools”. John Dewey, celebrated for his assertions that education was essential for democracy, never vocally challenged the plutocracy that obstructed it. His education for democracy was ultimately distilled into indoctrination of an emergent multi-ethnic society such that they possessed no identity capable of coherent interest articulation. Unlike the Soviet Union, defunct successor to a historically multi-ethnic state, the US was not only founded on the extermination of the indigenous but on the acidic brain dissolution of the immigrant. Genetic engineering is in fact a deep technological application of the ideology by which humans can be infinitely reconfigured beyond Donald Cameron’s reprogramming at the Allan Memorial between 1957 and 1964.

    Barely buried, the FBI asset and GE lackey appointed governor of California and later POTUS, Ronald Wilson Reagan, was canonized for his propaganda (to use the term Edward Bernays did his best to replace) contributions to the complete privatization of what little public and potentially democratic space had emerged in the US despite the victory of finance capital in 1913. Under so-called New Deal policies, the historic mercenary forces of corporate industrial and financial capital managed by so-called White Shoe law firms in cooperation with the US Marine Corps (don’t take my word for it, USMC General Smedley Butler knew what he was he was being ordered to do), was temporarily nationalized. As the war drew to an end there were some who wanted to dissolve these state agencies like the OSS and return liability for piracy to the private sector. However the prescient, mainly Ivy League, elite recognized that the propaganda they had embedded in the UN Charter made a return to open corporate criminality bad for the US image in the competition with the unfortunately surviving system competitor. Thus the National Security Act of 1947 preserved the state protection of the US plutocracy that prevails to this day. Saint Ronald is worshipped like Our Lady of Fatima, by the witting for his PR success and the unwitting because of their blind faith.

    Meanwhile there have been numerous challenges to the brutality perpetrated by the militarized police forces of cities where even elite universities reside. They have not prevented the police repression. However some have at least insinuated—as in the case of Columbia — that the actions are not entirely based on local law enforcement perceptions. The relationship between a certain Ms Weiner, as head of NYPD intelligence and counter-terrorism (let’s call it NYC’s Phoenix Program) embedded in the university faculty like what the NSDAP called a “Führungsoffizier” (a party leadership officer responsible for assuring ideological compliance under the Hitler regime) and NYPD liaison to the state terrorist apparatus in Tel Aviv has been illuminated without innuendo. The investigators recognize that the conclusions one can draw are hopelessly obvious. This archetypical infiltration of a primary academic and research institution has been rightfully criticized. However it is not a new phenomenon. The FBI and through cut-outs the CIA have always had agents in the educational institutions deemed critical for the system. These agents served as “talent scouts” and police informers. What appears quite unique to this period of campus protest is on one hand the willingness of students to make demands on the “official permanent and privileged victim state” aka as the State of Israel in Palestine and the violence with which the agents and assets of that State without constitutional or moral boundaries are prepared to perpetrate in their largest host country. As Ron Unz et al. have said with justifiable vehemence, the masks have fallen. The State of Israel is demonstrably capable not only of buying the entire federal legislature and considerable assets at state level, it is able and willing to dictate individual police actions at municipal and university level.

    The debate has begun — albeit only among already sensitized critics — about how the precedent set by Lyndon Johnson in suppressing the investigation and condemnation of the State of Israel for its murderous attack on the USS Liberty in 1967 created the immunity of that settler-colonial regime’s officials from any liability under any recognized law. The blatant interventions have followed pronouncements by the reigning head of government with such rapidity that only an idiot could imagine that diplomatic channels were even necessary. This atrocious and obvious capacity to intervene in the minutia of US domestic politics (whereby these are surely not purely domestic matters) may, even if only at the pace of snails or winter maple syrup, produce a partial revulsion against the gut feeling of many sharing that primitive spirit of national sovereignty residual from the 19th century.

    Yet beyond the mathematical equation by which the thermodynamics of dog and tail are integrated, there is a more elemental quality that bears consideration. Morse Peckham once wrote and frequently said that “man does not live by bread alone, but mostly by platitudes”. Thomas Friedman wrote that McDonald’s was inseparable from McDonnell Douglas (all now Boeing, I believe). And Harvard is a hedge fund with a university in its portfolio.

    Take these platitudes seriously for a moment, in their combination. It helps to be specific. A McDonald’s in Saigon needed an F-4 Phantom. And hedge funds need collection agents, too. Before 1947 these were usually the USMC. Ajax and PBSuccess were the style of the 1950s. FUBELT was the name given to the CIA’s operation on behalf of ITT et al. University students were a disproportionate target of the first wave since they formed the potential cadre in support of the Allende government. In fact, at least two academic economists from North America were successfully marginalized for the rest of their careers just because they supported the new government and not the Rockefeller economics of the University of Chicago. Not only is there no academic freedom under capitalism there is unlimited vindictiveness toward those who violate the free market. We do not know what the cryptonyms for the current counter-insurgency operations are. However, it is important to see their true origins.

    While there is no doubt as to the smell of cordite and the hands upon which the powder stains can be found, a more fundamental force is at work, that of the hedge fund. The world’s leading hedge fund and the paramount of this criminal tribe is BlackRock, known also through the peculiar person of one Mr Laurence Douglas Fink, where students of his alma mater have recently been attacked by SA-like gangs for protesting against the mass murder perpetrated by the armed forces of the state occupying Palestine, is reported to have more than USD 10 trillion (billion in continental terms) of “assets under management”. There are diagrams that illustrate the degree to which just this hedge fund has penetrated the world economy, both private and private-public. There is no reason to doubt that the hubris of this graduate of the First Boston school of financial engineering (aka as legalized securities fraud) reflects the asset class to which he belongs.

    It may help to diverge for a moment to explain a few basics of the formal corporate and municipal debt business. Gustavus Meyer’ History of the Great American Fortunes (written before he, like Ida Turbell in the matter of Standard Oil, was persuaded to write with more sympathy) explains in lay vocabulary how the bond and stock market actually function. Corporate finance is taught at business schools like typing is taught at vocational schools. However once one has obtained a proper degree in finance or business from one of the gateway institutions—or through viciousness has worked his or her way up after graduation from a less prestigious school — the process begins by which one learns the work of hard selling, usury, stock watering, legislative influence, tax and accounting fraud and deployment of ratings agencies. In short, an investment banking apprenticeship is a course in how — in Adam Smith’s terms — one meets to collude, fix prices and manipulate markets. Cigars only available to those who can evade the general embargo beyond the Strait of Florida or the narcotics beyond the substance control by the CIA/DEA lubricate the Rolex and Patek Philippe adorned wrists.

    These cardinals and bishops, prelates of finance capital, sell financial salvation to unwitting penitents and their pastors. They must protect the faith in their product, the belief in the sin for which these sacraments, indulgences and penance are sold. They must retain the value of the derivative instruments for which universities (and other tax dodges) have been established. At the height of the Middle Ages, the Holy Roman and Universal Inquisition together with whatever massed mercenary forces and police power the rabbinical papacy could command, from Brazil to Wittenberg, from Rome to Lima, from Milan to Manila, perpetrated every conceivable and heinous violence against ordinary humans to preserve the credit rating, to secure the value of discounted cash flows.

    And so it is today. What we witness at US universities, especially those financed for the benefit of tax dodging hedge fund operators, is command performance. These are not merely the punishment ordered by some barbarian of Polish descent leading a settler-colonial regime in Palestine. These are the acts of the apostles. Acts of the apostles of the holy hedge funds who have succeeded the Latin Church — although consensually — to deliver truly catholic salvation. Salvation that is wealth for the quick and the grave for the dead.

    The post Hell in a Very Small Place first appeared on Dissident Voice.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by T.P. Wilkinson.

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    Segregation Academies Still Operate Across the South. One Town Grapples With Its Divided Schools. https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/18/segregation-academies-still-operate-across-the-south-one-town-grapples-with-its-divided-schools/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/18/segregation-academies-still-operate-across-the-south-one-town-grapples-with-its-divided-schools/#respond Sat, 18 May 2024 09:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/camden-alabama-segregated-schools-brown-v-board by Jennifer Berry Hawes

    This story contains a racial slur.

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    Join us for a virtual discussion of how private schools known as “segregation academies” in the Deep South continue to preserve divisions within communities even 70 years after Brown v. Board of Education.

    A mile of Alabama country road, and a history of racism, separate the two schools. At the stop sign between them, even the road’s name changes. Threadgill Road, christened for a civil rights hero, becomes Whiskey Run. Black students take Threadgill to one campus; white students turn off Whiskey Run toward the other.

    Both schools are shrinking. Wilcox County, a notch in the swath of old plantation country known as the Black Belt, struggles with declining population — a common scenario across this part of the South. In such places, the existence of two separate school systems can isolate entire communities by race.

    The private school, Wilcox Academy, is what researchers call a “segregation academy” due to the historic whiteness of its student body and the timing of its opening. It’s down to 200 students across 12 grades. Housed in a single-story building with beige siding and brown brick veneer, the school offers chapel and core academic classes but not music, theater or band programs.

    Wilcox Academy in Camden, Alabama (Sarahbeth Maney/ProPublica)

    Down the road, the county’s public high school has more students and course options. Wilcox Central High’s building, with a medical-training lab and competition-sized swimming pool, could house 1,000 students. Instead, it barely draws 400, virtually all of them Black, from across the entire 888-square-mile county.

    Divisions like this have long played out across the region. In 1954, the U.S. Supreme Court issued its landmark decision in Brown v. Board of Education, declaring public school segregation unconstitutional. As the federal courts repeatedly ruled against the South’s massive resistance, many white people pivoted to a new tactic, one that is lesser known and yet profoundly influences the Black Belt region today: They created a web of hundreds, perhaps thousands, of private schools to educate white children.

    Now, 70 years after the Brown decision, ProPublica has found about 300 schools that likely opened as segregation academies in the South are still operating. Some have flourished into pricey college-prep behemoths. Others, like Wilcox Academy, remain modest Christian schools. Many have accepted more nonwhite students over the years, and some now come close to reflecting the communities they serve.

    But across Alabama’s 18 Black Belt counties, all of the remaining segregation academies ProPublica identified — about a dozen — are still vastly white, even though the region’s population is majority Black. And in the towns where these schools operate, they often persist as a dividing force.

    Even when rural segregation academies offer fewer amenities than their public-school counterparts, white parents are often unwilling to voluntarily send their children to majority-Black public schools. That can be to the detriment of all students, especially in struggling communities where money is tight. It means doubling up on school overhead costs, and fewer students at each school means neither one can offer the robust programs that they could provide if their resources were combined.

    “You’re dividing money you don’t have in half,” said Bryan Mann, a University of Kansas professor who studies school segregation and school choice.

    And soon, far more tax dollars will be flowing into private schools. Republican lawmakers are adopting plans for massive infusions of state money to help thousands more students who want to attend them. It’s part of a movement barreling across the country, particularly the Southeast — where, in Black Belt counties like Wilcox, a segregation academy may be the only nearby private school option.

    In March, Alabama’s Republican Gov. Kay Ivey, who is from Wilcox County, signed the CHOOSE Act. It creates a program of voucher-like education savings accounts and directs the state legislature to devote no less than $100 million a year to fund them. Students can apply for up to $7,000 a year to pay for private school tuition, among other costs.

    Since the start of 2023, North Carolina, Arkansas and Florida have joined Alabama in opening voucher-style programs to all students over the coming years, as opposed to limiting them to lower-income students or those in low-performing schools. South Carolina created one that extends to middle-income and some upper-income families. Georgia adopted its own for children in low-performing public schools. Governors in Texas and Tennessee pledged to continue similar fights next year.

    To Alabama native Steve Suitts, history is repeating.

    After the Brown decision, Southern legislatures provided state money to help white students flee to the new academies. Alabama was among the first states to do so, said Suitts, a historian and author of “Overturning Brown: The Segregationist Legacy of the Modern School Choice Movement.” Even the language used — framing the movement as parents’ right to “freedom” and “private school choice” — was the same then as it is now.

    “I cannot see how there will be any difference,” Suitts said of recent laws. He dubbed Alabama’s new voucher-style program the Segregation Academy Rescue Act.

    Republican lawmakers strongly disagree. They argue that today Black and white students alike can use the money to attend private schools. The new law bars participating schools from discriminating based on race, though it does allow them to choose which applicants they want to admit.

    During House debate earlier this year, Republican state Rep. Danny Garrett, the education budget chair, heard many Black legislators argue that the law is about race, its aim to bolster segregation. “Of course, neither of these statements are true,” he told them.

    In Camden, the pastoral county seat of Wilcox, Black and white residents said they would like to see their children schooled together. But after so long apart, they aren’t sure how to best do that.

    High school juniors Jazmyne Posey and Samantha Cook hadn’t met until they started working at Black Belt Treasures, a nonprofit in downtown Camden that sells the wares of hundreds of Black Belt artists.

    On the surface, the teenagers appear to have little in common. Jazmyne is Black; Samantha is white. Jazmyne likes rap and hip-hop; Samantha likes indie pop. Jazmyne goes to the public school; Samantha goes to Wilcox Academy.

    But they soon bonded over similar life experiences and problems, both teenagers navigating high school relationships. They wonder what it would be like to be in class together. Would their friends get along?

    High schoolers Samantha Cook, left, and Jazmyne Posey talk about their favorite music while working at Black Belt Treasures, a cultural arts center in downtown Camden. (Sarahbeth Maney/ProPublica)

    Once, when they hadn’t worked together for a while, Jazmyne missed talking to Samantha. “I caught word that she said she missed me too,” she said.

    Samantha has watched her class at Wilcox Academy shrink from 22 to 13 students. She likes her writing classes but wishes the school offered more, especially a theater program. “I definitely would have been a theater kid,” she said. One day, she hopes to join her sister in Atlanta: “There’s so many different cultures, so many people to meet.”

    Jazmyne’s grandmother, who died this spring, attended the public high school a few years after desegregation. By then, most white students had left for the new academies. Although racism caused segregation, Jazmyne doesn’t think it’s the cause of the ongoing divisions.

    “Nobody around here is really racist,” she said. “We just haven’t come together. We’ve been doing our own thing all the time.”

    Roots of Division

    Sheryl Threadgill-Matthews grew up immersed in the urgency and hope of the Civil Rights Movement. Her father was a prominent activist and chaplain of Camden Academy, a private Presbyterian school for Black children. Her mother taught at the school. The entire family lived, learned and worshiped on the campus, perched atop a grassy knoll called Hangman’s Hill.

    Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., one of her father’s college classmates, spoke at commencement in 1954. The grounds soon became a hub for staging civil rights marches and boycotts — landing it in the crosshairs of white school officials.

    In 1965, the Wilcox County school board exercised eminent domain to take over the property. They kept the school open for several more years but evicted the Threadgills from their home and forced her father and his parishioners to tear down the school’s church.

    She witnessed the dismantling. Someone burned a cross in their yard.

    The family pressed forward. A year later, when she was a freshman, Threadgill-Matthews arrived at Wilcox County High, then a public school for white children. It was Sept. 23, 1966, and she would become one of the first nine Black students to cross the county’s racial line that day.

    Sheryl Threadgill (pictured on the far right with her mother behind her) was among several Black students who integrated Wilcox County schools. (Bob Fitch Photography Archive, Department of Special Collections, Stanford University Library) Sheryl Threadgill-Matthews looks through her old yearbook from Camden Academy. (Sarahbeth Maney/ProPublica)

    Grand white columns flanked the front door to the red brick building. She was grateful that her father walked her inside. Even after he left, the morning passed quietly. But it was a fleeting relief. Over the coming months, students rammed her desk with their chairs. They ripped her books apart. They brushed chalk dust into her hair. They smacked her head with crutches.

    One day in science class, a boy sneered: “Nigger, if you make more than me on the test, I’m gonna kill you.” When she did so, he hurled something at her head so hard that she fell unconscious in the hallway.

    She endured for the school year, then pleaded to return to Camden Academy. So did most of the students who’d come with her.

    By then, white families across the South had launched the segregation academy movement.

    In Alabama, it ramped up after a federal court ordered Tuskegee High School to desegregate. White parents scrambled to open a segregation academy, which Gov. George Wallace soon toured. He urged more like it to open — and called on state lawmakers to help.

    In 1965, the state’s legislature approved $3.75 million — worth about $36 million today — to fund tuition grants that paid for students “to attend private schools rather than go to public school classes with Negroes,” the Alabama Journal reported.

    Six other Southern states adopted similar programs, which “enabled the largest growth of private schools in the South’s history,” Suitts wrote in the journal Southern Spaces.

    Across the old Confederacy, newspaper headlines announced private schools opening with names like Robert E. Lee Academy, Wade Hampton Academy, Jefferson Davis Academy. The Rebels were a favored mascot.

    In March 1970, Camden’s local newspaper reported, “Promoters of additional private school facilities in Wilcox County got a shot in the arm this week.” The federal government had filed a plan for desegregating the local schools.

    “The action is expected by many to spur interest in the construction of new private school facilities at Camden and Pine Hill,” the article said.

    Two weeks later, another headline reported: “Private School Plan Shaping Up.” The story said 119 families in Wilcox had formed a new foundation, voted to start a private school, and secured 16 acres of land in Camden. It was the birth of Wilcox Academy.

    Despite the obvious implications of the timing, many white people across the South argued their motives for embracing the new academies weren’t racist. Publicly, they cited “choice,” “freedom” and higher-quality (often Christian) education.

    But those sentiments were hard to square with the fact that many academies opened hastily, often in people’s homes, churches or vacant buildings. Researchers who visited some of the new schools in the 1970s wrote that most were “dilapidated, worn, a little dirty, short on supplies and materials, cramped, offering few opportunities for enrichment.”

    Wilcox Academy, however, enjoyed substantial financial support from the start. When it opened in September 1970, it was “generally regarded to be one of the most beautiful and well-equipped new schools in the area,” the Wilcox Progressive Era newspaper reported.

    The nearby public school started the year with half the students it had the year before. Just two years later, Wilcox County public schools enrolled 3,733 Black students and only 109 white ones.

    Now five decades later, only a handful of white students are enrolled.

    Under drizzly clouds one day this spring, Threadgill-Matthews accelerated up the grassy knoll where Camden Academy once stood. With her 5-year-old great-nephew in the back seat, she approached J.E. Hobbs Elementary, a public school that now operates on the academy’s former campus in a hodgepodge of structures. Her nephew’s classroom was to one side in a low-slung building, painted blue with sunshine-yellow doors.

    On her other side, a timeworn sidewalk leads to nothing but a stand of pine trees. Before the school district evicted her family and condemned it, their home stood in that spot.

    Her nephew slipped from the car with his Spiderman backpack, gave her a hug, and headed into a classroom filled with Black children — just as she once did on this campus.

    Now 71, she tries not to dwell on the disappointment. So little has changed since Brown v. Board, or the day when she and other Black children made history and suffered terribly for it.

    “It is really heartbreaking,” she said.

    Patrick Wheeler Jr., 5, is dropped off by Sheryl Threadgill-Matthews, his great-aunt, at the same campus where she attended an all-Black school in the 1960s. (Sarahbeth Maney/ProPublica) Threadgill-Matthews stands beside a sidewalk where her childhood home once stood outside of Camden Academy, a Presbyterian school for Black students. J.E. Hobbs Elementary now stands on the former site of the academy. (Sarahbeth Maney/ProPublica) Tools of Resistance

    Several years ago, an Auburn University history student reached out to Threadgill-Matthews, hoping to interview her for a master’s thesis. Amberly Sheffield had taught at Wilcox Academy, an experience that left her so intrigued by the school and its origins that she was devoting her thesis to the topic of segregation academies.

    Sheffield grew up in the early 2000s in a neighboring county. Her hometown was down to 1,800 people. Despite the small population, she said, two segregation academies operated within a 20-minute drive of her house.

    Sheffield didn’t go to either of them. Although she is white, her parents chose the public high school. About 70% of her classmates were Black.

    She liked it there. An honors student and cheerleader, she had Black and white teachers. She hung out with a mix of friends and got to learn about their different backgrounds. So she often wondered: Why did so many other white parents pay to send their kids to the academies?

    She decided to find out.

    In 2019, fresh off earning her bachelor’s degree, she landed a job teaching high school history at Wilcox Academy. She moved to Camden, 40 miles south of Selma, and rented an old plantation house.

    Heading into downtown, she saw attorneys, restaurants and clothing boutiques operating from rows of storefronts adorned with flower boxes. At one of the three stop lights, she passed the antebellum red brick county courthouse. Down the road, the white paint peeled on Antioch Baptist Church, where the KKK had once harassed congregants and a white man shot a Black man dead as people gathered for a funeral.

    Antioch Baptist Church sits along a quiet road in Camden. (Sarahbeth Maney/ProPublica)

    On her first day at work, Sheffield headed into the academy’s building, which was flanked by athletic fields and stands of trees. Although the county is more than two-thirds Black, the classrooms inside bustled with white children and teachers. The only Black staff she saw were two custodians.

    It felt like 1970, the year the school opened.

    As she got to know her students, she probed: Why didn’t they go to the public schools? She expected them to cite the academy’s Christian education or the alumni in their family. And some did.

    Others figured Wilcox Academy’s academics were better. But it was hard to know. Unlike the public schools, private schools don’t have to release test scores that would allow for comparisons.

    To her surprise, many of her students spoke of fear. The public schools were dangerous, they said. They might get shot. They didn’t say it was because the students there are Black, “but that was the sense I got,” Sheffield said.

    Wilcox Central High School has space for 1,000 students but its enrollment is down to 400. (Sarahbeth Maney/ProPublica) Now 70 years after the Brown v. Board of Education decision, Wilcox Central High School’s student population remains nearly all Black. (Sarahbeth Maney/ProPublica)

    She realized her students moved in bubbles of whiteness. Virtually all of their friends were white. Their parents’ friends were white. And they were never mentored or disciplined by Black teachers.

    By then, Alabama was several years into a tuition scholarship program for lower-income families that was used mostly by Black students and could have helped more African American families apply to mostly white private schools. But Wilcox Academy has chosen not to participate.

    Nor have many of the segregation academies in neighboring counties, state records indicate. Private schools in Alabama whose student bodies are more than 94% white have been least likely to opt in, one researcher found.

    Wilcox Academy’s principal did not respond to ProPublica’s multiple emails and calls seeking to discuss the academy’s impact on local school segregation, why it doesn’t participate in the existing tuition-grant program and whether it will participate in the new program.

    Sheffield concluded that many families still chose the academy due to race — the comfort of their own, discomfort with another — even if they didn’t recognize it as such.

    She stayed for one school year, then got to work on her master’s degree. (She’s now a doctoral student at the University of Mississippi studying segregation academies.)

    In her master’s thesis, she tracked the formation of these schools across Alabama, particularly “a tidal wave” of openings in 1970. That fall alone, 23 sprang up across the state, including Wilcox Academy. By 1978, public school enrollment in seven Black Belt counties — including Wilcox — was more than 90% Black.

    “These segregation academies proved to be white resisters’ most successful tool of resistance,” Sheffield wrote.

    The Persistence of Division

    In small towns like Camden, where everyone could know one another well, people often don’t. It’s been that way since white settlers arrived to bankroll new cotton plantations. They brought so many enslaved laborers that the county became, and remains, predominantly Black.

    Descendants of both enslavers and the enslaved still share the community. But in so many ways, they remain separated. Because they go to school apart and always have, only a few white children ride the buses to school with Black peers. Black and white parents rarely build friendships at high school football games or PTA meetings. They don’t often carpool or invite each other over for a meal.

    Wilcox County Superintendent André Saulsberry has lived this. He graduated from the public schools he now leads. “Will we ever know each other as people here?” he asked. “I’m not sure.”

    He noted that it’s difficult to imagine how to create an integrated school system where one has never existed. Black and white residents in Willcox still eye each other across a chasm formed by centuries of history.

    “We don’t trust one another because we are so separate,” he said.

    Two years ago, some of the county’s mostly white large landowners got Alabama legislators to derail the county and school board’s request to bring a property tax increase to a local vote. Half of the money would have gone to the nearly all-Black schools, including a new building for the elementary school Threadgill-Matthews’ nephew attends. Its aging structures have suffered two fires.

    People who don’t send their children to public schools can lack a reason to invest in them, Black residents here lamented. Many wonder how Wilcox County would have fared if, instead of investing in the academies, white families had devoted their time and resources to the public schools.

    “If people are together, they will understand each other in more ways — and trust more,” Saulsberry said. “And we won’t continue to die as a county.”

    But some places in Camden have begun to draw Black and white people together in ways that foster deep relationships. One is Black Belt Treasures, where employees coordinate arts programs for public and private school students. They make a point of welcoming all comers. A Black artist, Betty Anderson, who runs a small civil rights museum across the street, has become close friends with the white women who work there.

    Kristin Law, left, and Vera Spinks look at new artwork at Black Belt Treasures. (Sarahbeth Maney/ProPublica)

    One recent day, two of those women stood in the gallery judging a public school’s art poster contest. Both were active with a local racial reconciliation group that halted during the early days of COVID-19. Both want the community to come together more.

    Both also sent their children to Wilcox Academy. The decision, they said, wasn’t easy or simple.

    One of them, Vera Spinks, knows that people wonder: Why not just send your kids to the public schools?

    “It’s not as cut-and-dried,” she said.

    The women vehemently deny the decision had to do with race. The schools had long been divided by the time they faced the decision of where to enroll their children. Both are Christians and said the academy’s religious education was a key factor, along with its small class sizes and personal attention from teachers.

    Strong family ties also bond people to the academy. Kristin Law, the other woman working with Spinks at the gallery that day, is an alumna herself. “You now have three and four generations of students that have gone to the school,” she said. “It’s become more about school pride or tradition.”

    Then there is the tremendous sweat equity parents put into the school. There’s almost always fundraising underway. The academy’s annual turkey hunt that raises money for the school dates back to 1971. Parents and students create, haul, assemble and gather donations for an annual prom extravaganza. The tradition has been passed down for 40 years.

    Both women also said they are glad to see more Black and other nonwhite students at the school. “We’re ready for coming together,” Law said. “How do we do that?”

    Crossing the Broken Bridge

    Integration may yet come to places like Wilcox County — though not in the public schools.

    Alabama’s new school-choice program will be open to most of its students in January 2025 and to all students in 2027. Under Alabama’s existing tuition-scholarship program, about 60% of students who have received the money in recent years have been Black. The new program, which will open the door to wealthier families, could fund more than four times as many students.

    In places like Wilcox and many other Black Belt counties, the largest pool of potential new private school enrollees is Black children.

    In 2019, the year Sheffield arrived there, Wilcox Academy hired Michael Woods, its first Black coach, to revitalize the basketball program. Four years into the job, he now wrestles with the thorny implications of the new voucher opportunities.

    Black children still account for barely 5% of students in more than half the schools in the South that likely opened as segregation academies. That leaves white parents and students still firmly in control, even in majority-Black communities. Now these academies will confront an important question: If more Black students apply, how many will white leaders accept?

    Woods grew up in Camden’s public schools and describes the “broken bridge” between the two communities. He never imagined that he’d one day work at the academy and was surprised when its leaders reached out to him. He arrived to see two Black students and no Black teachers.

    But he felt welcome enough that he brought his niece and nephew to the academy, along with another Black student. Some have told him about hearing racially insensitive comments but nothing he considers outright racism.

    “We are still set in those old-time ways,” he said. “But God has made it better, and it’s time to let it go.”

    He wants Black children to have the same opportunities that white kids have long enjoyed. But for them to have a real choice, they need to feel valued at the academy. Woods said he’s told the staff, “We still have to give something to show these kids that we appreciate them to get them there to the school.”

    Saulsberry, the superintendent, doesn’t expect many to apply regardless. “I’m not sure how comfortable, in some cases, it will be if the Black child went there.”

    Given that few public school students score at the proficient level on math or reading assessments, leaders there know the district’s standardized test results could be used against it. But Saulsberry contends his schools provide far more than test scores can capture.

    His teachers must be certified, unlike at some private schools. Students at the public high school also can become certified nursing assistants, patient care technicians, medication assistants, welders, brick masons and heavy equipment operators. They can get certified to work in forestry. Plumbing is coming in the fall.

    Alexis Lewis, a junior, works on a project during welding class at Wilcox Central High School, which offers a number of job training programs. (Sarahbeth Maney/ProPublica)

    His students also can get mental health care, special education services, bus services and free meals — which few area academies offer.

    “We try to look at the total child, not just the academic side,” Saulsberry said.

    Public school leaders know they will have to do more to sell strengths like these. Wilcox Central High Assistant Principal Donald Carter expects private schools to follow the college football playbook: “They’ll be out to recruit now.”

    When Woods coaches the academy’s teams, the stands in the gymnasium fill with mostly white parents. The other teams are mostly or entirely white as well. He wonders how it would feel if more Black families filled those seats.

    Woods said that he fields almost daily phone calls from Black parents. “A lot of parents I have talked to want their kids in a private school,” he said. “But they just couldn’t afford it.” Now, in cautiously curious tones, they ask a question that echoes back 70 years: How would “the white school” treat their children?

    How We Counted Segregation Academies

    To identify schools that likely opened as segregation academies, ProPublica adapted existing research using data from the National Center for Education Statistics’ Private School Universe Survey to identify K-12 schools that were founded in the South between 1954 and 1976 and were more than 90% white as recently as 1993-1995, the earliest years for which student demographic data is available. We also filtered out schools with certain unique focuses, such as special education, or that were opened around the same time for reasons that may not have primarily been due to desegregation — many Catholic schools, for example, met this criteria. To determine which schools were still operating, we compared those schools to the most recent Private School Universe Survey data, from 2021 to 2022. Our estimates may be an undercount, since data about private school demographics was not collected until 1993, almost two decades after desegregation ended, and because not all private schools respond to the survey. To determine which schools were both still operating and still disproportionately white, we compared their demographics data to U.S. Census Bureau estimates for the counties in which each school was located.

    Help ProPublica Report on Education

    Mollie Simon contributed research. Sergio Hernandez contributed data analysis.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jennifer Berry Hawes.

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    Illinois School Districts Sent Kids to a For-Profit Out-of-State Facility That Isn’t Vetted or Monitored https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/17/illinois-school-districts-sent-kids-to-a-for-profit-out-of-state-facility-that-isnt-vetted-or-monitored/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/17/illinois-school-districts-sent-kids-to-a-for-profit-out-of-state-facility-that-isnt-vetted-or-monitored/#respond Fri, 17 May 2024 09:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/illinois-shrub-oak-schools-students-special-education by Jodi S. Cohen and Jennifer Smith Richards

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    Two years ago, Illinois lawmakers tried to help students with extreme needs who had a limited number of schools available to them.

    They changed state law to allow public money to fund students’ tuition at special education boarding schools, including those out of state, that Illinois had not vetted and would not monitor. School districts, not the Illinois State Board of Education, would be responsible for oversight.

    In solving one problem, however, Illinois created another: Districts now can send students to residential schools that get no oversight from the states in which they are located.

    The facility that has benefited the most has been a for-profit private school in New York that’s now under scrutiny by disability rights groups. A ProPublica investigation uncovered reports of abuse, neglect and staffing shortages at Shrub Oak International School as it tries to serve a population of students with autism and other complex behavioral and medical issues. Shrub Oak has never sought or obtained approval from New York to operate a school for students with disabilities, which means it gets no oversight from the state.

    The ProPublica investigation further found that some districts in Illinois have abdicated their own responsibility to monitor students’ education and welfare. Unlike some other states, Illinois law doesn’t require districts to visit the out-of-state facilities that students from Illinois attend, and some districts have never visited Shrub Oak. Records and interviews also show that districts in Illinois and other states have not always held Shrub Oak accountable for notifying them when students are injured or physically restrained, even though a provision in some contracts requires that the school let districts know.

    Sixteen Illinois students have enrolled at Shrub Oak this school year, more than at any of the other 24 unapproved residential schools that Illinois students are attending. With the school charging $573,200 per student for tuition and a dedicated aide for most of the day — one of the highest price tags in the country — Illinois districts are on track to pay Shrub Oak more than $8 million this year. The state reimburses districts for most of the cost.

    More of Shrub Oak’s out-of-state students come from Illinois than from any other state.

    One Illinois school district official who lobbied his legislator to fund more residential schools said he now is second-guessing that work.

    “I felt good at the end of this that we were able to help pass a law that had a profound impact,” said Sean Carney, assistant superintendent for business at Stevenson High School, north of Chicago. “But I’ll be honest, knowing that this particular state, New York, doesn’t really have oversight of the facility, it kind of squashes my enthusiasm for the efforts I went through to make change.”

    In written responses to questions from ProPublica earlier this year, Richard Bamberger, a communications specialist hired by Shrub Oak, said the school accepts high-needs students from across the country who struggle with self injury, aggression and property destruction. He said the tuition rates are reasonable, especially given all the services it provides.

    Bamberger also said the school plans to seek approval in New York, though the New York State Education Department and other state agencies say Shrub Oak has not filed applications with them. Shrub Oak has no plans to seek approval from other states that send students there, Bamberger said.

    Shrub Oak this week declined to answer additional questions from ProPublica specifically related to this story. Bamberger said ProPublica had not included enough of Shrub Oak’s perspective in the previous story, and said the news organization “has no intention of being fair and balanced with this article.”

    “We proudly stand by our staff, passionately care for our students, and value the input and collaboration with both our parents and school districts,” he wrote. The school also posted a message online responding to the previous article and saying Shrub Oak is a “safe, supportive educational placement opportunity.”

    The farm on the Shrub Oak campus includes donkeys, pigs and goats. (Liz Moughon/ProPublica)

    Many Illinois parents specifically requested their children be placed at Shrub Oak, and some took legal action to force districts to pay the tuition. Families, in Illinois and elsewhere, have described their desperation to find a school for children who had been rejected from or kicked out of other schools. They shared their relief that Shrub Oak would take their kids and that the state and school districts, legally obligated to educate all students, would pay the costs.

    But in Illinois, unapproved schools like Shrub Oak don’t get the same scrutiny as schools the state approves both inside and outside its borders. For example, unlike in other states, Illinois law doesn’t require the schools to disclose to the state when students are physically restrained. They aren’t subject to financial audits. And they can set their own tuition, unlike approved schools that have to negotiate with the state.

    To get state funding for unapproved schools under the 2022 law, districts in Illinois must make some basic assurances to the Illinois State Board of Education. They have to certify that there were no other suitable schools for the student. They also must show “satisfactory proof” that teachers at the unapproved school are appropriately certified. Districts must guarantee that the program can meet a student’s educational needs and provide services such as behavioral support and speech therapy. ISBE also requires superintendents to sign a form that says the district won’t hold the agency liable for “any safety and health concerns” that arise.

    “The school district assumes all responsibility for the student,” said Jackie Matthews, an ISBE spokesperson.

    Districts, for the most part, have not dug deep into Shrub Oak’s assurances, records show. For instance, they have sent the state board of education boilerplate language from Shrub Oak that said teachers had certification or were on a path to get it.

    Community Unit School District 300, northwest of Chicago, has had a student at Shrub Oak since 2022, but its employees have never been there. According to his father, the student has been restrained by Shrub Oak workers on many occasions, and his father is aware of that and OK with it. It was only this week, however, that the district got its first notice that the student had been restrained, a district spokesperson said.

    The spokesperson also confirmed that the district has never checked the credentials of Shrub Oak employees who work with its student. The spokesperson erroneously suggested that such checks are conducted at the state level, saying that ISBE reviews Shrub Oak staff credentials, which it does not.

    When districts have tried to get more complete information from Shrub Oak, such as the names or credentials of employees who would be working with the students, some have struggled to get answers. Woodstock Community Unit District 200, outside of Chicago, asked Shrub Oak for staffing details after receiving questions from ProPublica, but the district said it never got them.

    The district has “requested information from Shrub Oak on more than one occasion that it never received,” an attorney for the district told ProPublica.

    Lincoln-Way Community High School District 210 in suburban Chicago got state approval to send one student to Shrub Oak in 2022, after telling ISBE that the student’s teacher would be certified and licensed, as required. About eight months later, after visiting Shrub Oak, district officials told the state that Shrub Oak had misled them about the teacher’s certification.

    During that visit, district officials identified other concerns, including that “the curriculum is not age appropriate,” the district’s special education director wrote to a state official in March 2023. They questioned whether the student was learning, found he rarely left his bedroom after school hours or on weekends, and noted that his bedroom and bathroom “did not smell clean,” according to district records of the visit.

    A portion of the notes taken by Lincoln-Way 210 district officials summarizing their observations from a visit to Shrub Oak in January 2022. (Obtained by ProPublica)

    After district officials visited again last September and December, they noted in records from those visits that “all was good” and the student “appears to have made progress.”

    District Superintendent Scott Tingley wouldn’t say whether he thought Shrub Oak was providing an appropriate education or experience for the student. He lamented the lack of options in Illinois and said parents have asked districts to pay for their children to go to Shrub Oak. Some have taken legal action.

    “These aren’t districts that are going out and saying, ‘Here is an option,’” Tingley said. “We wish there were more facilities readily available in the state of Illinois.”

    Officials from Chicago Public Schools, which has had three students at Shrub Oak, visited the campus for the first time in December even though, by then, Chicago students had been at the school for more than two years.

    The trip came after a Chicago student allegedly was abused by a Shrub Oak worker this past fall. The district learned about the alleged abuse months later from the student’s mother and not from Shrub Oak, which was supposed to report such incidents.

    Chicago Public Schools reminded Shrub Oak in September and again in January that it must notify the district after a student is physically restrained by staff, injured or a victim of suspected abuse or neglect.

    “This violation of the terms of our agreement is concerning and requires immediate attention,” CPS wrote to Shrub Oak in January about the failures to notify the district.

    The contract also requires Shrub Oak to notify the Illinois Department of Children and Family Services of any suspected child abuse or neglect, but the agency has no record of any contact from the school. Shrub Oak told ProPublica that if it failed to notify DCFS, “this was an oversight.”

    Chicago school officials said in a written response that they work “to ensure these facilities meet a comprehensive set of criteria and standards.”

    The mother of the Chicago student said if she’d had more information, she would have withdrawn her daughter from the school sooner. “That would have made a world of difference. And my child suffered because of it,” the mother said.

    Illinois’ scant oversight of unapproved schools troubles Betsy Crosswhite, a Chicago area mother whose son was one of the first Illinois students to enroll at Shrub Oak.

    “They are not accountable to anybody. That’s concerning for sure. You have students there who can’t advocate for themselves,” said Crosswhite, whose 17-year-old son went to Shrub Oak for 14 months in 2022 and 2023. She said he had a good experience during the school day but that there wasn’t enough staff during the nights and weekends. He transferred to another school.

    She said Illinois education officials should be required to regularly visit the residential schools and examine staffing levels and other operations to protect both students and taxpayer dollars.

    Peter Jaswilko’s son, Kyle, was 16 years old when he enrolled at Shrub Oak in early 2022 after months of turmoil. Kyle’s behavior was so aggressive that he spent months, on and off, in a hospital emergency room to keep himself and his family safe. He had been rejected from schools and other facilities. Jaswilko said students like Kyle should have more access to schools like Shrub Oak.

    “Illinois is not good at having a lot of resources,” he said. “You can’t imagine what we had to go through knowing there was nothing.”

    He is grateful the Illinois law change made Shrub Oak an option, and he said the school has given him hope and his son is thriving.

    “I believe they not only saved our lives but are giving our son a chance at a future,” Jaswilko said of Shrub Oak. “When people ask about Kyle, I always say: ‘He’s safe. We are safe.’”

    Other states, each with their own oversight rules, also have grappled with monitoring from afar.

    Massachusetts acknowledged to ProPublica that it signed off on Shrub Oak as an option for its students two years ago in violation of its own requirements. The state allowed public money to pay students’ tuition there, not realizing that New York has a school approval process — and that Shrub Oak had not sought that approval.

    The Massachusetts education department discovered the error last fall and gave the seven districts with publicly funded students at Shrub Oak until July to find other placements for them.

    Until recently, the Massachusetts education department also failed to hold Shrub Oak accountable for following a state law that requires all public and private schools to tell the state when students are physically restrained. The department then makes the data public.

    The department recently asked Shrub Oak to submit the data so it could “enhance its monitoring” of students there, a department spokesperson said.

    Uxbridge Public Schools, southwest of Boston, learned from the mother of a student named Matthew — not from Shrub Oak employees — that the student had unexplained bruises, according to records and interviews. When the district asked Shrub Oak to send details of all incidents, a Shrub Oak official responded, incorrectly, that it did not need to.

    “Your contract with us does not state that we are required to send you incident reports,” Lauren Koffler, a member of the family that operates the school, wrote in an email in January 2023, about three months after the student enrolled.

    “It was stressful,” Matthew’s mother said. “I felt like we were helpless because the district couldn’t get them to comply.”

    Through its spokesperson, Shrub Oak said it “works diligently to ensure it is adhering to individual contracts.”

    Matthew left Shrub Oak in October. Uxbridge Superintendent Mike Baldassarre said: “We moved as quickly as we possibly could as soon as we understood there was stuff going on over there.”

    Help ProPublica Report on Education


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jodi S. Cohen and Jennifer Smith Richards.

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    Tibetans undergo political education for protesting land grab https://www.rfa.org/english/news/tibet/political-education-protest-land-grab-05162024171910.html https://www.rfa.org/english/news/tibet/political-education-protest-land-grab-05162024171910.html#respond Thu, 16 May 2024 21:38:06 +0000 https://www.rfa.org/english/news/tibet/political-education-protest-land-grab-05162024171910.html Tibetans who protested the seizure of their pasture land by Chinese authorities in Markham county in April have been subjected to a series of political education sessions after they were accused of protesting for political reasons, two sources with knowledge of the situation said.

    Area officials are also preventing the Tibetans from petitioning higher authorities in Chamdo, a city in the eastern part of the Tibet Autonomous Region, for fair compensation for their land, said the sources, who spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of retaliation.

    County officials have misled higher-ranking officials in Chamdo and in Tibet’s capital Lhasa into thinking that the protest by Tibetan residents was political in nature, rather than an appeal against the land grab, said the first source.

    “[They] have used that as an excuse to organize a series of political education sessions in the area,” he said.  

    Chinese police argue with Tibetans protesting the seizure of their pasture land in Markham county, western China's Tibet Autonomous Region, April 10, 2024. (Citizen journalist)
    Chinese police argue with Tibetans protesting the seizure of their pasture land in Markham county, western China's Tibet Autonomous Region, April 10, 2024. (Citizen journalist)

    In early April, 25 Tibetan families from Taktsa village in Markham county learned their land had been sold without their knowledge to businessmen by county officials, when the new owners sent people to clear it.

    Four Tibetans were arrested April 10 for protesting the land grab and later released on April 16, but they were beaten while in detention.

    Chinese authorities in the Tibet Autonomous Region and in Tibetan-populated areas of nearby Chinese provinces often ignore residents’ concerns about mining and land grabs by local officials, who routinely rely on force to subdue those who complain or protest, according to human rights groups.

    Rejecting low compensation

    In April, the Tibetans rejected 3,000 yuan (US$415) in individual compensation that was belatedly offered to them by Chinese authorities, saying the amount was too low for the pasture land that had been sold by Chinese county officials to businessmen in 2023

    Since then, the Tibetans have had to attend a series of political education sessions, with more than 30 Chinese county officials from various departments visiting the area over the past month, said the two sources. 

    Chinese authorities in Markham county also announced a reward for information that could help them identify an individual who shared news of the land grab protest with outside parties, the sources said.

    “This is the first time we have seen such rigorous political education sessions and monitoring in the area, with so many levels of officials visiting the place to conduct group political education sessions and going door-to-door,” said the second source.

    On April 16, the Luoni Township Party Committee, where the village is located, organized a Chinese Communist Party discipline study and political education meeting with over 30 Chinese officials. They included members of the township party committee, all party members of directly affiliated branches, at-home cadres, temple management committees, police stations, health centers and school administrators. 

    Chinese police argue with Tibetans protesting the seizure of their pasture land in Markham county, western China's Tibet Autonomous Region, April 10, 2024. (Citizen journalist)
    Chinese police argue with Tibetans protesting the seizure of their pasture land in Markham county, western China's Tibet Autonomous Region, April 10, 2024. (Citizen journalist)

    “Following the meeting, members of the Chinese Working Affairs Committee visited each family in their homes to provide political education,” the second source said. 

    They told the Tibetans that the Chinese government would address any problems they faced, but that they couldn’t share information with people living outside Tibet because it would compromise national dignity and reflect poorly on the Chinese Communist Party, thereby constituting a criminal act, the second source said.

    Police monitoring

    Since the protest, around 10 policemen have been deployed to patrol the area day and night to monitor the Tibetans’ activities, the sources said. 

    “Instead of addressing the core problem, Chinese authorities are using political maneuvers and have prevented local Tibetans from appealing their case in Chamdo,” said the first source.  

    The first source said the land taken from the Tibetans is 1.5 kilometers (one mile) long and covers an area of 1 square kilometer (0.4 square miles), and is worth about 5 million yuan, or US$692,000. 

    Officials told the residents to accept their offer of 3,000 Chinese yuan each without protest or face imprisonment for noncompliance.

    The Chinese police and Markham county officials are now threatening the Tibetans by labeling the protests as political in nature and intimidating locals about likely consequences, given that protests of a political nature amount to a criminal offense, the sources said. 

    Translated by Tenzin Dickyi for RFA Tibetan. Edited by Tenzin Pema for RFA Tibetan, and by Roseanne Gerin and Malcolm Foster. 


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Lobsang and Dorjee Damdul for RFA Tibetan.

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    Help ProPublica and The Texas Tribune Report on School Board and Bond Elections in Your Community https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/15/help-propublica-and-the-texas-tribune-report-on-school-board-and-bond-elections-in-your-community/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/15/help-propublica-and-the-texas-tribune-report-on-school-board-and-bond-elections-in-your-community/#respond Wed, 15 May 2024 10:10:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/getinvolved/texas-school-board-bond-elections by Jessica Priest, Jeremy Schwartz, Lexi Churchill and Dan Keemahill

    ProPublica and the Texas Tribune are committed to telling overlooked stories about public schools. This election season, we want to understand the effects of heated political races on the people living, learning and teaching in districts across the state.

    To see the full picture, we need to hear from people from across the political spectrum with a vested interest in public schools. You can help us identify important stories and ask the right questions as we report. Fill out the form below to join our source network. We also welcome specific tips, campaign finance reports and political mailers related to school district elections.

    Are you seeing outside groups getting involved in school board or bond races in your community? Are you aware of big-money donors putting their thumbs on the scale? And most important, how have school board and bond campaigns and elections affected you?

    We appreciate you sharing your story, and we take your privacy seriously. We are gathering these stories for the purposes of our reporting and will contact you if we wish to publish any part of your story.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jessica Priest, Jeremy Schwartz, Lexi Churchill and Dan Keemahill.

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    Former Far-Right Hard-Liner Says Billionaires Are Using School Board Races to Sow Distrust in Public Education https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/15/former-far-right-hard-liner-says-billionaires-are-using-school-board-races-to-sow-distrust-in-public-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/15/former-far-right-hard-liner-says-billionaires-are-using-school-board-races-to-sow-distrust-in-public-education/#respond Wed, 15 May 2024 10:05:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/texas-tim-dunn-wilks-brothers-vouchers-courtney-gore by Jeremy Schwartz

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    This article is co-published with The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan local newsroom that informs and engages with Texans. Sign up for The Brief Weekly to get up to speed on their essential coverage of Texas issues

    When Courtney Gore ran for a seat on her local school board in 2021, she warned about a movement to indoctrinate children with “leftist” ideology. After 2 1/2 years on the board, Gore said she believes a much different scheme is unfolding: an effort by wealthy conservative donors to undermine public education in Texas and install a voucher system in which public money flows to private and religious schools.

    Gore points to West Texas billionaires Tim Dunn and brothers Farris and Dan Wilks, who have contributed to various political action committees that have poured millions into legislative candidates who have promoted vouchers. The men also fund or serve on the boards of a host of public policy and advocacy organizations that have led the fight for vouchers in Texas.

    In recent years, the largesse from Dunn and the Wilks brothers has reached local communities across Texas, including Granbury, near Fort Worth, where fights over library books, curriculum and vouchers have dominated the community conversation.

    Gore said that she believes school board candidates are being recruited, at times without their full knowledge, in an effort “to cause as much disruption and chaos as possible” and weaken community faith in local school districts.

    In 2021, two local men — former state representative Mike Lang and political consultant Nate Criswell — asked Gore to run for school board. At the time, the three were co-hosts of a web-based talk show that targeted local officials they believed were insufficiently conservative and were straying from GOP platform positions. They took frequent aim at the Granbury school district, which they alleged was allowing explicit sexual content into school libraries and teaching divisive ideas about race.

    Gore broke from the group shortly after taking office in January 2022, when she concluded that the materials she had warned about on the campaign trail were not present in Granbury schools. She claims the men and other leaders of the far-right faction in Hood County, home to Granbury, dismissed her findings. They continued to pummel the district over books and curriculum, supported school board candidates who sought to remove a growing number of titles from library shelves, and worked to derail three bond elections that would have funded new and renovated buildings for the overcrowded district.

    That’s when Gore said she began to piece together connections that hadn’t been previously apparent to her.

    Lang, a Republican who represented Hood County in the state Legislature for four years, received more than $600,000 in campaign contributions — more than half his total — from direct donations from or PACs funded by the Wilks brothers and Dunn. On the campaign trail, Lang supported providing public money for private schools and, in 2017, voted against a House measure that prohibited funding for school vouchers. He did not respond to requests for comment.

    In addition, in January 2022, Criswell’s political consulting company received $3,000 from Defend Texas Liberty, one of the PACs funded by the Wilks family and Dunn. The PAC donated another $3,000 to Criswell this year when he unsuccessfully ran for Hood County commissioner.

    Criswell declined to answer specific questions but said he has closed his consulting firm, Criswell Strategies, and has “stepped away from the local political scene, aside from occasionally sharing posts on social media.”

    According to her campaign finance reports, Gore did not receive any money from the men. But another school board candidate, her then-ally Melanie Graft, received a $100 in-kind contribution from Defend Texas Liberty for advertising expenses. Graft did not respond to written questions or requests for comment.

    “I was knee-deep in it,” Gore said about the local connections to the billionaires. “I guess I was just too naive. I should have known better.”

    Neither Dunn nor a representative of the Wilks family responded to questions. Dunn recently penned an opinion piece in the Midland Reporter-Telegram arguing that he was not the leader of the statewide push for vouchers and has never made public statements on the topic.

    Nearly two decades ago, however, Dunn argued in favor of a voucher-like program, saying that the Texas Public Policy Foundation, a conservative think tank on whose board he has served for more than 20 years, supported such an idea “as long-time advocates of eliminating the government monopoly in public education.” In March, Texas Gov. Greg Abbott, who is among the state’s fiercest advocates for directing public education funds to private schools, credited the organization’s longtime advocacy with bringing the state to the “threshold” of a voucher-like program.

    Dunn is also the founder of Midland Classical Academy, a private school that offers its approximately 600 K-12 students a “Classical Education from a Biblical Worldview,” according to its website. The school believes in interpreting the Bible in its literal sense, which it takes to mean that marriage can only be between a man and a woman and that there are only two genders.

    Zachary Maxwell, Lang’s former chief of staff who later worked for Empower Texans, a pro-voucher public policy organization whose associated PAC was largely funded by Dunn and the Wilks brothers, would not speak about his time there, citing a nondisclosure agreement he signed when he left the organization.

    Maxwell, however, said he has become disenchanted by Dunn and the Wilks family’s efforts to exert control over the state’s politics. He said Hood County hard-liners, some of whom have close ties to PACs funded by Dunn and the Wilks brothers, were trying to use Gore and Graft to drive a wedge between rural residents and their school district in an effort to build support for vouchers. The women’s presence on the school board enhanced the legitimacy of the group’s claims about pornography in libraries and Marxist indoctrination, Maxwell said.

    “It’s all about destroying the trust with the citizens to the point where they would tolerate something like doing away with public schools,” he said in an interview.

    Over the past two years, Abbott has teamed up with the Texas Public Policy Foundation, embarking on a tour of Texas towns to promote vouchers. Following the narrow defeat of voucher legislation in November in the Texas House of Representatives, the Republican governor campaigned to unseat lawmakers in his party who opposed such legislation. He successfully ousted five of them.

    One of the Republicans who lost in the primary was Glenn Rogers, whose rural district sits just north of Hood County and whom Abbott endorsed in 2020. This time around, Abbott gave $200,000 in campaign support to Rogers’ pro-voucher opponent. Dunn and the WiIlks brothers donated another $100,000.

    Rogers, who represented Hood County until 2021, when lawmakers changed the boundaries of his district, said he believes privatizing public education is at the core of Dunn and the Wilks brothers’ political efforts in Hood County and across the state.

    “Whether it’s at the school board level or it’s what’s happening in the Texas Legislature right now, that’s their end goal,” he said.

    Help ProPublica and The Texas Tribune Report on School Board and Bond Elections in Your Community

    Dan Keemahill contributed reporting.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jeremy Schwartz.

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    She Campaigned for a Texas School Board Seat as a GOP Hard-Liner. Now She’s Rejecting Her Party’s Extremism. https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/15/she-campaigned-for-a-texas-school-board-seat-as-a-gop-hard-liner-now-shes-rejecting-her-partys-extremism/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/15/she-campaigned-for-a-texas-school-board-seat-as-a-gop-hard-liner-now-shes-rejecting-her-partys-extremism/#respond Wed, 15 May 2024 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/texas-granbury-isd-school-board-courtney-gore by Jeremy Schwartz

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    This article is co-published with The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan local newsroom that informs and engages with Texans. Sign up for The Brief Weekly to get up to speed on their essential coverage of Texas issues.

    Weeks after winning a school board seat in her deeply red Texas county, Courtney Gore immersed herself in the district’s curriculum, spending her nights and weekends poring over hundreds of pages of lesson plans that she had fanned out on the coffee table in her living room and even across her bed. She was searching for evidence of the sweeping national movement she had warned on the campaign trail was indoctrinating schoolchildren.

    Gore, the co-host of a far-right online talk show, had promised that she would be a strong Republican voice on the nonpartisan school board. Citing “small town, conservative Christian values,” she pledged to inspect educational materials for inappropriate messages about sexuality and race and remove them from every campus in the 7,700-student Granbury Independent School District, an hour southwest of Fort Worth. “Over the years our American Education System has been hijacked by Leftists looking to indoctrinate our kids into the ‘progressive’ way of thinking, and yes, they’ve tried to do this in Granbury ISD,” she wrote in a September 2021 Facebook post, two months before the election. “I cannot sit by and watch their twisted worldview infiltrate Granbury ISD.”

    But after taking office and examining hundreds of pages of curriculum, Gore was shocked by what she found — and didn’t find.

    The pervasive indoctrination she had railed against simply did not exist. Children were not being sexualized, and she could find no examples of critical race theory, an advanced academic concept that examines systemic racism. She’d examined curriculum related to social-emotional learning, which has come under attack by Christian conservatives who say it encourages children to question gender roles and prioritizes feelings over biblical teachings. Instead, Gore found the materials taught children “how to be a good friend, a good human.”

    Gore rushed to share the news with the hard-liners who had encouraged her to run for the seat. She expected them to be as relieved and excited as she had been. But she said they were indifferent, even dismissive, because “it didn’t fit the narrative that they were trying to push.”

    So, in the spring of 2022, Gore went public with a series of Facebook posts. She told residents that her backers were using divisive rhetoric to manipulate the community’s emotions. They were interested not in improving public education but rather in sowing distrust, Gore said.

    “I’m over the political agenda, hypocrisy bs,” Gore wrote. “I took part in it myself. I refuse to participate in it any longer. It’s not serving our party. We have to do better.”

    After Gore reviewed hundreds of pages of the school curriculum, she was shocked that the pervasive indoctrination she had railed against as a candidate did not exist. She has since helped form a group that supports Republican candidates who have been alienated by the local GOP’s far-right faction. (Shelby Tauber for ProPublica and The Texas Tribune)

    Gore’s open defiance of far-right GOP orthodoxy represents an unusual sign of independence in a state and in a party that experts say increasingly punish those deemed disloyal. It particularly stands out at a time when Republican leaders are publicly attacking elected officials who do not support direct funding to private schools.

    “It’s a rare event to see this kind of political leap, especially in a world that’s so polarized,” said University of Houston political scientist Brandon Rottinghaus. “You rarely see these kinds of changes because the people who are vetted to run tend to be true believers. They tend not to be people who are necessarily thinking about the holistic problem.”

    “With the presence of Donald Trump, fealty to cause has amplified, so this kind of action is much more meaningful and much more visible than it was a decade ago,” Rottinghaus said about Gore.

    In March, Texas Gov. Greg Abbott, a Republican, was victorious in unseating five lawmakers in his own party and forcing another three into runoff elections after they voted against voucher legislation that would allow the use of public dollars for students to attend private and religious schools. His efforts sent a message that those who did not unflinchingly support his priorities would face grave political repercussions.

    Gore was part of a similar movement of hard-liners who pushed out the Republican Hood County elections administrator in 2021 after determining that she was not conservative enough for the nonpartisan position. Now Gore and other disillusioned local Republicans have formed a group pushing against an “ultra-right” faction of the party that it says has become obsessed with “administering purity tests” and stoking divisive politics.

    The former teacher and mother of four was influenced by such politics when she decided to run for office. She was motivated to seek a school board seat after a steady stream of reports from the right-wing media she consumed and her social media feeds pointed to what she saw as inappropriate teachings in public schools. She, too, had been outraged by school mask mandates and vaccine requirements during the throes of the COVID-19 pandemic.

    But Gore said she feels that she was unwittingly part of a statewide effort to weaken local support of public schools and lay the groundwork for a voucher system.

    And she said that unless she and others sound the alarm, residents won’t realize what is happening until it is too late.

    “I feel like if I don’t speak out, then I’m complicit,” Gore said. “I refuse to be complicit in something that’s going to hurt children.”

    Because of that outspokenness, Gore is facing backlash from the same people who supported her race. She has been threatened at raucous school board meetings and shunned by people she once considered friends.

    School marshals escort her and her fellow board members to their cars to ensure no one accosts them.

    Gore has faced backlash and threats since speaking out against the people who supported her school board race. School marshals now escort her and other board members to their cars after meetings. (Shelby Tauber for ProPublica and The Texas Tribune)

    When things get particularly heated, a fellow trustee follows her in his car to make sure she gets home safely.

    “None of It Was Adding Up”

    Before Gore decided to seek office for the first time, prominent GOP operatives had been pushing for like-minded allies to take over school boards, framing the effort as necessary to maintain conservative Christian values.

    In May 2021, former Trump adviser Steve Bannon told followers on his podcast that school boards were the road back to power for conservatives following the 2020 presidential election. Two months later, North Texas-based influential pastor Rafael Cruz, the father of U.S. Sen. Ted Cruz, amplified that message on social media, saying that getting candidates on school boards was critical.

    “We need to make sure that strong, principled Americans, those who uphold our Judeo-Christian principles that have made America the greatest country in the world, are elected to school boards,” Rafael Cruz said in a July 2021 video posted to his Facebook page. “Because I’ll tell you the left is controlling the school boards in America.”

    Those messages reached Granbury, where former Republican state Rep. Mike Lang and political consultant Nate Criswell asked Gore to run for the school board. Gore recalls hearing Cruz give a fiery speech while she was campaigning. In the speech, which reinforced her decision to run, she said Cruz boasted about flipping the school board in Southlake, Texas, by getting the churches involved in helping to install Christian candidates.

    “When you put in the minds of parents that there is an agenda to indoctrinate their children … and the only answer is to get conservative Christian people elected to the school board,” Gore said, “it’s a very powerful message”

    Gore, now 43, first became involved in local politics in 2016 when she campaigned door-to-door for Lang, a former constable who successfully ran for the Texas Legislature. She then served on a leadership committee for the Hood County GOP.

    After Lang decided not to run for reelection in 2020, he asked Gore to join the “Blue Shark” show, a web-based program he founded and co-hosted with Criswell that produced videos taking aim at local politicians and officials considered insufficiently conservative. Criswell later ran campaigns for Gore and Melanie Graft, another school board candidate who previously tried to remove LGBTQ-themed books from the children’s section of the county library.

    Soon after the women won their elections, the Granbury school district descended into a high-profile fight over school library books.

    Administrators pulled 130 library books from the shelves after Matt Krause, a Republican representative from Fort Worth, published a list of 850 titles that he said touched on themes of sexual orientation and race. At the time, ProPublica, The Texas Tribune and NBC News obtained audio of the district’s superintendent, Jeremy Glenn, making clear to librarians that he had concerns about books with LGBTQ themes, including those that did not contain descriptions of sex. After the reporting, the Department of Education opened a civil rights investigation, which is ongoing, into whether the district violated federal laws that prohibit discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender.

    A volunteer review committee of parents and district employees eventually recommended returning nearly all of the books to the shelves.

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    Hard-liners wanted additional titles removed, claiming that the district was allowing “pornography,” without offering evidence to support the assertion. But Gore backed the committee’s findings, saying she was satisfied with the handful of books the district had removed for explicit content. Glenn, too, drew the ire of his onetime allies after he also supported the committee’s recommendation. Lang and Criswell have since called for his ouster. Glenn declined an interview request through a district spokesperson.

    The book debate, along with a series of other fissures, contributed to Gore’s growing belief that her former colleagues were more interested in misleading residents than in improving educational outcomes.

    In early 2022, leaders of the rapidly growing district announced plans to ask voters for $394 million in bonds to build a new high school and renovate existing campuses. School board members established a community advisory committee that would counsel the district.

    Gore chose Criswell as her representative on the committee. She thought that once Criswell saw the district’s needs firsthand, he would support the bonds. But the opposite happened. Criswell urged voters to reject the measure, claiming some parts, such as providing full-day pre-K programs for all students, were “communist in nature.”

    Gore said Criswell directed her and Graft, who did not respond to requests for comment, to post messages on social media against the bonds. When Gore pushed back, she said Criswell accused her of betraying the party. (The bonds ultimately lost by a wide margin.)

    According to Gore, Criswell also pressured her to stop speaking with all of her fellow school board members, except for Graft. “They’re just lying to you. They’re not your friends,” she recalled him saying.

    “I was like, how am I supposed to do my job as a board member if I’m not talking to anybody?” Gore said. “None of it was adding up.”

    Criswell, who has previously said that he supports public schools, declined to answer detailed questions. Lang did not respond to requests to comment. In April 2022, Gore rescinded her nomination of Criswell to the bond advisory board. She felt that he and Lang were misleading voters about the bond and its cost to taxpayers.

    “Mike Lang would call them snowballs,” she said. “You just get as many little snowballs as you can so you’re attacking from multiple fronts. And then you see which ones start to stick and gather speed and get bigger and bigger.”

    In June 2022, Lang and Criswell directed one of their snowballs in Gore’s direction, taking a veiled shot at the former co-host of their show. In a video, Criswell praised Graft for continuing the fight to remove books from the school district’s libraries, saying she was “the only one that acts as the buffer right now on that board. Which is sad, because, you know, we’ve had other people elected in recent elections that just haven’t lived up to the expectations.”

    Three days later, Gore fired back.

    “I refuse to be someone’s puppet,” she wrote in a June 8 Facebook post. “I refuse to be told what to do, what to say or how to vote. I refuse to participate in any agenda that will dismantle or abolish public education.”

    Once Gore was elected to the school board, she began to believe that her former allies were more interested in misleading residents than in improving educational outcomes. (Shelby Tauber for ProPublica and The Texas Tribune) “Extremism IS the Problem”

    A week after that post, Gore watched the livestream of a Granbury school board meeting on her laptop from a hotel room along Mexico’s Caribbean coast while on an anniversary trip with her husband.

    Emotions ran high as about a dozen residents complained that board members had not removed enough books from the library. Some argued that the school board was stifling dissent from Graft by requiring the consent of two board members to place an item on the agenda.

    During the meeting, Cliff Criswell, the grandfather of Nate Criswell, took the microphone, carrying what police would later describe as a black handgun in a leather holster. He accused board members of allowing pornography in school libraries and of trying to “rip apart” Graft, whom he had previously described as “the only conservative on the board.”

    “We have profile sheets” on all the trustees except for Graft, Cliff Criswell shouted. “We know what you do. We know where you live.”

    Gore was shocked. Panicked, she started calling family members. “My grandmother was home with our children,” she recalled in an interview. “My brother came over and slept on my front porch to make sure nobody showed up at our house in the middle of the night. I mean, my kids were terrified after that.”

    Later that night, Gore addressed the incident on Facebook.

    “Tonight, threats were made against me, every board member (except one) and our superintendent. We were individually called out by name, told we had profile sheets made on each of us and that we would be dealt with accordingly. THIS IS NOT OK. I take threats against myself and my family seriously, especially with all of the violence in today’s world. Will we be dealing with school board shootings next?!? WE MUST DO BETTER!”

    In response to a commenter’s message of support, Gore wrote, “extremism IS the problem.”

    According to a Granbury police report, an off-duty officer spotted a black pistol in a holster in Cliff Criswell’s waistband and alerted school and city police. Possession of an unauthorized firearm at a school board meeting is a third-degree felony under state law, but because officers didn’t conclusively identify the weapon that night, and because Cliff Criswell declined to cooperate, prosecutors were unable to file charges, said Granbury police Deputy Chief Cliff Andrews. Cliff Criswell could not be reached for comment.

    “Had we identified the gun at the very moment, yes, absolutely, we could have filed charges on it,” Andrews said. “We made a simple mistake.”

    The incident forced the district to adopt tighter security measures, including clearly posting signs prohibiting firearms and bringing in additional officers during board meetings anytime administrators expect that certain topics could lead to heated exchanges.

    “That was the moment I saw how crazy it was, how unhinged it had become and how far some people were willing to go to prove their points,” Gore said.

    Gore installed “private property” signs on the gates surrounding her home after a school board meeting where Cliff Criswell, an angry resident, made threatening remarks against her and her fellow school board members. “We know what you do. We know where you live,” he had said. (Shelby Tauber for ProPublica and The Texas Tribune)

    Yet rhetoric over the school district only ratcheted up in the ensuing months.

    That fall, Hood County’s far-right leaders backed the school board candidacy of Karen Lowery, who in May 2022 was one of two women who filed a criminal complaint against district librarians claiming they were providing pornography to children. A Hood County constable has declined to answer questions about the status of the complaint.

    Lowery, who had served on the committee that reviewed library books but opposed returning them to the shelves, also received a key endorsement from Rafael Cruz. She went on to win her election in November 2022.

    Her victory helped resurface the district’s book battles as she pressed to remove more titles. Then, in August 2023, Lowery snuck into a high school library during a charity event and began inspecting books using the light of her cellphone, according to a district report.

    School board members met to discuss censuring Lowery at an Aug. 23 public meeting for violating a policy that requires them to get permission from principals when entering a campus and for not being truthful when confronted by an administrator. Lowery claimed she had disclosed her visit to the library beforehand as required. She did not respond to calls or emails seeking comment. A district spokesperson said he was unable to pass along an interview request because Lowery has requested to only be contacted through her board email.

    The board voted to censure Lowery, who opposed the symbolic measure along with Graft.

    “It is clear that the actions Mrs. Lowery took, as evidenced by the community and the outcry that we have heard tonight, has broken some of that trust with our staff, parents and community members,” said Gore, who motioned to censure Lowery. “The only people that pay the price for this, no matter what happens tonight, are the kids of this district.”

    Old Foe, New Friend

    By November 2023, the battle lines over school vouchers were hardening in Granbury, and at the state Capitol in Austin.

    Abbott had begun waging war against Republicans who had not supported voucher efforts and contributed to their failure during the last legislative session. One lawmaker who escaped Abbott’s wrath was Shelby Slawson, a Republican who represents Hood County. Unlike some of those now being targeted, Slawson had bucked a request spearheaded by Gore and supported by the school board majority that urged lawmakers to vote against a measure that would send public dollars to private schools. Slawson did not respond to questions regarding her decision to vote in favor of vouchers despite the local school district’s opposition to the legislation.

    Meanwhile, Granbury was facing a tough election. The school district was asking voters to approve a $151 million bond measure to build a new elementary school in the rapidly growing and overcrowded district, as well as provide security updates and renovations to aging campuses. The balance of the school board was also at stake in the same election.

    Bond opponents formed the Granbury Families political action committee. In advertising materials, the group cited library books as one of the principal reasons residents had lost trust in the board. “Our community has lost faith in the board’s ability to conduct business,” the group claimed. “Not another penny until GISD gets new leadership.”

    Nate Criswell, Gore’s former co-host and campaign manager, loaned the PAC $1,750, according to campaign finance reports filed with the district. The loan constituted about 40% of the PAC’s funding ahead of the November election.

    Although a majority of the state’s school districts with bond measures scored victories, Granbury’s tax measure failed once again. (Voters rejected another bond measure this month.) Hard-line conservatives celebrated the loss, pointing to anger over the library books issue.

    But even as they celebrated, the November election delivered a setback to those who wanted to take over the school board. The two candidates supported by hard-line conservatives lost by wide margins, denying the county’s far-right faction the majority on the board. Among the winners in that election was Nancy Alana, the school board member whom Gore ousted two years earlier. This time around Gore endorsed Alana, and the two former opponents have since become friends and allies.

    “She let everybody know that she had been misled and that she has seen for herself the good things that are happening in our school district,” Alana said. “That the school board can be trusted. That the administrators can be trusted. And she has spoken out on that. And that has made a big difference. And she is very well thought of in our community because of her willingness to step up and say, ‘I was wrong.’”

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    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jeremy Schwartz.

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    Israel has destroyed Gaza’s education system https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/14/israel-has-destroyed-gazas-education-system/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/14/israel-has-destroyed-gazas-education-system/#respond Tue, 14 May 2024 02:30:21 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=d73db7f41957d41c27c801d854e2feb7
    This content originally appeared on The Grayzone and was authored by The Grayzone.

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    Pacific journalists are world’s ‘eyes and ears’ on climate crisis, says EU envoy https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/10/pacific-journalists-are-worlds-eyes-and-ears-on-climate-crisis-says-eu-envoy/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/10/pacific-journalists-are-worlds-eyes-and-ears-on-climate-crisis-says-eu-envoy/#respond Fri, 10 May 2024 09:46:54 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=100960 By Kaneta Naimatu in Suva

    Journalists in the Pacific region play an important role as the “eyes and ears on the ground” when it comes to reporting the climate crisis, says the European Union’s Pacific Ambassador Barbara Plinkert.

    Speaking at The University of the South Pacific (USP) on World Press Freedom Day last Friday, Plinkert said this year’s theme, “A Press for the Planet: Journalism in the face of the environmental crisis,” was a call to action.

    “So, I understand this year’s World Press Freedom Day as a call to action, and a unique opportunity to highlight the role that Pacific journalists can play leading global conversations on issues that impact us all, like climate and the environment,” she said.

    PACIFIC MEDIA CONFERENCE 4-6 JULY 2024
    PACIFIC MEDIA CONFERENCE 4-6 JULY 2024

    “Here in the Pacific, you know better than almost anywhere in the world what climate change looks and feels like and what are the risks that lie ahead.”

    Plinkert said reporting stories on climate change were Pacific stories, adding that “with journalists like you sharing these stories with the world, the impact will be amplified.”

    “Just imagine how much more powerful the messages for global climate action are when they have real faces and real stories attached to them,” she said.

    The European Union's Pacific Ambassador Barbara Plinkert
    The European Union’s Pacific Ambassador Barbara Plinkert delivers her opening remarks at the 2024 World Press Freedom Day seminar at USP. Image: Veniana Willy/Wansolwara

    Reflecting on the theme, Plinkert recognised that there was an “immense personal risk” for journalists reporting the truth.

    99 journalists killed
    According to Plinkert, 99 journalists and media workers had been killed last year — the highest death toll since 2015.

    Hundreds more were imprisoned worldwide, she said, “just for doing their jobs”.

    “Women journalists bear a disproportionate burden,” the ambassador said, with more than 70 percent facing online harassment, threats and gender-based violence.

    Plinkert called it “a stain on our collective commitment to human rights and equality”.

    “We must vehemently condemn all attacks on those who wield the pen as their only weapon in the battle for truth,” she declared.

    The European Union, she said, was strengthening its support for media freedom by adopting the so-called “Anti-SLAPP” directive which stands for “strategic lawsuits against public participation”.

    Plinkert said the directive would safeguard journalists from such lawsuits designed to censor reporting on issues of public interest.

    Law ‘protecting journalists’
    Additionally, the European Parliament had adopted the European Media Freedom Act which, according to Plinkert, would “introduce measures aimed at protecting journalists and media providers from political interference”.

    In the Pacific, the EU is funding projects in the Solomon Islands such as the “Building Voices for Accountability”, the ambassador said.

    She added that it was “one of many EU-funded projects supporting journalists globally”.

    The World Press Freedom event held at USP’s Laucala Campus included a panel discussion by editors and CSO representatives on the theme “Fiji and the Pacific situation”.

    The EU ambassador was one of the chief guests at the event, which included Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) Secretary-General Henry Puna, and Fiji’s Environment and Climate Change Secretary Dr Sivendra Michael was the keynote speaker.

    Plinkert has served as the EU’s Ambassador to Fiji and the Pacific since 2023, replacing Sujiro Seam. Prior to her appointment, Plinkert was the head of the European External Action Service (EEAS), Southeast Asia Division, based in Brussels, Belgium.

    Kaneta Naimatau is a third-year student journalist at The University of the South Pacific. Wansolwara News collaborates with Asia Pacific Report.

    Fiji's Environment and Climate Change Secretary Dr Sivendra Michael (from left)
    Fiji’s Environment and Climate Change Secretary Dr Sivendra Michael (from left) and the EU Pacific Ambassador Barbara Plinkert join in the celebrations. Image: Veniana Willy/Wansolwara


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Wansolwara.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/10/pacific-journalists-are-worlds-eyes-and-ears-on-climate-crisis-says-eu-envoy/feed/ 0 473890
    Puna calls for Pacific ‘journalistic vigilance’ in face of climate crisis https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/10/puna-calls-for-pacific-journalistic-vigilance-in-face-of-climate-crisis/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/10/puna-calls-for-pacific-journalistic-vigilance-in-face-of-climate-crisis/#respond Fri, 10 May 2024 00:26:13 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=100913

    By Kamna Kumar in Suva

    Pacific Islands Forum Secretary-General Henry Puna stressed the importance of media freedom and its link to the climate and environmental crisis at the 2024 World Press Freedom Day event organised by the University of the South Pacific’s journalism programme.

    Under the theme “A Planet for the Press: Journalism in the face of the environment crisis”, Puna underscored the critical role of a free press in addressing the challenges of climate change.

    “The challenges confronting the climate crisis and the news profession seem to share a common urgency,” Puna said at the event last Friday.

    PACIFIC MEDIA CONFERENCE 4-6 JULY 2024
    PACIFIC MEDIA CONFERENCE 4-6 JULY 2024

    He highlighted the shared urgency between climate activism and the news profession, noting how both were often perceived as disruptors in contemporary narratives.

    Puna drew attention to the alarming death toll of journalists, particularly in conflict zones like Gaza, and the pervasive threats faced by journalists worldwide, including in the Pacific region.

    Against this backdrop, he emphasised the vital importance of truth and facts in combating misinformation and disinformation, which pose significant obstacles to addressing climate change effectively.

    PIF Secretary General Henry Puna delivers his speech at the 2024 World Press Freedom Day celebration at The University of the South Pacific. Image: Veniana Willy/Wansolwara

    The Secretary-General’s address resonated with a sense of urgency, emphasising the need for journalism that informs, educates, and amplifies diverse voices, especially those from vulnerable nations directly impacted by the climate crisis.

    ‘Frontlines of climate change’
    He said the imperative for a press that reported from the “frontlines of climate change”, advocating for a 1.5-degree Celsius, net-zero future as the paramount goal for survival.

    “A press for the planet is a press that informs and educates,” Puna said.

    “And, of course, for our Blue Continent, it must be a press of inclusive and diverse voices.”

    Puna highlighted the Pacific Islands Forum’s commitment to transparency and accountability, noting the crucial role of media in communicating the outcomes and decisions of annual meetings.

    He cited instances where the presence of journalists enhanced the Forum’s advocacy efforts on climate, environment, and ocean priorities on the global stage.

    Reflecting on past collaborative efforts, such as the launch of the Teieniwa Vision against corruption, Puna underscored the symbiotic relationship between political will and journalistic integrity.

    He urged governments and media watchdogs to work hand in hand in upholding shared values of transparency, courage, and ethics.

    Guests and Journalism students at the 2024 World Press Freedom Day at The University of the South Pacific. Image: Veniana Willy/Wansolwara

    ‘Political will’ needed
    “It takes political will to enforce the criminalisation of corruption and prompt, impartial investigation, and prosecution,” Puna said.

    Looking ahead to 2050, he expressed hope for a resilient Blue Pacific continent, built on the foundations of a robust and resilient press.

    He envisioned a future where stories of climate crisis give way to narratives of peace and prosperity, contingent upon achieving the 1.5-degree Celsius, net-zero target.

    “In 2050, we will have achieved the 1.5 net zero future that will ensure our stories of the code red for climate in 2024 become the stories of a code blue for peace and prosperity beyond 2050,” Puna said.

    He commended the commitments made at the G7 Ministerial in Turin to limit global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius, emphasising the pivotal role of media in upholding democratic values and advancing collective aspirations for a secure and free society.

    Puna extended his best wishes to journalists and journalism students, acknowledging their vital role in shaping public discourse and driving positive change in the face of the environmental crisis.

    His plea served as a rallying cry for journalistic vigilance and solidarity in the pursuit of a sustainable future for all.

    Kamna Kumar is a third-year journalism student at The University of the South Pacific. Republished from Wansolwara News in a collaboration with Asia Pacific Report.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Wansolwara.

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    On Campus Gaza Protests, Media Let Police Tell the Story—Even When They’re Wrong https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/09/on-campus-gaza-protests-media-let-police-tell-the-story-even-when-theyre-wrong/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/09/on-campus-gaza-protests-media-let-police-tell-the-story-even-when-theyre-wrong/#respond Thu, 09 May 2024 20:26:47 +0000 https://fair.org/?p=9039560 There are plenty of ways to report on the arrests of protestors without relying on the word of police officials.

    The post On Campus Gaza Protests, Media Let Police Tell the Story—Even When They’re Wrong appeared first on FAIR.

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    During the summer of protests that followed the Minneapolis police murder of George Floyd in May 2020, journalists and readers alike began taking a hard look at how much news reporting relied on police sources. In particular, the standard use of “police said” articles—where the main or only source of information came from law enforcement—was leading the media to publish information that was outright wrong.

    WaPo: Journalists are reexamining their reliance on a longtime source: The police

    Journalists learned some lessons from the Black Lives Matter protests (Washington Post, 6/30/20)—and promptly forgot them.

    In their first media statement on Floyd’s death, Minneapolis police claimed that officers had observed Floyd “suffering medical distress and called for an ambulance”; it was only when cellphone video emerged that it was reported that police were in fact kneeling on Floyd’s neck at the time (NBC News, 5/26/20).  To many, it was all too familiar a pattern: Five years earlier, the Baltimore Sun (4/24/15) had based its reporting on the police killing of Freddie Gray almost entirely on official police statements, downplaying eyewitness reports that officers had thrown Gray headfirst into a van shortly before he died of neck injuries.

    “What the police tell you initially is a rumor,” Mel Reeves, an editor at the then-86-year-old African-American newspaper the Minnesota Spokesman-Recorder told the Washington Post (6/30/20). “And a lot of the times it’s not accurate.” CNN (6/6/20), in a report on how camera footage often ended up disproving police claims, went further: “Videos from several recent incidents, and countless others from over the years, have shown what many Black Americans have long maintained: that police officers lie.”

    Yet four years later, when protests broke out on college campuses calling for universities to divest from companies that support the Israeli government’s campaign of killing civilians in Gaza, US media forgot those lessons—and ended up repeatedly misinforming readers as a result.

    ‘Trying to radicalize our children’

    NY Post: Wife of convicted terrorist was hanging out at Columbia encampment before dramatic raid

    Nahla Al-Arian could more accurately described as a retired elementary teacher visiting the campus that her journalist daughter graduated from.

    The morning after the New York Police Department arrested 282 people at Columbia University and the City College of New York during protests against Israel’s war in Gaza, MSNBC’s Morning Joe (5/1/24) welcomed New York City Mayor Eric Adams and NYPD deputy commissioner of public information Tarik Sheppard as its sole guests. “At what point was it known to you that this was something more [than students] and that there were people who maybe had plans for worse than what some of the students were up to?” MSNBC anchor Willie Geist asked Adams. The mayor replied:

    We were able to actually confirm that with our intelligence division and one of the individual’s husband was arrested for and convicted for terrorism on a federal level…. These were professionals that were here. I just want to send a clear message out that there are people who are harmful and are trying to radicalize our children.

    Co-anchor Mika Brzezinski nodded in approval. When Adams added, “I don’t know if they’re international, we need to look into that as well,” Brzezinski softly said, “Yes.”

    The story of the terrorist’s wife had first been put forward by city officials the previous evening, when CBS New York reporter Ali Bauman posted on Twitter, now rebranded as X (4/30/24; since deleted, but widely screenshotted), that “City Hall sources tell @CBSNewYork evidence that the wife of a known terrorist is with protestors on Columbia University campus.” At 1:47 am, CNN (5/1/24) issued a “breaking news” alert identifying the couple, Nahla and Sami Al-Arian, and showing a photo of Nahla on campus that Sami had posted to Twitter.

    The next morning, Jake Offenhartz of the Associated Press (5/1/24) tracked down this “professional” agitator: Nahla Al-Arian was a retired elementary school teacher, and Sami a former computer engineering professor at the University of South Florida. He had been arrested in 2003 at the behest of then–US Attorney General John Ashcroft and charged with supporting the group Palestinian Islamic Jihad. After spending two years in jail awaiting trial, he was acquitted on all but one charge (a jury was deadlocked on the remaining count), and eventually agreed to a plea deal in which he and his wife moved to Turkey.

    Nahla Al-Arian had visited the protests a week earlier with her daughters, both TV journalists, one a Columbia Journalism School graduate. Nahla stayed for about an hour, she told the Intercept’s Jeremy Scahill (5/3/24), listening to part of a teach-in and sharing some hummus with students, then returned to Virginia, where she was visiting her grandchildren, when Columbia students occupied a university building and police moved in to make arrests.

    ‘Look at the tents’

    Fox 5: Protests Grow on Columbia University Campus

    “Look at the tents,” NYPD official Kaz Daughtry told Fox 5 (4/23/24).  “They all were the same color, the same ones that we saw at NYU, the same ones that we see at Columbia.”

    This wasn’t the first time the NYPD had alleged that outsiders were behind the campus protests. A week earlier, after the Columbia encampment had resulted in an earlier round of arrests at the behest of university president Minouche Shafik, Fox 5 Good Day New York (4/23/24) brought on Sheppard and NYPD Commissioner of Operations Kaz Daughtry as its guests. “The mayor is describing some of the people there as professional agitators,” said anchor Rosanna Scotto. “Are these just students?”

    “Look at the tents,” replied Daughtry. “They all were the same color, the same ones that we saw at NYU, the same ones that we see at Columbia. To me, I think someone is funding this.”

    After an opinion piece in the Wall Street Journal (4/24/24) asserted that “Rockefeller and Soros grants are subsidizing those who disrupt college campuses”— actually, one protestor at Yale and one at the University of California, Berkeley, were former fellows at a nonprofit funded by Soros’ Open Society Foundation and the Rockefeller Brothers Fund—the New York Post (4/26/24) wrote that “copycat tent cities have been set up at colleges including Harvard, Yale, Berkeley in California, the Ohio State University and Emory in Georgia—all of them organized by branches of the Soros-funded Students for Justice in Palestine.”

    At the same time, as Wired (4/25/24) reported, dozens of Facebook and Twitter accounts had posted identical messages about the tents, saying: “Almost all the tents are identical—same design, same size, same fresh-out-of-the-box appearance. I know that college students are not that rich or coordinated.”

    Snopes (4/29/24) later investigated the Post’s claims, and found no evidence that Soros had funded Students for Justice in Palestine. Meanwhile, Hell Gate (4/24/24) had checked Daughtry’s theory of a secret tent-funder through advanced data gathering: They googled it. As it turned out, there was a simpler explanation for why students across the city were using similar tents—they were the cheapest ones available online, for as little as $15. “My God,” reported the news site, “looks like what we’ve got on our hands is a classic case of college students buying something cheap and disposable.”

    ‘This is what professionals bring’

    NYPD's Tarik Sheppard with Kryptonite bike lock (photo: Christopher Robbins/Hell Gate)

    NYPD’s Tarik Sheppard presented as evidence of “outside agitators” a bike lock with the same Kryptonite logo as the locks sold by Columbia (photo: Christopher Robbins/Hell Gate).

    The same Morning Joe appearance by Adams and Sheppard introduced another household item that, police claimed, was a clear sign of outsiders being behind the protests. “You brought in a pretty staggering visual,” Brzezinski said to Sheppard. After he spoke about how “outside agitators” wanted to “create discord,” she prodded him, “Tell us about this chain.”

    Sheppard lifted up a heavy metal chain, which clattered noisily against his desk. “This is not what students bring to school,” he declared. (“Don’t think so!” replied Brzezinski.) “This is what professionals bring to campuses and universities…. And this is what we encountered on every door inside of Hamilton Hall.”

    That night, Fox News (5/1/24) ran the clip of Sheppard brandishing the chain, with anchor Sean Hannity calling the situation “a recipe for disaster.” The New York Daily News (5/1/24) quoted Sheppard’s “not what students bring to school” statement as well, without any attempt to check its accuracy.

    Almost immediately, the “professional” chain story began to unravel. Less than 20 minutes after the Morning Joe segment, New York Times visual investigations reporter Aric Toler (5/1/24) tweeted that the exact same chain was not only used by Columbia students, it was in fact sold by the university’s own public safety department, under its “Crime Prevention Discount Bike, Locker and Laptop Lock Program.” At an NYPD press conference later that morning, The City reporter Katie Honan then showed the school’s listing to Sheppard, who insisted, “This is not the chain.”

    Toler later tweeted a photo comparing the two, which appeared almost identical. Hell Gate editor Christopher Robbins, who was at the press conference, provided FAIR with a still frame from a video showing that the chain presented by Sheppard was attached to a lock with the same Kryptonite logo as is advertised on the Columbia site.

    ‘Mastermind behind the scenes’

    Newsmax: Terrorism, a Short Introduction

    The NYPD’s Daughtry went on Newsmax (5/3/24) to hold up a copy of an Oxford University Press book as evidence that an unspecified “they” is “radicalizing our students.” Daughtry’s copy appears to be a facsimile; the actual book is four inches by six inches (Screengrab: Independent, 5/4/24).

    Two days after Adams and Sheppard appeared on Morning Joe, Daughtry tweeted photos of items he said were found inside Hamilton Hall after the arrests, writing:

    Gas masks, ear plugs, helmets, goggles, tape, hammers, knives, ropes and a book on TERRORISM. These are not the tools of students protesting, these are the tools of agitators, of people who were working on something nefarious.

    That same day, Daughtry went on Newsmax (5/3/24; Independent, 5/4/24) and held up the cover of the book in question, Terrorism: A Very Short Introduction. “There is somebody—whether it’s paid or not paid—but they are radicalizing our students,” he declared. Police, he said, were investigating the “mastermind behind the scenes.” Right-wing news organizations like the National Desk (5/3/24) and the Center Square (5/6/24)  immediately picked up on the report of the “disturbing” items, without speaking to either protestors or university officials.

    The Terrorism book, it turned out, was part of an Oxford University Press series of short books—think “For Dummies,” but with a more academic bent—that was carried by Columbia itself at its libraries (Daily News, 5/4/24). Its author, leading British historian Charles Townshend, told the Daily News that he was disappointed the NYPD was implying that “people should not write about the subject at all.” The Independent (5/4/24) quoted a tweet from Timothy Kaldes, the deputy director of the Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy: “How do you think we train professionals to work on these issues? No one at NYPD has books on terrorism? You all just study Die Hard?”

    Media covering campus protests in the rest of the US similarly relied heavily on “police said” reporting, especially in the wake of the arrests of student protestors. CNN was an especially frequent perpetrator: Its report on mass arrests of protestors at Indiana University (4/25/24) ran online with the headline “At Least 33 People Detained on Indiana University’s Campus During Protests, Police Say,” and led with a police statement that students had been warned “numerous times” to leave their encampment, with the network stating blandly that “individuals who refused were detained and removed from the area.” Students later told reporters that they had been hit, kicked and placed in chokeholds by police during their arrests, and an Indiana State Police official confirmed that one officer had been placed on a rooftop with a sniper rifle (WFIU, 4/29/24).

    The following week, CNN (5/1/24) reported on “violent clashes ongoing at UCLA” by citing a tweet from the Los Angeles Police Department that “due to multiple acts of violence,” police were responding “to restore order.” In fact, the incident turned out to be an attack by a violent pro-Israel mob on the student encampment (LA Times, 5/1/24). News outlets have a history of using terms like “clashes” to blur who instigated violence, whether by right-wingers or by the police themselves.

    ‘”Police said” not shorthand for truth’

    Focus: The NYPD Descent on Columbia, Told by Student Journalists

    Student journalists have largely been able to cover the encampments without relying on police forces to tell them what reality is (New York Focus, 5/2/24).

    Law enforcement agencies, it’s been clear for decades, are unreliable narrators: It’s why journalism groups like Harvard University’s Nieman Foundation (10/27/22) have called for news outlets to stop treating police statements as “neutral sources of information.”

    Following the murder of George Floyd, the Washington Post (6/30/20) wrote that “with fewer reporters handling more stories, the reliance on official sourcing may be increasing.” It quoted Marshall Project editor-in-chief Susan Chira as saying that police should be treated with “the same degree of skepticism as you treat any other source…. ‘Police said’ is not a shorthand for truth.”

    There are, in fact, plenty of ways to report on the arrests of protestors without relying on the word of police officials: The Columbia Spectator (5/4/24), the Columbia radio station WKCR-FM and Columbia Journalism School students (New York Focus, 5/2/24) all contributed reporting that ran rings around the officially sourced segments that dominated the professional news media, despite a campus lockdown that at times left them unable to leave classroom buildings to witness events firsthand.

    They found that Columbia protestors who occupied Hamilton Hall—described by Fox News (4/30/24) as a “mob of anarchists” — had in fact been organized and nonviolent: “It was very intentional and purposeful, and even what was damaged, like the windows, was all out of functionality,” one photographer eyewitness told the Spectator, describing students telling facilities workers, “Please, we need you to leave. You don’t get paid enough to deal with this.’

    Sueda Polat, a Columbia graduate student, told the Spectator:

    One officer had the nerve to say, “We’re here to keep you safe.” Moments later, they threw our friends down the stairs. I have images of our friends bleeding. I’ve talked to friends who couldn’t breathe, who were body-slammed, people who were unconscious. That’s keeping us safe?

    It was a stark contrast with what cable TV viewers saw on MSNBC, where, as Adams and Sheppard wrapped up their Morning Joe segment, Brzezinski thanked them for joining the program, adding, “We really appreciate everything you’re doing.”

    That’s no wonder: If you only talk to one side in a dispute, you’re more likely to end up concluding that they’re the heroes.

    The post On Campus Gaza Protests, Media Let Police Tell the Story—Even When They’re Wrong appeared first on FAIR.


    This content originally appeared on FAIR and was authored by Neil deMause.

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    This School for Autistic Youth Can Cost $573,200 a Year. It Operates With Little Oversight, and Students Have Suffered. https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/08/this-school-for-autistic-youth-can-cost-573200-a-year-it-operates-with-little-oversight-and-students-have-suffered/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/08/this-school-for-autistic-youth-can-cost-573200-a-year-it-operates-with-little-oversight-and-students-have-suffered/#respond Wed, 08 May 2024 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/shrub-oak-school-autism-new-york-education-oversight by Jennifer Smith Richards and Jodi S. Cohen

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    From the first months that Brett Ashinoff was at Shrub Oak International School in New York, his parents felt uneasy about the residential school for students with autism.

    They worried that Brett, who already was thin, was losing weight. They said his nails weren’t getting cut. He would refuse to get into the car to return to Shrub Oak after visits home, sitting for hours on the porch until his father coaxed him into the vehicle.

    His parents’ concerns, documented in email exchanges with school administrators, began soon after he started in April 2022 and grew over time. Brett’s speech therapy was reduced because of limited staff. He wasn’t given his medication for at least five days in a row. “Kindly accept our sincerest apologies,” Lauren Koffler, a member of the family that operates the school, wrote in an email to Brett’s mother about the medication. She said an error with the pharmacy was responsible for the lapse.

    Then came a series of confrontations with overnight staff in February 2023. Brett, his parents said, had never been physically restrained at a school before going to Shrub Oak. But employees restrained the 18-year-old, who weighed 95 pounds, at least three times one week after he became aggressive with them. One of those nights, several employees took him to a padded room and held him down on the floor. He sustained injuries, including a cut on his leg, according to emails between the school and his parents.

    When Brett called his mother crying and begging to leave, Russ Ashinoff, his father, got in his car and drove two hours from his home in New Jersey to Shrub Oak, located in Westchester County.

    He said he arrived to find Brett shaking, his foot purple and swollen. His nose was bruised and cut. “He was inconsolable, not himself,” Ashinoff said. He took Brett to an emergency room, where he was sedated, records show. Brett had never before needed to be sedated, his father said.

    Ashinoff said he tried to report suspected abuse to several agencies in New York. The attorney general’s office took his complaint but told him it didn’t have jurisdiction and referred him to the New York State Education Department, according to the attorney general’s office. The Education Department told Ashinoff that it, too, couldn’t do anything, he said.

    Ashinoff scribbled notes on the back of an envelope as he was repeatedly turned away.

    “I never imagined you could have a school with a bunch of kids who are vulnerable that would be a free-for-all,” said Ashinoff, a physician. “The health department comes in and looks at every McDonald’s, but nobody is going to check out a school?”

    He’s right. No state agency oversees Shrub Oak, which enrolls a range of students with autism including those whom other schools declined to serve and who have severe behavioral challenges and complex medical needs. The private, for-profit school chose not to seek approval from New York’s Education Department.

    That means it has gotten no meaningful oversight and state officials have had no authority over the school — over who works there, whether money is spent properly and if the curriculum and services are appropriate for students with disabilities.

    Even without New York’s approval, Shrub Oak receives public money from school districts across the country that pay tuition for the students they send there.

    Brett Ashinoff, 18, lived at Shrub Oak for nine months before his parents brought him home to New Jersey. (Liz Moughon/ProPublica)

    Shrub Oak opened in 2018 with grand promises: beautiful dorms, an indoor therapy pool, an equestrian stable, a restaurant-quality kitchen, sophisticated security, round-the-clock care and cutting-edge education for students with autism from around the world.

    Some of those promises never materialized. A ProPublica investigation — based on records from school districts, court documents and interviews with nearly 30 families and just as many workers — also found accusations of possible abuse and neglect: unexplained black eyes and bruises on students’ bodies, medication mix-ups, urine-soaked mattresses and deficient staffing. Many parents and workers, armed with confidential documents and photos of student injuries, described their futile efforts to get authorities to intervene.

    Shrub Oak’s leaders declined to be interviewed. In written responses to questions from ProPublica, the school said it “handles some of the most complex cases” of students who have autism and who struggle with “significant self-injurious behaviors,” aggression and property destruction.

    “Our success stories are now known among parents and many of the currently enrolled students were recommended to us via word of mouth,” the school wrote in its response, provided by crisis communications specialist Richard Bamberger. He arranged interviews with four families who said the school has been a godsend for their children.

    Shrub Oak is among the most expensive therapeutic boarding schools in America. Tuition for residential students is $316,400 this school year. Many students require a dedicated aide for 16 hours a day, bringing the total to $573,200. Shrub Oak currently enrolls about 85 students, ages 7 to 23, from 13 states and Puerto Rico.

    Though the school touts its expertise with students who need constant care, police records detail young people swallowing aluminum foil, plexiglass, diapers and their own feces; putting their heads or fists through windows; and running away as recently as late March.

    Shrub Oak serves students on the autism spectrum who might also have challenging behavioral and medical needs. (Liz Moughon/ProPublica)

    Last year, two Shrub Oak workers were criminally charged for abusing students, though one case has been dropped. The other worker is due in court on Thursday.

    Shrub Oak struggles to maintain enough workers, particularly during evenings and weekends. It doesn’t always provide the dedicated aides it guarantees, records and interviews show. And the school’s leaders also have hired employees with criminal convictions for offenses including robbery and burglary — something that would be prohibited in many students’ home districts.

    The New York Education Department said it does not track how many unapproved schools operate in the state. It oversees hundreds of approved private schools, which gives them the ability to issue diplomas and take tuition money directly from New York school districts.

    New York’s position is that the states sending students to Shrub Oak are responsible for them. But some states and districts have struggled to monitor students’ progress or well-being or didn’t check on them in person, the ProPublica investigation found. The failures of oversight come at a time when more young people are being diagnosed with autism and school districts and families are desperate for help educating them.

    Shrub Oak said the school has been working with New York to get approved. But the state Education Department and other agencies that would need to sign off said Shrub Oak has not filed applications with them.

    The school said its tuition rates are reasonable, especially given all the services it provides. It defended its hiring practices, saying it gives individuals with criminal histories a second chance as long as their misconduct didn’t involve children. Shrub Oak investigates allegations of misconduct by staff members, involves police and “fires employees involved in an issue,” the school said.

    Shrub Oak said it could not comment on incidents involving individual students, citing the need for confidentiality, and asked reporters to have families sign a broad waiver provided by the school’s lawyer. ProPublica’s lawyers modified the waiver to enable the school to release information relevant to ProPublica’s questions. One former adult student and a parent of another student signed that but two did not, including the Ashinoffs. Shrub Oak still declined to address individual cases without its version of the waiver.

    Koffler, a top administrator at Shrub Oak, said the school uniquely serves all types of students with autism, from those learning basic life skills to others who will go to college. “It’s a beautiful thing to be able to service the entire spectrum,” she told reporters during a tour of the school.

    The Ashinoffs never took their son back to Shrub Oak. They had a friend collect his things.

    Brett, at home with his parents in New Jersey, would rather jump around in his bounce house or play with his dog, Otis, than talk about the nine months he spent at Shrub Oak.

    “I hate Shrub Oak,” he said, barely above a whisper. He dropped his head. “It’s kind of sad,” he said, and then decided he didn’t want to talk anymore.

    Brett Ashinoff plays in his inflatable bounce house in his family’s basement in New Jersey. (Liz Moughon/ProPublica)

    Watch video ➜

    As Michael Koffler and his family were creating Shrub Oak in 2016, they were still dealing with the fallout from a state investigation into their alleged misuse of taxpayer money for personal gain.

    That October, New York authorities publicly accused Koffler and his two sons, Brian and Daniel, of using state money intended for students with disabilities at Sunshine Developmental School, a special-education preschool in New York City, to pay family members’ inflated salaries, credit card bills and boat expenses. Some state money also paid Brian Koffler’s law school tuition, and Michael Koffler claimed maintenance on his Westhampton beach home and purchases in St. Barts as business expenses, according to the investigation by the New York state comptroller, attorney general and tax commissioner.

    “We won’t allow special education programs to be exploited for personal financial gain,” then-Attorney General Eric Schneiderman said in a press release.

    The family and its business, K3 Learning Inc., “launched a scheme” to avoid paying millions of dollars in personal and corporate income tax and had also created a real estate company that it used to mark up rent to Sunshine, the tax commissioner said at the time.

    The family did not admit any wrongdoing but agreed to pay New York $4.3 million to settle the case. Michael Koffler’s sons have paid what they owed, records show. But Koffler and his wife are delinquent. The state issued a tax warrant, and with penalties and interest the couple now owe $2.9 million. Michael, Brian and Daniel Koffler did not respond to a request for comment. The school’s spokesperson said “the tax warrant case is unrelated to Shrub Oak.”

    Sunshine Developmental School in Queens is a special-education preschool. New York state officials found in 2016 that it misspent public money. Its operators developed Shrub Oak. (Alex Bandoni/ProPublica)

    Six weeks after the settlement was announced, Brian Koffler applied to establish Shrub Oak International School, the family’s first boarding school, as a business in New York. Michael Koffler used K3’s business address and his company email address in financing documents to open Shrub Oak, records show.

    Shrub Oak said in its responses to ProPublica that “K3 is unrelated to Shrub Oak.” But some leaders are the same; Michael Koffler is the CEO, Brian Koffler is the general counsel and a consultant. Brian Koffler’s wife, Lauren, is head of admissions, communications and client relations. In his LinkedIn profile, Michael Koffler lists himself as K3’s CEO and under his experience there mentions Shrub Oak, calling it “a crowning achievement to date.”

    Shrub Oak took over the property, a former seminary on 127 acres of rolling hills in Mohegan Lake about an hour outside of New York City, in late 2017. The goal was to enroll about 400 students, and Shrub Oak’s leaders worked to create buzz about their new project. Email blasts to school district officials touted the “extraordinary personal attention” that students would get. Advertisements promoted a luxe facility with impressive amenities. A piece in Architectural Digest extolled its renovation.

    Michael Koffler in 2010, left, Lauren Koffler and Brian Koffler (Michael Koffler’s image: Jason Binn/WireImage/Getty Images. Lauren Koffler’s image: Shrub Oak leadership page. Brian Koffler’s image: Sunshine Developmental School Director’s Corner page.)

    While the initial idea for Shrub Oak was to be a high-end school serving autistic students as they transitioned to adult life, leaders broadened the vision to include difficult-to-place students with immense challenges. The school then made direct pitches to public school districts, navigated states’ varying rules for funding and helped families understand how they could get public money to pay the tuition.

    Shrub Oak’s leaders are currently responding to another market demand as they prepare to open their next venture this summer. The Pines at Shrub Oak, a 24-bed wing within the same building as the school, will enroll autistic students who are experiencing a psychiatric crisis.

    In response to inquiries from ProPublica about Shrub Oak, the school’s spokesperson arranged interviews with families who described similar traumatic experiences that led them to send their children to Shrub Oak and why they believe the school is essential.

    Ed Dasso described the pain of realizing his two autistic sons couldn’t stay at their local school or in his home because of their aggressive behavior. His school district, in a suburb west of Chicago, agreed that Shrub Oak was the best option after other schools closer to home turned them down.

    As he prepared for an admissions call with the school, Dasso said he thought: “If this doesn’t work out, I think I have to give up custody of the boys.” His sons, who are 16 and 18, moved to Shrub Oak about eight months ago and Dasso said he feels that they are well cared for and are experiencing new things. “They basically saved our family and saved the boys.”

    Kristin Buck expressed the same gratitude. Her 13-year-old son, Teddy, interviewed for a spot at Shrub Oak from a juvenile detention center after a violent outburst landed him in custody. He had been there for six months and was terrified, she said. At Shrub Oak, Teddy gets more attention and the school has figured out what triggers difficult behavior for him, Buck said.

    “There were no other schools for Teddy,” said Buck, whose family lives in the suburbs of Chicago. “Everybody turned their back on us. What instance can you think of where the police can’t help you, hospitals can’t help you, schools can’t help you?”

    A few other parents, including those not provided by the school’s spokesperson, said they are aware of troubles at the school but believe their children have done well.

    “I know that it’s not perfect,” said Brandy Carbery, from Bartlett in suburban Chicago. She said that she doesn’t know where her family would be without Shrub Oak, and that her 14-year-old son Alex has taken trips into the community and enjoys the school’s sensory room. But, she added, “I know that some people have issues.”

    As ProPublica was reporting on Shrub Oak, some state education officials and advocates for people with disabilities were looking more closely at the school.

    Massachusetts acknowledged to ProPublica that it approved Shrub Oak two years ago in violation of its own requirements. The state allowed public money to pay students’ tuition there after it failed to realize that New York had an approval process — and that Shrub Oak had not sought that approval. The Massachusetts education department discovered the error after receiving complaints about the school from at least two districts and parents. It gave the seven districts with publicly funded students at Shrub Oak until July to find other placements for them.

    And last year, Disability Rights New York, the federally appointed watchdog for people with disabilities in the state, launched an investigation and visited the school. DRNY said in recent court filings that it has received more than 40 complaints about the school, including students being denied medical attention and staff being discouraged from calling 911 — allegations the school said are false. The organization can release its findings publicly and sue to seek changes, but it does not have enforcement authority.

    The group filed a lawsuit last month against the state Education Department after the agency denied responsibility for Shrub Oak and argued it didn’t have to provide records of any complaints. The department has cited the school’s nonapproved status as a reason for denying the records, saying it does not have responsibility for “investigating incidents of abuse or neglect, injury or death” or “any other oversight responsibility” at Shrub Oak.

    Shrub Oak criticized the fairness of the investigation, saying DRNY and a similar agency in Connecticut have visited the school multiple times and requested documents and other information but have not shared their concerns, leaving the school unable to respond.

    DRNY declined to comment to ProPublica. Disability Rights Connecticut would not comment except to say that the group has “information that is of great concern to us.”

    There are currently about 85 students from 13 states and Puerto Rico enrolled at Shrub Oak. (Liz Moughon/ProPublica)

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    Last October, soon after the school day ended, a Shrub Oak employee began menacing a student who was yelling, court records show. The man raised a desk over his head and threatened to throw it at the 22-year-old student from Chicago.

    He also knocked on the student’s forehead with his knuckles four or five times “similar to a way a person would knock very hard on a door,” according to the sworn statement of an employee who said she witnessed the incident.

    The student said, “Ouch, you are hurting me,” according to that statement, and the student at one point grabbed the right side of her stomach and cried out that she’d been hit.

    The employee was fired then charged with three misdemeanors — menacing, harassment and endangering the welfare of a disabled person. He has pleaded not guilty.

    A court filing describes what led to criminal charges against a former Shrub Oak worker last fall. (Obtained by ProPublica from the Yorktown Justice Court)

    When the Chicago student’s mother picked up her daughter for a visit in December, she decided she wasn’t comfortable leaving her at Shrub Oak any longer. She called Chicago Public Schools and learned that Shrub Oak had not told the district that its student was the victim of the alleged abuse even though it should have, according to its contract with Shrub Oak. Chicago Public Schools confirmed the district learned of the alleged abuse of the student from her mother.

    That same day, the student’s mother also called ProPublica. She and other parents spoke to reporters on the condition that their names not be used because they were afraid of retaliation by the school’s operators or feared being in the desperate position of needing to find another school and being penalized for speaking out.

    “I just called Chicago Public Schools and said: ‘I’m not taking her back. This is not a safe place,’” the student’s mother told ProPublica.

    Shrub Oak said it couldn’t comment about the incident or its communications with Chicago Public Schools because they are related to an individual student.

    A 22-year-old student attended Shrub Oak until late last year when her family brought her home to Chicago. (Taylor Glascock, special to ProPublica)

    The October incident was one of the more than 150 times that the local police responded to calls about the school since 2019 — from employees reporting student injuries to parents asking for well-being checks on their children.

    In at least four other incidents involving suspected abuse, Shrub Oak told police that it had fired employees, records show. The school fired an employee in 2022 who was seen shoving a student “to the floor multiple times.” It fired another employee in November 2023 after a co-worker saw him hit a student in the head and chest and slam him to the floor.

    In February of last year, Shrub Oak also fired a worker who reportedly punched two students in the stomach at night in their bedrooms. The school told police about the incident three days later. An employee who witnessed the incident told police he saw the worker punch both students and then justify it, saying, “Sometimes you have to (motioned punching) to get them to do what they have to do,” according to court records.

    Listen to a 911 Call Related to the November 2023 Incident A security guard alerts authorities to the incident. (Yorktown Police Department. Edited by ProPublica for clarity and to preserve anonymity.)

    The employee in the February incident was arrested, but the Westchester County district attorney’s office said it dismissed the case because of issues with gathering sufficient evidence within the required time frame for criminal cases.

    The school told ProPublica that it calls the police to be transparent and impartial, and that some students make false allegations or call 911 as “negative attention-seeking behavior.”

    Underlying many of the problems at Shrub Oak are staffing shortages, according to records and interviews. An internal email shows that one night, a “skeleton staff” was stretched too thin to attend to students’ hygiene. Employees provided ProPublica schedules that showed multiple students assigned to one worker even though the students required individual aides and the districts were paying for them.

    Shrub Oak acknowledged the challenge of operating round-the-clock, but its spokesperson said that its staff of 400 is adequate and that the school “determines staffing levels based on student needs and contract parameters.” The school said that some students have advanced to where they can work without individual aides and that it passes any savings onto the districts.

    James Roddy, a former Shrub Oak student, said the school sometimes was so short on staff “they’d literally ask other kids to watch over them.” He and another student ran away from the school one evening in January 2022 and spent the night hiding inside a Home Depot, police records show.

    James Roddy, 18, is a former Shrub Oak student who lives in Utah. (Kim Raff for ProPublica)

    Despite being a school that pledges to help students with intense behavioral challenges, Shrub Oak has only one certified behavioral therapist, employees and parents told ProPublica. Shrub Oak would not confirm the number.

    “You send your kid to a residential school because you can’t handle all the things they need,” said the mother of one current student. “So they go to a school where they will have a team of experts, and you trust that the school will provide that. They are not providing that.”

    A current employee described his concern over a student who was isolated in his bedroom as punishment. Like the Ashinoffs, he found he had nowhere to turn. He tried the state Education Department and the Justice Center, which investigates allegations that students with disabilities have been abused or neglected. He said both agencies told him they had no authority over unapproved schools.

    “It broke my heart,” the employee said. “Who is watching out for these students?”

    A note from Shrub Oak’s staff messaging system describes a student’s condition. (btained by ProPublica. Redactions by ProPublica.)

    Other workers and parents expressed their alarm at failures to address students’ basic needs: medicine, hygiene and food.

    “I had a student almost die because he had a seizure and almost stopped breathing. They had stopped giving him medicine,” said a former behavior specialist at the school. Police records and emails describe students taking the wrong medication or none at all. Shrub Oak told ProPublica that it has changed its medication practices.

    Several parents also said their children uncharacteristically began urinating and defecating in their rooms because they were locked out of bathrooms overnight. Shrub Oak said some students have conditions that lead them to soil themselves — sometimes intentionally — and that staff are always available to let students in the locked bathrooms.

    A student eats his takeout meal at Shrub Oak. (Obtained by ProPublica from the family)

    And for years, Shrub Oak leaders have been telling parents that a “restaurant-quality kitchen” would be finished “by year end” or in a few months, records show.

    Instead, the food mostly comes from a nearby deli, though the school says Shrub Oak’s chef and nutritionist “are beyond compare.” (The therapy pool and equestrian stable also have not been built.) Shrub Oak told ProPublica on April 12 that the kitchen is slated to open “within days,” pending completion of electrical work. As of Tuesday, the kitchen still was not open.

    “The promise of this place was magic,” one mother from California said. She pulled her son from Shrub Oak last year and sent him to an approved residential school for autistic students.

    “Why they’re even allowed to have a school, I have no idea,” she said.

    A wing of the Shrub Oak campus is being renovated to include more dorm rooms. (Liz Moughon/ProPublica)

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    Help ProPublica Report on Education

    Mollie Simon contributed research.


    This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Jennifer Smith Richards and Jodi S. Cohen.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/08/this-school-for-autistic-youth-can-cost-573200-a-year-it-operates-with-little-oversight-and-students-have-suffered/feed/ 0 473533
    Visual artist, graphic designer, and writer Sebastián Roitter Pavez on valuing taste over technique https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/08/visual-artist-graphic-designer-and-writer-sebastian-roitter-pavez-on-valuing-taste-over-technique/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/08/visual-artist-graphic-designer-and-writer-sebastian-roitter-pavez-on-valuing-taste-over-technique/#respond Wed, 08 May 2024 07:00:00 +0000 https://thecreativeindependent.com/people/visual-artist-graphic-designer-and-writer-sebastian-roitter-pavez-on-valuing-taste-over-technique What’s your creative practice?

    Right now I’m trying to focus on what makes a discourse or image believable or what can work as a mechanism for truth or proof.

    I playfully use aspects of our cultural global heritage in my work. I seek to have fun with the images our culture has accumulated. We live in a huge sea of images and we don’t know what to look at. The image has lost its power or we have become numb while at the same time being really addicted to images. I think there’s some truth in trying to hold people’s attention on one image or art piece.

    What do you mean with there’s truth in it?

    There’s something that unlocks, a very pure moment, where people can have an aesthetic experience, something that appeals to senses.

    As a graphic designer and as an artist, I am very inhabited by notions of beauty and composition, how an image should be constructed and sometimes it’s hard to escape that. I try to deconstruct the process of image making as I move forward in a series of drawings or while working on a book. I find I can be very structured and things become fun when I find little cracks, when something genuine has detached itself from the image culture we have canonized as being “good” or that has proven to be “good.”

    A Choral History of a Piece of Heaven, soft pastels on black paper and ceramics, solo show in 2023.

    Okay. Wow. That’s just opened up so many tabs in my brain…but let’s go back to structure and cracks. What do you mean when you say you are very structured? Are you speaking about having to do money jobs like graphic design work? Or are you just generally a very structured person?

    I feel like a lot of academic learning is rooted in me. I feel that I know what beauty looks like to me and I’m devoted to creating beautiful things and likeable things. I’m not talking about universal laws—I’m just talking about me.

    You’re talking about what you think is beautiful?

    Yes.

    As a graphic designer who went to university?

    Good question. I feel like going back to what I said, that we’re living in an ocean of images, what’s statistically beautiful or the spectrum of beauty has already been shaped from the inside to the outside. So, the outside would be what’s the limit between beauty and non-beauty. But inside there’s a safe zone where you say, “Okay, this is beautiful.” The image of a white puppy in the grass. That is canon beauty, right? Something that is charming.

    And as you go outside these limits, then you can find things that hold beauty but not in a very clear way.

    I jump between canonized beauty/safe beauty and a zone that’s no longer secure. And when I’ve reached that point I believe I begin creating something worthwhile.

    Nacht Aktive Kreaturen von Schöppingen, soft pastel and color paper, series of folk art show 2022 in Schöppingen, West Germany.

    When you go to the cracks?

    Exactly. For example, a crack could be not the language in which this theme is being embodied but the theme itself. An example could be my project on the Holy Foreskin. That’s not something we’re going to like in our minds as we say it. When I tell the story, I use the same strategy Christianity has always used: create compelling images, made of gold, appealing to the senses so that people who cannot read will not just believe in god but in the entire story, all the characters in the Bible. That’s why they used to call the church the poor people’s Bible. Those who were illiterate could use the images to understand what they could not read.

    Can you tell me more about the Holy Foreskin project?

    Yes. When I told the story of the Holy Foreskin, I tried to create this corpus of images that could deliver the story to anyone no matter if they had heard of the Holy Foreskin or not. Hearing those two words is already a head fuck but I think it was a story worthy of telling.

    Tell me more about this.

    I’ve always been fascinated by medieval representation because I find there’s a little bit of a crack between perspective and deepness or profoundness in the image like different layers of depth are thrown at you in a way that perspective organizes these levels, these layers.

    Instead, in medieval representation, you find…I don’t know, if you see a map, Rome is in the center of the world and Israel is next to Rome or you see people with faces in their torsos. Everything is super weird. And it’s because it’s not an age where people believe in God. It’s an age where God was present, was a subject, was everywhere. It is not a matter of belief, it’s a matter of an alteration between these worlds, the magical world and the so-called real world.

    Editorial & Design work, some published by Bucle Editorial and some as consultant.

    So I’ve always been interested in medieval stories, medieval representation, and I came across the forgotten story of the Holy Foreskin, which is about Jesus Christ’s foreskin. He was circumcised eight days after he was born. Those present decided to ignore the tradition of Judaism and instead of burying the skin, they conserve it in a jar. It’s like an original sin because they ignored the tradition, and created merchandise for this new religion. 1500 years later there were still a lot of churches in Europe claiming to have the original foreskin. So this is the first NFT. “Do I have the real one? Which one is the real one?” They were all fighting to have the actual thing. I find it interesting how religion and belief can be embodied in an object and the expectations around this object has the power to transform reality.

    And what was your artistic approach to this subject matter?

    I teamed up with a friend who’s a scriptwriter, and he started to develop texts and I started to develop images. We both gathered information, videos, anything that was said about this famous piece of skin.

    We were fascinated by something so sacred being so unholy at the same time. The idea of Christ’s circumcision really brings you back down to earth. We put on an exhibition showing my visual work and my friend’s textual work. We had written dialogues between the people that had come across this relic.

    Obviously referencing and hypertextuality plays a role in your work…

    To me hypertext is a dialogue or a link between themes that start to create hybrids out of the juxtaposition or superposition of different links.

    You create a piece of art and then you start to see it in a context and you see, okay, the hypertextual body of this work may be artists from Rio La Plata. You were doing religious art in the 16th century and you believe, or I believe that I am in a long line of artists who’ve been working with this subject. And that’s where I start to see how hypertextuality works. It’s not only the themes that you bring up, but also the praxis that you take from someone that has already put down the torch and you pick up the torch to continue the work of others.

    Totem in Quintana Roo, Mexico, 2019.

    I was thinking more of hyperlinks than hypertexuality…

    It’s the same. I spend a lot of time on Wikipedia. I have multiple tabs open all the time, on my computer and in my mind. It’s very hard to organize them. It’s a practice on its own to research and organize this material and articulate your findings because if you don’t it’s just raw material. A hypertext means you’re reworking the assets you have found.

    Would you say that hypertexting is a technique you use as an artist? Or is it the art itself?

    I think hypertext is something that’s a part of me. I grew up playing with Encarta encyclopedia, clicking from one article to the next. This way of working is part of me. And as a kid using the early internet, I was fascinated by this. It felt like one could access the whole world. And of course it was an era of unverified information. That made the information gossip and that was also what made it interesting.

    We could say that anything anyone does is hyperlinking because we only ever exist in the context of others. But I would say, compared to other artists I have talked to, you really give it a name, and speak of it and it does seem to be a very active and conscious technique of yours.

    Yes. I feel that in my work, paraphrasing, quoting, and contextualizing the work of others is very important. I’m working on a book on the totemic association for which I’m quoting people that never existed. I am trying to give density to a world that’s supposed to be hyperlinked with everything we already know but the links are not developed. I am mixing things that really happened with my own fiction and am creating new hyperlinks…I am creating gossip rather than information.

    The Book of Titicks, series of drawings, 2024.

    The book is about a totemic association that never existed. You are working with the association’s archive in this book which of course also doesn’t exist. You are creating all the characters who were part of the association and people that are using its archive. You’re mixing and blurring fact and fiction and are, in this case, very intentionally fictionalizing the hypertexts you are presenting.

    Exactly. And with the hope that, when the book is done, people who consider their practice to be related to Totemism can join the association. From fiction to action.

    From fiction to action.

    Yes.

    That’s cute. That’s a good T-shirt slogan. Another slogan of yours that could work well on a T-shirt is: Taste over technique.

    I think it’s important for every creator to be aware of the many formulas that have already been proven, that are effective or at work. There’s no joy in repeating them. As a creator it makes no sense to follow a technique-driven path. But with that said, I’m not diminishing the importance of technique, but I value a person’s taste more than their technique. Usually if the output is technically very good and there’s not much subjectivity I get bored in an instance. I feel that taste talks about a person and the person doing it makes it interesting.

    Just to play like devil’s advocate: Isn’t whatever technique you use also a result of what taste you have?

    Yes, but I mean, painting. Okay, painting, it’s a huge universe of what can be done and it doesn’t say that much about your taste that you’ve picked painting as a technique. But let’s say if a person makes melted glass pottery from a cast of a bee hive then we can say,”Okay, the technique is really talking about the actual interests and tastes and perversions of this person.”

    Sebastián “Chebo” Roitter Pavez Recommends:

    Book (fiction): Comemadre, by Roque Larraquy

    Book (research): Earth is an Architecture

    Song: “The Blessing Song” by Michael White

    Playlist/Artist: Arthur Russell

    My creative recommendation can be summarized as taste over technique, I believe it is quite liberating as a personal motto to see the creations as extensions of taste, of yourself, rather than an object that needs a sort of wrapping or coating to be by itself out there.

    Research installation for a future book ALL DAYS ARRIVE.


    This content originally appeared on The Creative Independent and was authored by The Creative Independent.

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    Media Scorn Gaza Protesters for Recognizing Corporate Reporters Aren’t Their Friends https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/07/media-scorn-gaza-protesters-for-recognizing-corporate-reporters-arent-their-friends/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/07/media-scorn-gaza-protesters-for-recognizing-corporate-reporters-arent-their-friends/#respond Tue, 07 May 2024 20:45:49 +0000 https://fair.org/?p=9039526 An emerging complaint corporate media have against the nationwide peace encampments is that many student protesters won’t speak to them.

    The post Media Scorn Gaza Protesters for Recognizing Corporate Reporters Aren’t Their Friends appeared first on FAIR.

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    An emerging complaint the corporate media have against the nationwide—and now international—peace encampments is that many student protesters won’t speak to them. The problem, pundits and reporters say, is that these encampments have designated media spokespeople, and other protesters often keep their mouths shut to the press.

    WSJ: What I Saw at Columbia’s Demonstration

    Peggy Noonan (Wall Street Journal, 5/2/24), based, apparently, on talking to no protesters, concluded that “they weren’t a compassionate group. They weren’t for anything, they were against something: the Israeli state, which they’d like to see disappear, and those who support it.”

    Conservative pundit Peggy Noonan (Wall Street Journal, 5/2/24) said of her trip to the Columbia University encampment:

    I was at Columbia hours before the police came in and liberated Hamilton Hall from its occupiers. Unlike protesters of the past, who were usually eager to share with others what they thought and why, these demonstrators would generally not speak or make eye contact with members of the press, or, as they say, “corporate media.”

    I was on a bench taking notes as a group of young women, all in sunglasses, masks and kaffiyehs, walked by. “Friends, please come say hello and tell me what you think,” I called. They marched past, not making eye contact, save one, a beautiful girl of about 20. “I’m not trained,” she said. Which is what they’re instructed to say to corporate-media representatives who will twist your words. “I’m barely trained, you’re safe,” I called, and she laughed and half-halted. But her friends gave her a look and she conformed.

    Peter Baker (Twitter, 5/4/24), the chief White House correspondent for the New York Times, supportively amplified the former Ronald Reagan speechwriter’s claim, saying the protests are “not about actually explaining your cause or trying to engage journalists who are there to listen.”

    A reporter for KTLA (4/29/24) complained that his news team was not granted access to the encampment at UCLA, and Fox News (4/30/24) had a similar complaint about the New York University protest:

    Fox News Digital was told that the outlet was not allowed inside, and only student press could access the gated lawn. A local ABC team and several independent reporters were also denied. However, Fox News Digital witnessed a documentary crew and a reporter from Al Jazeera reporting inside the area.

    One has to wonder: What could make activists suspect that the network that produced “Anti-Israel Agitators: Signs of ‘Foreign Assistance’ Emerge in Columbia, NYU Unrest” (4/26/24), “Pressure Builds for Colleges to Close or Shut Down Anti-Israel Encampments Amid Death Threats Toward Jews” (4/26/24) and “Ivy League Anti-Israel Agitators’ Protests Spiral Into ‘Actual Terror Organization,’ Professor Warns” (4/21/24) wouldn’t give them a fair shake?

    Organized structure

    NYT: Campus Protests Give Russia, China and Iran Fuel to Exploit U.S. Divide

    A New York Times news report (5/2/24) ties protests to the US’s official enemies, despite “little evidence—at least so far—that the countries have provided material or organizational support to the protests.”

    What is clear is that the student protesters across the country have organized a structure where many participants who are approached by media defer to appointed media liaisons (Daily Bruin, 4/27/24; KSBW, 5/3/24; Daily Freeman, 5/4/24; WCOS, 5/4/24).

    For Baker and Noonan, this is evidence that the protests are at best not serious, and at worst not democratic. Indeed, corporate media, at every turn, have attempted to sully calls to halt a genocide as some kind of perverted anti-democratic extremism (Atlantic, 4/22/24; New York Times, 4/23/24, 5/2/24; Washington Post, 5/6/24, 5/6/24; Free Press, 5/6/24).

    But why would such a communications structure even be considered unusual? Most organizations that corporate journalists cover have dedicated spokespeople to handle media inquiries, while others stay silent. Noonan’s experience is no different than how many street reporters interact with the cops; ask a cop for a comment and you’ll get sent over to the public information officer. You’ll rarely if ever see a news story that complains or even notes that a government or corporate employee directed a reporter to talk to the press office.

    It’s true that in the worlds of business and bureaucracy, restrictions on employee speech can hamper investigative reporting  (FAIR.org, 2/23/24). But the media discipline at these encampments seems more like a way to keep the message clear. Vox-pop free-for-alls at these encampments could make it harder for news consumers to figure out what the protests are about; the demands and the aims of the movement might be muddled if every participant sounded off into the nearest reporter’s microphone.

    With the current media strategy, Baker and Noonan really don’t have to wonder what the messages are: The encampments want their campuses to divest from Israel, and now students are protesting their administrations and the police violence against free speech and assembly. They are not entitled to the time of every individual protester.

    It’s also all too easy for corporate reporters or right-wing commentators to find one loose cannon at a protest who can be prompted to go off-message during an interview, giving media outlets the ability to paint protesters generally as unhinged and ignorant. The fact that the Gaza encampment protesters have such a structure in place is a sign of political maturity, because they have found a way to keep the message simple and unified.

    “The college kids are showing a precocious message discipline to reporters hostile to the substance of their protest,” Chase Madar, a New York University adjunct instructor, told FAIR.

    Insinuating illiberalism

    Baker and Noonan don’t express alarm that student reporters covering the protests have been subjected to extreme violence by the police (CNN, 5/2/24, 5/2/24), a very real form of state censorship. Nevertheless, Noonan and Baker insinuate that an aversion to speak to the corporate press signifies the movement’s illiberalism.

    Perhaps establishment media are a little bitter that student reporters at places like Columbia University’s WKCR are doing a better job of covering the unrest than some salaried professionals in the media class (AP, 5/3/24; Washington Post, 5/4/24; Axios, 5/4/24).

    If anything, what Baker and Noonan are lamenting is that the discipline of the students is making it harder for corporate media to misrepresent, ridicule and embarrass students who are protesting the US-backed genocide of Palestinians in Gaza. They’re telling on themselves.


    Featured image: Fox News depiction (4/30/24) of the Columbia University encampment it complained it had been shut out of.

    The post Media Scorn Gaza Protesters for Recognizing Corporate Reporters Aren’t Their Friends appeared first on FAIR.


    This content originally appeared on FAIR and was authored by Ari Paul.

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    ‘Repair colonial violence’ and support Gaza ceasefire, say Otago academics https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/07/repair-colonial-violence-and-support-gaza-ceasefire-say-otago-academics/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/07/repair-colonial-violence-and-support-gaza-ceasefire-say-otago-academics/#respond Tue, 07 May 2024 08:31:33 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=100809 Asia Pacific Report

    Following an open letter by Auckland University academics speaking out in support of their students’ right to protest against the genocidal Israeli war on Gaza, a group of academics at Otago University have today also called on New Zealand academic institutions to “repair colonial violence” and end divestment from any economic ties with Israel.

    “In order to honour commitments to decolonisation and human rights, universities must act now,” says the open letter signed by more than 165 academics.

    “As a te Tiriti-led university in Aotearoa New Zealand”, the academic staff said they were calling for the University of Otago to immediately:

    1. Endorse the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement and disclose and divest from any economic ties to the apartheid state of Israel,
    2. Condemn those universities [that] have called on police to violently remove protesters from their campuses, and
    3. Call for the protection of students’ rights to protest and assemble and endorse the aims of those protests — the immediate demand of ceasefire and longer term demands to end the apartheid, violence, and illegal occupations under which Palestinians continue to suffer.

    The full letter states:

    “Kia ora koutou,

    “As we write this letter, universities across the United States have become battlegrounds. University administrators are sanctioning and encouraging violence against students and faculty members as they protest the genocidal violence in Gaza.

    “Over 35,000 Palestinians have been killed—of those deaths, it is estimated that more than 13,000 of them have been children. Israel has destroyed all 12 universities in Gaza and targeted staff and students at those universities.

    “The recent discovery of mass graves in Gaza, the hands and feet of many victims bound, has shocked the conscience of the world.

    “In keeping with a long tradition of campus protest, students and staff are demanding their universities stop contributing to genocidal violence.

    Student bodies brutalised
    “In return, their bodies have been brutalised, their own universities endorsing their arrests. Universities should, at the very least, offer crucial spaces for protest, debate, and working through collective responses to urgent social issues. Instead, administrators have called in militarised police forces, fully decked out in anti-riot regalia to repress student protests.

    “The results have been predictable: Professors and students have been arrested en masse and physically assaulted (beaten, pepper-sprayed, shot with rubber bullets, knocked unconscious, choked, and dragged limp across university lawns, their hands cuffed behind them).

    “We at the University of Otago, an institution committed to acknowledging, confronting, and seeking to repair colonial violence, are part of a society that extends far beyond the borders of Aotearoa New Zealand.

    “Acknowledging our history, including that history within its students’ experiences and working practices, compels us as a collective to call out and condemn colonial violence as and when we see it. It is not at all surprising that many of the protests in Aotearoa New Zealand calling for a ceasefire in Gaza have been organised and led by Māori alongside Palestinian activists.

    “Most recently, the Ngāti Kahungunu iwi have come out against the genocide, with one of the rally organisers, Te Ōtane Huata, stating “Tino rangatiratanga to me isn’t only self-determination of our people, it is also collective liberation.”

    “If it is to mean anything to be a te Tiriti-led university here in Aotearoa New Zealand, we must include acknowledgment that the history of Aotearoa New Zealand has been marked by consistent and egregious violations of that very treaty, and that such violations are indelibly part of settler colonialism.

    “Violent expropriation, cultural annihilation, and suppression of resistance have been the hallmarks of this project.

    Decolonisation and human rights
    “In order to honour commitments to decolonisation and human rights, universities must act now. We thus call for the University of Otago to immediately:

    “1. Endorse the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement and disclose and divest from any economic ties to the apartheid state of Israel,
    “2. Condemn those universities who have called on police to violently remove protesters from their campuses,
    “3. Call for the protection of students’ rights to protest and assemble and endorse the aims of those protests – the immediate demand of ceasefire and longer term demands to end the apartheid, violence, and illegal occupations under which Palestinians continue to suffer.

    “In other words, the University must call for a liberated Palestinian state if it is to conceptualise itself as a university that seeks to confront its own settler-colonial foundations.

    “The above position aligns with the named values of our universities here in Aotearoa New Zealand. It is our duty that we make these demands, particularly as Palestinians have seen the systematic destruction of their universities and educational infrastructure while Palestinian students of our universities have witnessed their families and friends targeted by the Israeli government.

    “If the University of Otago wants to authentically position itself as an institution that takes seriously its role as a critic and conscience of society and acknowledges the importance of coming to grips with ongoing settler-colonial violence, it should take these demands seriously.

    “We further support the Open Letter to Vice-Chancellor Dawn Freshwater from Auckland University Staff in Solidarity with Students Protesting for Palestine.”

    In solidarity,
    Dr Peyton Bond (Teaching Fellow, Sociology, Gender Studies and Criminology)
    Dr Simon Barber (Lecturer in Sociology)
    Rachel Anna Billington (PhD candidate, Politics)
    Dr Neil Vallelly (Lecturer in Sociology)
    Erin Silver (PhD candidate, Sociology)
    Professor Richard Jackson (Leading Thinker Chair in Peace and Conflict Studies)
    Dr Lynley Edmeades (Lecturer in English)
    Dr Olivier Jutel (Lecturer in Media, Film and Communication)
    Lydia Le Gros (PhD candidate & Assistant Research Fellow, Public Health)
    Dr Abbi Virens (Postdoctoral Fellow, Centre for Sustainability)
    Sonja Bohn (PhD candidate, Sociology)
    Joshua James (PhD Candidate, Gender Studies)
    Sophie van der Linden (Postgrad Student, Bioethics)
    Dr Fairleigh Evelyn Gilmour (Lecturer in Gender Studies, Criminology)
    Brandon Johnstone (Administrator, TEU Otago Branch Committee Member)
    Dr David Jenkins (Lecturer in Politics)
    Jordan Dougherty (Masters student, Sociology)
    Rosemary Overell (Senior Lecturer in Media, Film and Communication)
    Dr Sebastiaan Bierema – (Research Fellow, Public Health)
    Dr Sabrina Moro (Lecturer in Media, Film and Communication studies)
    Rauhina Scott-Fyfe (Māori Archivist, Hocken Collections)
    Dr Lena Tan (Senior Lecturer, International Relations & Politics)
    Cassie Withey-Rila (Assistant Research Fellow, Otago Medical School)
    Duncan Newman (Postgrad student, Management)


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Auckland academics call out university stance over pro-Palestine protest https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/05/auckland-academics-call-out-university-stance-over-pro-palestine-protest/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/05/auckland-academics-call-out-university-stance-over-pro-palestine-protest/#respond Sun, 05 May 2024 00:29:13 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=100667 RNZ News

    A group of academic staff at New Zealand’s largest university have expressed concern at the administration’s move to block a protest encampment that was planned to take place on campus calling for support for the rights of Palestinians.

    This week, the University of Auckland warned that while it supported the right of students and staff to protest peacefully and legally, it would not support an overnight encampment due to health and safety concerns.

    The university’s statement said advice from police had been taken into account, and the university would “work constructively” with the protesters to facilitate an alternative form of protest.

    “This compromise enables students and staff who wish to express their views to do so in a peaceful and lawful manner, without introducing the significant risks that such encampments have brought to other university campuses,” the statement said.

    On Wednesday, more than 100 people gathered at the university’s central city campus for the rally, with those taking part expressing a range of views toward violence between Israel and Palestinians and the war in Gaza.

    Protest organisers Students for Justice in Palestine, said the demonstration was the initial event in a long-term campaign to advocate for Palestinian rights, in “support for justice and peace”, and invited any member of the university to take part, “regardless of background or affiliation”.

    After the university’s statement against the planned encampment, the group changed the event to a campus rally, which they said would make it more accessible to a more diverse range of people.

    Open letter of concern
    However, now an open letter signed by 65 university staff and academics says they held deep concerns about the university’s stance toward the protest.

    The institution’s reaction “mischaracterised” the focus of the protest, minimised the violence in Gaza, and had not acknowledged a call for the institution to “divest from any entities and corporations enabling Israel’s ongoing military violence against Palestinians in Gaza”, the letter said.

    It condemned the university for not seeking advice about the planned protest from its own students and staff, and said the institution’s stance had implied the protesters would “introduce significant risks”.

    One of the signatories, senior law lecturer Dylan Asafo, told RNZ the University of Auckland vice-chancellor had taken poor advice.

    “The vice-chancellor is essentially blaming the violence and unrest that we’re seeing on the newest campuses [overseas] on staff and students who set up peaceful encampments there, rather than on university administrators and police forces who have broken up those peaceful encampments.”

    The academics also want confirmation protesters won’t be punished by the university.

    “We also urge you not to discipline or penalise students and staff who may choose to participate in peaceful protests and encampments in any way, and to engage with them in good faith,” the letter said.

    The university has been approached for comment.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/05/auckland-academics-call-out-university-stance-over-pro-palestine-protest/feed/ 0 473042
    As Peace Protests Are Violently Suppressed, CNN Paints Them as Hate Rallies https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/03/as-peace-protests-are-violently-suppressed-cnn-paints-them-as-hate-rallies/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/03/as-peace-protests-are-violently-suppressed-cnn-paints-them-as-hate-rallies/#respond Fri, 03 May 2024 22:17:12 +0000 https://fair.org/?p=9039503 CNN offered some of the most striking characterizations of student protesters as violent, hateful and/or stupid.

    The post As Peace Protests Are Violently Suppressed, CNN Paints Them as Hate Rallies appeared first on FAIR.

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    As peace activists occupied common spaces on campuses across the country, some in corporate media very clearly took sides, portraying student protesters as violent, hateful and/or stupid. CNN offered some of the most striking of these characterizations.

    CNN's Dana Bash: Clashes at Campuses Nationwide as Protest Intensify

    CNN‘s Dana Bash (Inside Politics, 5/1/24) blames the peace movement for “destruction, violence and hate on college campuses across the country.” 

    Dana Bash (Inside Politics, 5/1/24) stared gravely into the camera and launched into a segment on “destruction, violence and hate on college campuses across the country.” Her voice dripping with hostility toward the protests, she reported:

    Many of these protests started peacefully with legitimate questions about the war, but in many cases, they lost the plot. They’re calling for a ceasefire. Well, there was a ceasefire on October 6, the day before Hamas terrorists brutally murdered more than a thousand people inside Israel and took hundreds more as hostages. This hour, I’ll speak to an American Israeli family whose son is still held captive by Hamas since that horrifying day, that brought us to this moment. You don’t hear the pro-Palestinian protesters talking about that. We will.

    By Bash’s logic, once a ceasefire is broken, no one can ever call for it to be reinstated—even as the death toll in Gaza nears 35,000. But her claim that there was a ceasefire until Hamas broke it on October 7 is little more than Israeli propaganda: Hundreds of Palestinians were killed by Israeli forces and settlers in the year preceding October 7 (FAIR.org, 7/6/23).

    ‘Hearkening back to 1930s Europe’

    Eli Tsives confronting protesters at UCLA

    “They didn’t let me get to class using the main entrance!” complains Eli Tsives in one of several videos he posted of confrontations with anti-war demonstrators. “Instead they forced me to walk around. Shame on these people!”

    Bash continued:

    Now protesting the way the Israeli government, the Israeli prime minister, is prosecuting the retaliatory war against Hamas is one thing. Making Jewish students feel unsafe at their own schools is unacceptable, and it is happening way too much right now.

    As evidence of this lack of safety, Bash pointed to UCLA student Eli Tsives, who posted a video of himself confronting motionless antiwar protesters physically standing in his way on campus. “This is our school, and they’re not letting me walk in,” he claims in the clip. Bash ominously described this as “hearkening back to the 1930s in Europe.”

    Bash was presumably referring to the rise of the Nazis and their increasing restrictions on Jews prior to World War II. But while Tsives’ clip suggests protesters are keeping him off UCLA campus, they’re in fact blocking him from their encampment—where many Jewish students were present. (Jewish Voice for Peace is one of its lead groups.)

    So it’s clearly not Tsives’ Jewishness that the protesters object to. But Tsives was not just any Jewish student; a UCLA drama student and former intern at the pro-Israel group Stand With Us, he had been a visible face of the counter-protests, repeatedly posting videos of himself confronting peaceful antiwar protesters. He has shown up to the encampment wearing a holster of pepper spray.

    One earlier video he made showing himself being denied entry to the encampment included text on screen claiming misleadingly that protestors objected to his Jewishness: “They prevented us, Jewish students, from entering public land!” (“You can kiss your jobs goodbye, this is going to go viral on social media,” he tells the protesters.) He also proudly posted his multiple interviews on Fox News, which was as eager as Bash to help him promote his false narrative of antisemitism.

    ‘Attacking each other’

    Daily Bruin: Pro-Israel counter-protesters attempt to storm encampment, sparking violence

    “Security and [campus police] both retreated as pro-Israel counter-protesters and other groups attacked protesters in the encampment,” UCLA’s student paper (Daily Bruin, 5/1/24) reported.

    UCLA protesters had good reason to keep counter-protesters out of their encampment, as those counter-protesters had become increasingly hostile (Forward, 5/1/24; New York Times, 4/30/24). This aggression culminated in a violent attack on the encampment on April 30 (Daily Bruin, 5/1/24).

    Late that night, a pro-Israel mob of at least 200 tried to storm the student encampment, punching, kicking, throwing bricks and other objects, spraying pepper spray and mace, trying to tear down plywood barricades and launching fireworks into the crowd. As many as 25 injuries have been reported, including four student journalists for the university newspaper who were assaulted by goons as they attempted to leave the scene (Forward, 5/2/24; Democracy Now!, 5/2/24).

    Campus security stood by as the attacks went on; when the university finally called in police support, the officers who arrived waited over an hour to intervene (LA Times, 5/1/24).

    (The police were less reticent in clearing out the encampment a day later at UCLA’s request. Reporters on the scene described police in riot gear firing rubber bullets at close range and “several instances of protesters being injured”—LA Times, 5/3/24.)

    The mob attacks at UCLA, along with police use of force at that campus and elsewhere, clearly represent the most “destruction, violence and hate” at the encampments, which have been overwhelmingly peaceful. But Bash’s description of the UCLA violence rewrote the narrative to fit her own agenda: “Pro-Israel and pro-Palestinian groups were attacking each other, hurling all kinds of objects, a wood pallet, fireworks, parking cones, even a scooter.”

    When CNN correspondent Stephanie Elam reported, later in the same segment, that the UCLA violence came from counter-protesters, Bash’s response was not to correct her own earlier misrepresentation, but to disparage antiwar protesters: Bash commended the Jewish Federation of Los Angeles for saying the violence does not represent the Jewish community, and snidely commented: “Be nice to see that on all sides of this.”

    ‘Violence erupted’

    Instagram: "I am a Jewish student at UCLA"

    “For me, never again is never again for anyone,” says a Jewish participant in the UCLA encampment (Instagram, 5/2/24).

    Bash wasn’t the only one at CNN framing antiwar protesters as the violent ones, against all evidence. Correspondent Camila Bernal (5/2/24) reported on the UCLA encampment:

    The mostly peaceful encampment was set up a week ago, but violence erupted during counter protest on Sunday, and even more tense moments overnight Tuesday, leaving at least 15 injured. Last night, protesters attempted to stand their ground, linking arms, using flashlights on officers’ faces, shouting and even throwing items at officers. But despite what CHP described as a dangerous operation, an almost one-to-one ratio officers to protesters gave authorities the upper hand.

    Who was injured? Who was violent? Bernal left that to viewers’ imagination. She did mention that officers used “what appeared to be rubber bullets,” but the only participant given camera time was a police officer accusing antiwar students of throwing things at police.

    Earlier CNN reporting (5/1/24) from UCLA referred to “dueling protests between pro-Palestinian demonstrators and those supporting Jewish students.” It’s a false dichotomy, as many of the antiwar protesters are themselves Jewish, and eyewitness reports suggested that many in the mob were not students and not representative of the Jewish community (Times of Israel, 5/2/24).

    CNN likewise highlighted the law and order perspective after Columbia’s president called in the NYPD to respond to the student takeover of Hamilton Hall. CNN Newsroom (5/1/24) brought on a retired FBI agent to analyze the police operation. His praise was unsurprising:

    It was impressive. It was surprisingly smooth…. The beauty of America is that we can say things, we can protest, we can do this publicly, even when it’s offensive language. But you can’t trespass and keep people from being able to go to class and going to their graduations. We draw a line between that and, you know, civil control.

    CNN host Jake Tapper (4/29/24) criticized the Columbia president’s approach to the protests—for being too lenient: “I mean, a college president’s not a diplomat. A college president’s an authoritarian, really.” (More than a week earlier, president Minouche Shafik had had more than a hundred students arrested for camping overnight on a lawn—FAIR.org, 4/19/24.)

    ‘Taking room from my show’

    Guardian: CNN staff say network’s pro-Israel slant amounts to ‘journalistic malpractice’

    “The majority of news since the war began…has been skewed by a systemic and institutional bias within the network toward Israel,” a CNN staffer told the Guardian (2/4/24).

    Tapper did little to hide his utter contempt for the protesters. He complained:

    This is taking room from my show that I would normally be spending covering what is going on in Gaza, or what is going on with the International Criminal Court, talking about maybe bringing charges. We were talking about the ceasefire deal. I mean, this—so I don’t know that the protesters, just from a media perspective, are accomplishing what they want to accomplish, because I’m actually covering the issue and the pain of the Palestinians and the pain of the Israelis—not that they’re protesting for that—less because of this.

    It’s Tapper and CNN, of course, who decide what stories are most important and deserve coverage—not campus protesters. Some might say that that a break from CNN‘s regular coverage the Israel’s assault on Gaza would not altogether be a bad thing, as CNN staffers have complained of “regurgitation of Israeli propaganda and the censoring of Palestinian perspectives in the network’s coverage of the war in Gaza” (Guardian, 2/4/24)

    The next day, Tapper’s framing of the protests made clear whose grievances he thought were the most worthy (4/30/24): “CNN continues to following the breaking news on college campuses where anti-Israel protests have disrupted academic life and learning across the United States.”


    ACTION ALERT: Messages to CNN can be sent here. Please remember that respectful communication is the most effective. Feel free to leave a copy of your message in the comments thread of this post.

    The post As Peace Protests Are Violently Suppressed, CNN Paints Them as Hate Rallies appeared first on FAIR.


    This content originally appeared on FAIR and was authored by Julie Hollar.

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    USP Council votes to bring controversial VC back to Fiji https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/03/usp-council-votes-to-bring-controversial-vc-back-to-fiji/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/03/usp-council-votes-to-bring-controversial-vc-back-to-fiji/#respond Fri, 03 May 2024 01:55:56 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=100604

    By Joe Yaya of Islands Business

    Controversial University of the South Pacific (USP) vice-chancellor and president Professor Pal Ahluwalia will return to be based at the USP main campus in Fiji following a decision by the University Council.

    The vice-chancellor’s return to Suva was a key demand of unions embroiled in an industrial dispute with the university.

    Council members voted 21 to 4 in favour of Ahluwalia returning to the Laucala campus following a much-awaited meeting in Vanuatu this week.

    It comes as USP and its two unions — the Association of the University of the South Pacific Staff (AUSPS) and the Administration and Support Staff Union (USPSU) — remain locked in mediation after the unions voted for strike action in March over backdated salary adjustments totaling around FJ$13.8 million (NZ$10.2 million), and other grievances.

    Ahluwalia has been operating from the university’s Samoa campus since 2021, following a short stint in Nauru. That followed his deportation from Fiji in February of that year by the then FijiFirst government of Voreqe Bainimarama.

    Union leaders earlier told Islands Business they had major concerns about the cost overruns from Ahluwalia remaining in Samoa and travelling to and from Fiji, despite a new Fijian government lifting the ban on him last February.

    USPSU president Reuben Colata told Islands Business, the unions “are happy to hear the news he is coming back to Laucala”.

    Concern over expense account
    “That will save money for the university,” he added.

    Colata also told Islands Business that a combined staff union paper was given to members of the USP Council before this week’s meeting.

    Among other things, the paper raised concerns about a new expense account that was created for Ahluwalia in 2021 during his deportation from Fiji and stint in Nauru for six months, before he was relocated to Samoa.

    Colata said that account is recorded in USP’s 2024 Annual Plan under the title ‘VC’s Contingency & Strategic Initiatives’ – and the amount spent in 2021 was $1.3 million.

    “This year (2024) the amount allocated to that account has shot up by 90% to $2.5 million.”

    There is also an uproar among the unions over recently revised per diem rates which they say are higher than what the United Nations pays its staff in Fiji.

    Islands Business has sought comment from Ahluwalia and his management team on the expense account and the per diem rates.

    Ahluwalia’s current contract expires in August. In November, the Council voted to give him an extra two-year term until August 2026.

    Republished from Islands Business with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/03/usp-council-votes-to-bring-controversial-vc-back-to-fiji/feed/ 0 472841
    Sanders Rips Colleagues for Attacking Student Protesters Instead of Netanyahu https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/02/sanders-rips-colleagues-for-attacking-student-protesters-instead-of-netanyahu/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/02/sanders-rips-colleagues-for-attacking-student-protesters-instead-of-netanyahu/#respond Thu, 02 May 2024 16:38:07 +0000 https://www.commondreams.org/further/bernie-sanders-college-protest-gaza

    Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) on Wednesday night spoke on the floor of the U.S. Senate about the student protests taking place on college campuses across the country, and the ongoing, horrific humanitarian disaster in Gaza.

    Sanders’ remarks, as prepared for delivery, are below and can be watched live here:


    President, some of us have been out of school for awhile and we may have forgotten our American history. But I did want to take a moment to remind some of my colleagues about a document called the U.S. Constitution and, specifically, the First Amendment of that Constitution.

    For those that may have forgotten, here is what the First Amendment says: “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.” First Amendment to the Constitution of the United States.

    Let me also take this opportunity to remember our late colleague, the former congressman John Lewis for his heroic role in the Civil Rights Movement.

    I know it’s very easy to heap praise on Congressman Lewis and many others decades after they did what they did, but, I would remind my colleagues them that Mr. Lewis was arrested 45 times for participating in sit-ins, occupations, and protests – 45 times – for protesting segregation and racism.

    I would also remind my colleagues that the Lunch Counter protest at Woolworths and elsewhere desegregating the South were in fact sit-ins and occupations where young Black and white Americans bravely took up space in private businesses, demanding an end to racism and segregation that existed at that time.

    I find it incomprehensible that members of Congress are spending their time attacking the protestors rather than the Netanyahu government which brought about these protests and has created this horrific situation.

    Further, as I hope everybody knows, we have also seen in recent decades protests — some of them massive protests — against sexism, homophobia, and the need to transform our energy system away from fossil fuels in order to save this planet.

    In other words, protesting injustice and expressing our opinions is part of our American tradition. And when you talk about America being a free country, whether you like it or not the right to protest is what American freedom is all about. That’s the U.S. constitution.

    And, M. President, let me also remind you: exactly 60 years ago, student demonstrators occupied the exact same building on Columbia’s campus as is taking place right now – ironically, the same building.

    Across the country, students and others, including myself, joined peaceful demonstrations in opposition to the war in Vietnam. Those demonstrators were demanding an end to that War.

    And maybe – just maybe – tens of thousands of American lives and countless Vietnamese lives might have been saved if the Government had listened to those demonstrators.

    And I might also add that the President at that time – a great president — Lyndon Johnson, chose not to run for re-election because of the opposition to him that occurred as a result of his support for that Vietnam War. And further, let us not forget those who demonstrated against the failed wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Maybe those protestors should have been listened to as well.

    Shock of all shocks, government policy is not always right.

    President, I noted recently that a number of my colleagues in both parties, as well as many news reporters, TV, newspapers, are very concerned about the protests and violence we are seeing on campuses across the country.

    So let me be clear: I share those concerns about violence on campuses, or, for that matter, any place else, and I condemn those who threw a brick through a window at Columbia University. That kind of violence should not be taking place on college campuses.

    I am also concerned and condemn about the group of individuals at UCLA in California who violently attacked the peaceful encampment of anti-war demonstrators on the campus of UCLA.

    President, let me be clear: I condemn all forms of violence on campus whether they are committed by people who support Israel’s war efforts or those who oppose those policies.

    And I hope we can also agree that in the United States all forms of bigotry must be condemned and eliminated. We are seeing a growth of antisemitism in this country which we must all condemn and work to stop.

    To stand up for Palestinian rights and the dignity of the Palestinian people does not make one a supporter of terrorism.

    We are also seeing a growth of Islamophobia in this country which we must all condemn and stop. And in that regard, I would mention that in my very own city of Burlington, Vermont, three wonderful young Palestinian students were shot at close range on November 25th of last year. They were visiting a family member to celebrate Thanksgiving, walking down the street, and they were shot.

    President let make an additional point, I have noted that there is an increasing tendency in the media and on the part of some of my colleagues here in the Senate to use the phrase “Pro-Palestinian” to suggest that that means “Pro-Hamas.”

    To my mind, that is unacceptable and factually inaccurate. The overwhelming majority of American people and protestors understand very well that Hamas is a terrorist organization that started this war by attacking Israel in an incredibly brutal and horrific way on October 7th.

    To stand up for Palestinian rights and the dignity of the Palestinian people does not make one a supporter of terrorism.

    And let me also mention something that I found rather extraordinary and outrageous.

    And that is just a few days ago Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the leader of the right-wing extremist government in Israel, a government which contains out-and-out anti-Palestinian racists.

    Netanyahu issued a statement in which he equated criticism of his government’s illegal and immoral war against the Palestinian people with antisemitism.

    In other words, if you are protesting, or disagree, with what Netanyahu and his extremist government are doing in Gaza, you are an antisemite.

    That is an outrageous statement from a leader who is clearly trying – and I have to tell you, he seems to be succeeding with the American media — trying to deflect attention away from the horrific policies that he is pursuing that created an unprecedented humanitarian disaster.

    So, let me be as clear as I can be: It is not antisemitic or pro-Hamas to point out that in almost seven months Netanyahu’s extremist government has killed 34,000 Palestinians and wounded more than 77,000 – seventy percent of whom are women and children.

    And to protest that or to point that out is not antisemitic. It is simply factual.

    It is not antisemitic to point out that Netanyahu’s government’s bombing has completely destroyed more than 221,000 housing units in Gaza, leaving more than one million people homeless – almost half the population. No, Mr. Netanyahu it is not antisemitic to point out what you have done in terms of the destruction of housing in Gaza.

    It is not antisemitic to realize that his government has annihilated Gaza’s health care system, knocking 26 hospitals out of service and killing more than 400 health care workers. At a time when 77,000 people have been wounded and desperately need medical care, Netanyahu has systematically destroyed the health care system in Gaza.

    It is not antisemitic to condemn his government’s destruction of all of Gaza’s 12 universities and 56 of its schools, with hundreds more damaged, leaving 625,000 children in Gaza have no opportunity for an education. It is not antisemitic to make that point.

    It is not antisemitic to note that Netanyahu’s government has obliterated Gaza’s civilian infrastructure – there is virtually no electricity in Gaza right now, virtually no clean water in Gaza right now, and sewage is seeping out onto the streets.

    It is not antisemitic to make that point.

    President, it is not antisemitic to agree with virtually every humanitarian organization that functions in the Gaza area in saying that his government, in violation of American law, has unreasonably blocked humanitarian aid coming into Gaza.

    They have created the conditions under which hundreds of thousands of children face malnutrition and famine. It is not antisemitic to look at photographs of children who are starving to death because they have not been able to get the food that they need. It is not antisemitic to agree with American and UN officials that parts of Gaza could become famine districts in the not very distant future.

    It is not antisemitic to agree with virtually every humanitarian organization that functions in the Gaza area in saying that his government, in violation of American law, has unreasonably blocked humanitarian aid coming into Gaza.

    Antisemitism is a vile and disgusting form of bigotry that has done unspeakable harm to many millions of people for hundreds of years, including my own family. But it is outrageous and it is disgraceful to use that charge of antisemitism to distract us from the immoral and illegal war policies that Netanyahu’s extremist and racist government is pursuing.

    Furthermore, it is really cheap politics for Netanyahu to use the charge of antisemitism to deflect attention from the criminal indictment he is facing in the Israeli courts.

    Bottomline, M. President: it is not antisemitic to hold Netanyahu and his government for their actions. That is not antisemitic. It is precisely what we should be doing.

    Because among other things we are the government that has supplied billions and billions of dollars in order for him to continue his horrific war against the Palestinian people.

    President, I would also point out while there has been wall to wall coverage of student protests, I think that’s about all CNN does right now, I should mention that it is not just young people on college campuses that are extremely upset about our Government’s support and funding for this illegal and immoral war.

    The people of the United States – Democrats, Republicans, and Independents – do not want to be complicit in the starvation of hundreds of thousands of children.

    And I would point out that just last week this Senate voted to give Netanyahu another unfettered $10 billion for his war.

    Let me quote just a few polls:

    April 14 – Politico/Morning Consult: 67% support the United States calling for a ceasefire. This is at a time when Netanyahu is threatening to expand the war into Rafah.

    April 12th – CBS: 60% think the U.S. should not send weapons and supplies to Israel as opposed to 40% who think the U.S. should. And for my Democratic colleagues, those figures are disproportionately higher among Democratic voters.

    April 10th – Economist/YouGov: 37% support decreasing military aid to Israel, just 18% support an increase. Overall 63% support a ceasefire, 15% oppose.

    No, M. President. This is not just protestors on college campuses who are upset about U.S. policy with regards to Israel and Gaza. Increasingly the American people want an end to U.S. complicity in the humanitarian disaster which is taking place in Gaza right now.

    The people of the United States – Democrats, Republicans, and Independents – do not want to be complicit in the starvation of hundreds of thousands of children.

    Maybe, and here’s a very radical idea, maybe it’s time for politicians to listen to the American people. Maybe it’s time to rethink the decision this body recently made to provide Netanyahu another $10 billion dollars in unfettered military aid.

    Maybe it’s time to not simply worry about the violence we are seeing on American campuses, but focus on the unprecedented violence in Gaza which has killed 34,000 Palestinians and wounded more than 77,000 Palestinians – 70% percent of whom are women and children.

    So, I suggest to CNN and some of my colleagues here, take your cameras off of Columbia and UCLA. Maybe go to Gaza and show us the emaciated children who are going to die of malnutrition because of Netanyahu’s policies. Show us the kids who have lost their arms and their legs. Show us the suffering.

    President, let me conclude by saying, I must admit, I find it incomprehensible that members of Congress are spending their time attacking the protestors rather than the Netanyahu government which brought about these protests and has created this horrific situation.

    Thank you and I yield.


    This content originally appeared on Common Dreams and was authored by Bernie Sanders.

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    ‘This Weaponization Is Meant to Shift Focus Away From Gaza’: CounterSpin interview with Sam on Students for Justice in Palestine https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/29/this-weaponization-is-meant-to-shift-focus-away-from-gaza-counterspin-interview-with-sam-on-students-for-justice-in-palestine/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/29/this-weaponization-is-meant-to-shift-focus-away-from-gaza-counterspin-interview-with-sam-on-students-for-justice-in-palestine/#respond Mon, 29 Apr 2024 21:52:57 +0000 https://fair.org/?p=9039432 "The point is to distract from the fact that there is no moral case to defend what Israel was doing."

    The post ‘This Weaponization Is Meant to Shift Focus Away From Gaza’: <br></em><span class='not-on-index' style='color:#000000; font-size: 23px; font-weight: normal; line-height: 25px; font-family: 'Open Sans','sans-serif'; padding-bottom: -10px;'>CounterSpin interview with Sam on Students for Justice in Palestine appeared first on FAIR.

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    Janine Jackson interviewed Sam, representative from National Students for Justice in Palestine, for the April 26, 2024, episode of CounterSpin. This is a lightly edited transcript.

     

    Janine Jackson: There is a long and growing list of US college campuses where encampments and other forms of protests are going on, in efforts to get college administrations to divest their deep and powerful resources from weapons manufacturers, and other ways and means of enabling Israel’s war on Palestinians, assaults that have killed some 34,000 people just since the Hamas attack of October 7.

    One key group on campuses has been SJP, Students for Justice in Palestine. It’s not a new, hastily formed group; they’ve been around and on the ground for decades.

    We’re joined now by Sam, a representative of National Students for Justice in Palestine. Welcome to CounterSpin.

    Sam: Thank you for having me.

    Middle East Eye: 'Columbia is making us homeless': Students evicted for hosting Palestinian event

    Middle East Eye (4/8/24)

    JJ: I can only imagine what a time this is for you, but certainly a time when the need for your group is crystal clear. Individuals who want to speak up about the genocide in Palestine are helped by the knowledge that there are other people with them, behind them, but also that there are organizations that exist to support them and their right to speak out. I wonder, is that maybe especially true for students, whose rights exist on paper, but are not always acknowledged in reality?

    S: Yes and no. I think a lot of people definitely want to support students, because what we’re doing is very visible, and also I think people are more willing to assume good faith from 20-year-olds. At the same time, also, free speech on college campuses, especially private campuses, the First Amendment doesn’t apply. So if you’re on a campus, that means that it is sometimes harder to speak out, especially because we’re seeing students getting suspended, and when they get suspended, they get banned from campus, they get evicted from their student housing, sometimes they lose access to healthcare. And, basically, the schools control a lot more of students’ lives than any institution does for adults in the workforce, for example.

    JJ: Right. So what are you doing day to day? You’re at National SJP, and folks should know that there are hundreds of entities on campuses, but what are you doing? How do you see your job right now?

    S: SJP is a network of chapters that work together. It’s not like they’re branches, where we are giving them orders; they have full autonomy to do what they want within this network.

    So what we’re doing is what we’ve been trying to do for our entire existence, which is act as a hub, act as a resource center, provide resources to students, connect them with each other, offer advice, offer financial support when we can. One thing we’re really trying to do is pull everything together, basically present a consistent narrative to the public around this movement.

    NYT: Universities Face an Urgent Question: What Makes a Protest Antisemitic?

    New York Times (4/29/24)

    JJ: Speaking of narrative, the claim that anyone voicing anti-genocide or pro-Palestinian ideas is antisemitic is apparently convincing for some people whose view of the world comes through the TV or the newspaper. But it’s an idea that is blown apart by any visit to a student protest. It’s just not a true thing to say. And I wonder what you would say about narratives. It’s obviously about work, supporting people, but on the narrative space, what are you trying to shift?

    S: I mean, I’m Jewish. I’m fairly observant. I was at a Seder last night. When people say the pro-Palestinian movement is antisemitic, they’re lying. I’m just flat-out saying I think a lot of people, on some level, know that this isn’t about Jews. This isn’t about Judaism. It’s about the fact that Israel is committing a genocide in our people’s name. And if you support it, that is going to lead people to make a bunch of bad inferences about you, because you’re vocally supporting a genocide.

    This weaponization is meant to shift focus away from Gaza, away from Palestine, the people who are being massacred, the people whose bodies they found in a mass grave at a hospital yesterday. The point is to distract from the fact that there is no moral case to defend what Israel was doing. So the only thing that Zionists have going for them is just smears, attacking the movement, tone-policing, demanding we take stances that they’re never asked to take. No one ever asks pro-Israel protestors, “Do you condemn the Israeli government,” because Israel is seen as a legitimate entity.

    First of all, I want to clarify, this is about Palestine. I don’t want to get too far into talking about how the genocide, the Zionist backlash to the movement, affects me as a Jewish person, because I have a roof over my head. There’s not going to be a bomb dropping into my home.

    The narrative that we’re really trying to put out is this, what we’re calling the Popular University for Gaza, and it’s an overarching campaign narrative over this. Basically, the idea is that everything that’s happening is laying bare the fact that universities do not care about their students, or their staff, or their faculty, who are the people who make the university a university, and not just an investment firm. They care about their investments and profit and their reputation and, essentially, managing social change.

    Columbia University Press Blog: Jon N. Hale On The Mississippi Freedom Schools—An Ongoing Lesson in Justice Through Education

    Columbia University Press Blog (2/27/19)

    So what we’re doing is, as students, making encampments, taking up space on their campuses. And a crucial part of these encampments is the programming in them. It’s drawing on the traditions of Freedom Schools in the ’60s and in the South, and also the Popular University for Palestine, which was a movement, I think it’s still ongoing, in Palestine, basically educators teaching for liberation, teaching about the history of Palestinian figures, about resistance, about colonialism.

    But the idea is that students are inserting themselves, forcibly disrupting the university’s normal business; and threatening the university’s reputation is a big part of it, and just rejecting their legitimacy, establishing the Popular University for teaching, where scholarship is done for the benefit of the people, not for preserving hegemony.

    With this whole thing, we’re trying to emphasize, basically, that our universities, they have built all these reputations and all these super great things about them, but they don’t care about the people in them. So we’re going to take the structures that make up them, which are the people within them, and essentially turn them toward liberation, and against imperialism, against the ruling class.

    Reuters: Columbia threatens to suspend pro-Palestinian protesters after talks stall

    Reuters (4/29/24)

    JJ: Well, thank you very much. I want to say it’s very refreshing, and refreshing is not enough. A lot of folks are drawing inspiration from hearing people say, “The New York Times is saying I’m antisemitic. Maybe I should shut up, you know? Media are saying I’m disruptive. Oh, maybe I should quiet down.” I don’t see any evidence of shutting up or quieting down, despite, really, the full narrative power, along with other kinds of power, being brought against protesters. It doesn’t seem to be shutting people up.

    S: No, because that’s the thing, is students have had enough, students are perfectly willing now to risk suspension, risk expulsion, because they know that, essentially, the university’s prestige has been shattered. Even me, I’m currently in school, I’m a grad student. I’ve realized, so far I’ve been OK, but even if I did get expelled, or forced to drop out of my program, that’s a risk I’m willing to take. That’s a tiny sacrifice compared to what people in Palestine are going through. We are willing to sacrifice our futures in a system that increasingly doesn’t give us a future anyway. I think that’s another big part of it, is the feeling that, basically, even if you get a degree, you’re still going to be living precariously for a decade.

    And another thing is, also, that today’s college seniors graduated from high school in the spring of 2020. They never really had a normal college experience. Their freshman year was online, so they never developed the bonds with that university, traditional attachment to the university. And also, the universities, the way they handled Covid generally has been terrible, and just seeing them completely disregard their students during the pandemic, I think, has really radicalized a lot of students. Basically, they’re willing to defy the institution.

    This is first and foremost about Gaza. It’s about the genocide, it’s about Palestine. It’s not about standing with Columbia students. They have repeatedly asked: Don’t center them; center Gaza. And, basically, we reject the university system as the arbiter of our futures, the arbiter of right and wrong. And we’re going to make our own learning spaces until they listen to us and stop investing our tuition dollars in genocide.

    So yeah, free Palestine.

    JJ: We’ve been speaking with Sam from Students for Justice in Palestine, NationalSJP.org. Thank you so much, Sam, for joining us this week on CounterSpin.

    S: Yeah, thanks for having me.

     

    The post ‘This Weaponization Is Meant to Shift Focus Away From Gaza’: <br></em><span class='not-on-index' style='color:#000000; font-size: 23px; font-weight: normal; line-height: 25px; font-family: 'Open Sans','sans-serif'; padding-bottom: -10px;'>CounterSpin interview with Sam on Students for Justice in Palestine appeared first on FAIR.


    This content originally appeared on FAIR and was authored by Janine Jackson.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/29/this-weaponization-is-meant-to-shift-focus-away-from-gaza-counterspin-interview-with-sam-on-students-for-justice-in-palestine/feed/ 0 472243
    US student Palestine protests against Israel’s war on Gaza inspire global action https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/27/us-student-palestine-protests-against-israels-war-on-gaza-inspire-global-action/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/27/us-student-palestine-protests-against-israels-war-on-gaza-inspire-global-action/#respond Sat, 27 Apr 2024 03:37:53 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=100316 Asia Pacific Report

    From France to Australia, university pro-Palestine protests in the United States have now spread to several countries with students pitching on-campus camps.

    And students at Columbia and other US universities remain defiant as campuses have witnessed the biggest protests since the anti-Vietnam war and anti-apartheid eras in the 1960s and 1980s.

    But authorities have cracked down at some institutions against the peaceful demonstrations with at least 550 being arrested in the US, reports Al Jazeera.

    Clashes between students and police officers have been reported across the US during intensifying university protests with encampments in at at least 20 institutions.

    Ali Harb, a Washington-based commentator on US foreign policy, Arab-American issues, civil rights and politics, says the Gaza-focused campus protest movement “highlights a generational divide over Israel” in the US.

    Young people are willing to challenge politicians and college administrators across the country, he says.

    “The opinion gap — with younger Americans generally more supportive of Palestinians than the generations that came before them — poses a risk to 81-year-old Democratic President Joe Biden’s re-election chances,” says Harb.

    “It could also threaten the bipartisan backing that Israel enjoys in Washington.”

    Divestment from Israel
    What started as the Gaza solidarity encampment at Columbia University, where students camped inside campus to push their institute to divest from companies linked to Israel, has since spread to campuses in California, Texas and other states.

    The students are protesting against Israel’s war on Gaza, where Israel’s military offensive has killed more than 34,000 people and its blockade has caused starvation.

    Students have been demonstrating worldwide in support of Gaza since the outbreak of the war on October 7.

    Following the Columbia encampments, the protests have further spread to universities from France to Australia. Here is a summary:

    In Paris, France, Sorbonne University students have taken to the streets. Additionally, the Palestine Committee from Sciences Po, is organising a protest where students set up about 10 tents on Wednesday. Despite a police crackdown, the protesters regathered on Thursday.

    In Australia, students from the University of Sydney set up pro-Palestine encampments on Tuesday, and they were continuing to protest yesterday. Also, University of Melbourne students have pitched tents on the south lawn of their main campus.

    In Rome, Italy, students from Sapienza University organised demonstrations, sit-ins and hunger strikes on April 17 and April 18.

    Investigating Israeli ties
    In the United Kingdom, students from the University of Warwick’s group Warwick Stands With Palestine have occupied the campus piazza. In Leicester, a protest broke out on Monday in which students from the University of Leicester Palestine Society also participated.

    Last month, students from the University of Leeds occupied a campus building in protest against the university’s involvement with Israel.

    Hicham, a student protesting at Sciences Po, which is also called the Paris Institute of Political Studies, told Al Jazeera, “We have a few demands but one of them is to start investigating all of the ties they [Sciences Po] have with the state of Israel, which [are] academic and financial”.

    The students are calling on the French government to provide more help to the Palestinians.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    WaPo Lets Bigots Frame School Culture War Conversation…Again https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/26/wapo-lets-bigots-frame-school-culture-war-conversationagain/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/26/wapo-lets-bigots-frame-school-culture-war-conversationagain/#respond Fri, 26 Apr 2024 22:13:18 +0000 https://fair.org/?p=9039381 Once again the Washington Post depicts efforts to address racial and gender bias as a bigger problem than racial and gender bias themselves.

    The post WaPo Lets Bigots Frame School Culture War Conversation…Again appeared first on FAIR.

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    WaPo: They quit liberal public schools. Now they teach kids to be anti-‘woke.’

    The Washington Post (4/15/24) published a glowing profile of two former public school teachers who had “grown convinced their school was teaching harmful ideas about race and history, including what they believe is the false theory America is systemically racist.”

    In the latest multi-thousand word feature depicting America’s “education culture war,” the Washington Post’s “They Quit Liberal Public Schools. Now They Teach Kids to Be Anti-‘Woke’” (4/15/24) fawningly profiled Kali and Joshua Fontanilla, the founders of the Exodus Institute, an online Christian K–12 school that aims to “debunk the ‘woke’ lies taught in most public schools.”

    The piece was written by Post reporter Hannah Natanson, who regularly contributes longform features that platform anti-trans and anti–Critical Race Theory views through a palatable “hear me out” frame, while including little in the way of opposing arguments—or fact checks (FAIR.org, 5/11/23, 2/12/22, 8/2/21).

    This profile of the Fontanillas—two former California teachers who left their jobs and moved to Florida in 2020, “disillusioned” by school shutdowns and colleagues’ embrace of the Black Lives Matter movement—shows the Post once again depicting efforts to address racial and gender bias as a bigger problem than racial and gender bias themselves.

    ‘Direct from the classroom’

    “The claim that public schools teach left-wing ‘indoctrination, not education’ had become a commonplace on the right, repeated by parents, politicians and pundits,” Natanson wrote:

    But not, usually, by teachers. And that’s why the Fontanillas felt compelled to act: They came direct from the classroom. They had seen firsthand what was happening. Now, they wanted to expose the propaganda they felt had infiltrated public schools—and offer families an alternative.

    The irony of the Fontanillas founding a far-right Christian school to fight “indoctrination” is lost on Natanson, as she, too, uncritically repeated these claims, as though the couple’s experience as teachers legitimized the far-right ideologies they peddle.

    Natanson reported that Kali’s social media presence has attracted people to her school—despite her being “regularly suspended for ‘community violations.’” The article does not specify what those violations are, but on Instagram, Kali herself shared a screenshot of her account being flagged for disinformation, and another video talking about how a post she made about “newcomers” (i.e., migrants) received a “violation,” in calls to get her followers to follow her backup account.

    The piece refers to her ideas—including referring to Black History Month as “Black idolatry month” and encouraging her followers to be doomsday preppers—as “out there.”

    Kali is half Black and half white, and Joshua is of Mexican and Puerto Rican descent—a fact that is mentioned alongside the couple’s gripes with the idea of slavery reparations and the concept that America is systemically racist.

    Hate and conspiracy theories

    Instagram: My posts are being hidden from you all!

    The punchline here is that Kali Fontanilla (Instagram, 4/5/24) ought to be able to call members of groups she dislikes “freaks.”

    Kali brags that the more right-wing her ideas, the more families she attracts to her school. “But they also spurred thousands of critical messages from online observers who contended she was indoctrinating students into a skewed, conservative worldview,” Natanson wrote.

    The “hate” that these videos “inspire,” Natanson wrote, is from commenters who oppose Kali’s messages:

    Online commenters regularly sling racial slurs and derogatory names: “slave sellout roach.” “dumb fukn bitch.” “wish dot com Candice Owen.” “Auntie Tomella.”

    Never mind the hate and conspiracy theories Kali spews in her videos. A recent video on Kali’s Instagram begs followers to follow a backup account, because a video she made about migrants was taken down by Meta as a violation of community standards. She says she believes her account has been “shadowbanned”—or muted by the platform.

    Even the posts that remain unflagged by Instagram are full of bigotry and disinformation, including a cartoon of carnival performers being let go from a sideshow because they’re “not freaks anymore,” a compilation video of trans women in women’s restrooms with text that reads “get these creeps out of our bathrooms,” and a photo of a trans flag that demands, “Defund the grooming cult.”

    An ad Kali posted for an emergency medical kit claimed that the FDA had “lost its war” on Ivermectin, an antiparasitic drug that the right has latched onto as a panacea for Covid-19. In reality, the lawsuit the FDA settled with the drug company involved an acknowledgement that the drug has long been used to treat humans, not just livestock—but for parasites, not viruses (Newsweek, 3/22/24). The National Institutes of Health (12/20/23) report that double-blind testing reveals ivermectin is ineffective against Covid.

    Evidence of ‘indoctrination’

    Instagram: Facts over feelings!

    For Kali Fontanilla (Instagram, 1/9/24), the “facts” are transphobic, and “feelings” are to be disregarded—other people’s feelings, anyway.

    Kali, who regularly mocks trans women and left-wing activists, apparently couldn’t take the heat. The backlash got so bad, Natanson writes, that

    coupled with her chihuahua’s death and an injury that prevented her daily workouts, it proved too much for Kali. She went into a depressive spiral and had to take a break from social media. She barely managed to film her lessons.

    In the Fontanillas’ lessons, the existence of white Quakers who fought against slavery is proof that racism is not institutionalized in the US. It’s also evidence of an “overemphasis” on reparations, even though, as Natanson mentioned toward the very end of the piece, many Quakers did take part in the trans-Atlantic slave trade and later chose to pay reparations.

    In addition to Covid shutdowns, other evidence of left-wing “indoctrination” offered by the Fontanillas included a quiz that asked students to recognize their privilege, the use of a Critical Race Theory framework in an ethnic studies class, announcements for gay/straight alliance club meetings (with no announcements made for Joshua’s chess club meetings), and the work of “too many” “left-leaning” authors—like Studs Terkel, Langston Hughes and Walt Whitman—in the English curriculum.

    Natanson includes a positive testimonial from a mother whose son Kali tutored before her political shift rightward, who remembers how “Kali let him run around the block whenever he got antsy,” and a screenshot of a review from a current student, who says they “love love LOVE” Kali’s teaching, because it exposes “the stupid things on the internet in a logical way.” Natanson also quotes an employee of the company that handles the logistics for Southlands Christian Schools, the entity from which the Fontanillas’ school gets its accreditation, who says, “Josh and Kali are good people, they have a good message, there is definitely a market for what they’re doing.”

    The only opposition to the Fontanillas’ arguments in the nearly 3,000-word piece, beyond incoherent social media comments, come in the form of official statements and school board meeting soundbites.

    Natanson includes a statement from the school district the Fontanillas formerly worked, saying that the ethnic studies class Kali resigned over was intended to get students to “analyze whether or not race may be viewed as a contributor to one’s experiences.” Another statement from the district denied Joshua’s claims that his school privileged certain clubs over others, and upheld that its English curriculum followed California standards.

    The only direct quotes from students opposing the Fontanillas are two short comments from students at a school board meeting who said they enjoyed the ethnic studies class. It does not appear Natanson directly interviewed either student: One statement was taken directly from the school board meeting video, and the other from a local news article. The lack of any original, critical quotes in the piece raises the question: Did Natanson talk to anyone who disagreed with the Fontanillas during her reporting on the article?

    Bigger threats than pronouns

    The Washington Post depiction of Kali and Joshua Fontanilla

    The Washington Post profile presents the Fontanillas as pious and principled—leaving out any imagery of their hate-filled ideology.

    The article included a dramatic vignette of the couple bowing their heads after seeing a public art exhibit with pieces depicting a book in chains and a student wearing earrings that read “ASK ME ABOUT MY PRONOUNS”—”just one more reason, Kali told herself, to pray,” Natanson wrote.

    While thus passing along uncritically the Fontanillas’ take on what’s wrong with the world today, the article made no mention of more substantial threats bigotry poses to children and society at large.

    LGBTQ youth experience bullying at significantly greater rates than their straight and cisgender peers (Reisner et al., 2015; Webb et al., 2021), and bullying is a strong risk factor for youth suicide (Koyanagi, et al., 2019). LGBTQ youth are more than four times as likely to attempt suicide compared to their straight and cisgender peers (Johns et al., 2019; Johns et al., 2020). However, bullying of LGBTQ youth occurs less often at LGBTQ-affirming schools (Trevor Project, 2021).

    A recent study found that about 53% of Black students experience moderate to severe symptoms of depression, and 20% said they were exposed to racial trauma often or very often in their lives (Aakoma Project, 2022).

    Individuals of Black and Hispanic heritage have a higher risk of Covid infection and hospitalization from than their white counterparts (NIH, 2023). Peterson-KFF’s Health System Tracker (4/24/23) found that during the pandemic, communities of color faced higher premature death rates.

    The migrants at the US border that Kali demonizes in her videos are seeking asylum from gang violence, the targeting of women and girls, and oppressive regimes propped up by US policy.  Undocumented immigrants are less than half as likely as US citizens to be arrested for violent crimes (PNAS, 12/7/20). They are also being turned away at higher rates under Biden than they were under Trump (FAIR.org, 3/29/24).

    Not the censored worldview

    Pen America: Book Bans Recorded Per Semester

    Far from being suppressed, the “anti-woke” movement is very effective at suppressing ideas that it disagrees with (Pen America).

    The idea that left-wing “propaganda” is “infiltrating” public schools is upside-down.  If there’s a particular ideology that is being systematically censored in this country, to the point where it deserves special consideration by the Washington Post, it is not the Fontanillas’.

    Since 2021, 44 states have introduced bills or taken other steps to ban Critical Race Theory in schools. Eighteen states have already imposed these bans or restrictions (Education Week, 3/20/24). The right is pushing for voucher schemes that transfer tax revenues from public to private schools, including to politicized projects like Exodus Institute (Progressive, 8/11/21; EPI, 4/20/23).

    In the first half of this school year alone, there were more than 4,000 instances of books being banned. According to PEN America (4/16/24), people are using sexual obscenity laws to justify banning books that discuss sexual violence and LGBTQ (particularly trans) identities, disproportionately affecting the work of women and nonbinary writers. Bans are also targeted toward literature that focuses on race and racism, Critical Race Theory and “woke ideology.”

    It is dangerous and backwards for the Washington Post to play along with this couples’ delusion that they are free speech martyrs—even as their “anti-woke” agenda is being signed into censorious law across the country.

    The piece ended back in the virtual classroom with the Quakers, as Natanson takes on a tone of admiration. Kali poses the question to her students, “What does it mean to live out your values?”

    “Kali smiled as she told her students to write down their answers,” Natanson narrated. “She knew her own.”

     

    The post WaPo Lets Bigots Frame School Culture War Conversation…Again appeared first on FAIR.


    This content originally appeared on FAIR and was authored by Olivia Riggio.

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    Sam on Students for Justice in Palestine, Sally Dworak-Fisher on Delivery Workers https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/26/sam-on-students-for-justice-in-palestine-sally-dworak-fisher-on-delivery-workers/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/26/sam-on-students-for-justice-in-palestine-sally-dworak-fisher-on-delivery-workers/#respond Fri, 26 Apr 2024 15:48:59 +0000 https://fair.org/?p=9039351 Colleges’ official responses to protests are gutting the notion that elite higher education entails respect for the free expression of ideas.

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    Palestinian flag at Columbia encampment

    Columbia encampment (CC photo: Pamela Drew)

    This week on CounterSpin: Lots of college students, it would appear, think that learning about the world means not just gaining knowledge, but acting on it. Yale students went on a hunger strike, students at Washington University in St. Louis disrupted admitted students day, students and faculty are expressing outrage at USC’s Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism (emphasis added) canceling their valedictorian’s commencement speech out of professed concerns for “safety.” A Vanderbilt student is on TikTok noting that their chancellor has run away from offers to engage them, despite his claim to the New York Times that it’s protestors who are “not interested in dialogue”—and Columbia University students have set up an encampment seen around the world, holding steady as we record April 25, despite the college siccing the NYPD on them.

    Campuses across the country—Rutgers, MIT, Ohio State, Boston University, Emerson, Tufts, and on and on—are erupting in protest over their institutions’ material support for Israel’s war on Palestinians, and for the companies making the weapons. And the colleges’ official responses are gutting the notion that elite higher education entails respect for the free expression of ideas. Students for Justice in Palestine is working with many of these students. We’ll hear from Sam from National SJP about unfolding events.

     

    Delivery worker in Manhattan's East Village

    (CC photo: Edenpictures)

    Also on the show: App-based companies, including Uber and DoorDash, are adding new service fees, and telling customers they have to, because of new rules calling on them to improve wages and conditions for workers. The rather transparent hope is that, with a lift from lazy media, happy to typey-type about the worry of more expensive coffee, folks will get mad and blame those greedy…bicycle deliverers. We asked Sally Dworak-Fisher, senior staff attorney at National Employment Law Project, to break that story down.

     

    Plus Janine Jackson takes a quick look at the TikTok ban.

     

    The post Sam on Students for Justice in Palestine, Sally Dworak-Fisher on Delivery Workers appeared first on FAIR.


    This content originally appeared on FAIR and was authored by Fairness & Accuracy In Reporting.

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    Poisoning the American Mind: Higher Education in the Age of the New McCarthyism https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/26/poisoning-the-american-mind-higher-education-in-the-age-of-the-new-mccarthyism/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/26/poisoning-the-american-mind-higher-education-in-the-age-of-the-new-mccarthyism/#respond Fri, 26 Apr 2024 06:05:01 +0000 https://www.counterpunch.org/?p=319694 No longer considered a public good where ideas and important social issues are nurtured, debated. and interrogated, institutions of higher education are being transformed into indoctrination centers where critical ideas and imagined futures are held in contempt, transformed into apparatuses of censorship and hopelessness. Derided as a haven for critically informed social criticism, the far-right wants to reduce teaching and learning to what might be called cloning pedagogies, designed to clone culture, knowledge, ideas, and extremist world views. More

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    Photograph Source: SWinxy – CC BY-SA 4.0

    We live in an age of increased disasters and encroaching fascism. This is a historical moment marked by a systemic attempt by an emerging authoritarianism to disable language and dissent of any substantive meaning, remove actions from the grammar of moral witnessing, and disassociate power from institutional justice. As all levels of society are hollowed out, notions of democratic community, the social contract, and compassion give way to a politics in which all matters of responsibility are individualized, privatized, and removed from broader systemic considerations. The habits of oligarchy are animated by fear and reproduced through relentless attacks on human possibilities, while “the disorder of real history is replaced by the orderliness of pseudo-history.”[1] In a time of widespread suffering and unrest, higher education is feared for its critical functions and students are expected to be silent, unresponsive to wider social issues, and ignore the relationship between the dynamics of power, marginality, and knowledge.  Amid the expansion of the military-industrial complex and the carceral state, faculty and students are expected to look away or inward, unresponsive to the language of imagined futures.

    This process of depoliticization is intensified by a frontal attack on dissent, free speech, academic freedom, and institutions that support and nurture these crucial democratic rights and practices. Increasingly, higher education, in particular, under the influence of right-wing billionaires, authoritarian politicians, and cravenly boards of trustees is attacked for its critical functions, reduced to morally dead zones of the imagination and a mind-numbing conformity. Disdained as a public good whose purpose should be to educate young people to be informed and critical citizens, higher education is under pressure by far-right members of the GOP to renounce its responsibility to teach students to question, challenge, and think against the grain. One model for this regressive form of education is on display in Florida where Gov. Ron DeSantis has transformed New College, a once progressive college, into a citadel for anti-woke ideology and pedagogy–cleansed of classes where faculty and students can think critically, test their opinions, and realize themselves as engaged citizens.

    No longer considered a public good where ideas and important social issues are nurtured, debated. and interrogated, institutions of higher education are being transformed into indoctrination centers where critical ideas and empowering pedagogies are held in contempt, transformed into apparatuses of censorship and hopelessness. Derided as a haven for critically informed social criticism, the far-right wants to reduce teaching and learning to what might be called cloning pedagogies, designed to clone culture, knowledge, ideas, and extremist world views.

    Even worse. Higher education is increasingly being attacked by the far-right for its liberal claim of equality and a common good. As an institution that aligns with a notion of “citizenship… equated with human dignity [and] equality on multiple fronts,” it has garnered the wrath of fascists for whom hostility to universal citizenship is a central element of its mobilizing passions.[2] This hatred of equality reinforced by the selective definition of who counts as an American now feeds both the attack on higher education and an increasingly vicious racist politics. As Eddie S. Claude notes, the fantasy of a “lily-white America” and the call to banish Black and brown people “from the nation’s moral conscience” create landscapes of illusion, enable white supremacy, while furthering racist violence and the logic of exclusion and annihilation.[3] The far-right views thinking as dangerous as is the notion that education is central to politics and must be defined through it claims on democracy and its role in a time of tyranny.

    Moral restrictions seem obsolete as another colonial war rages in Gaza, during which thousands of Palestinians are killed, while attempts to criticize what various international organizations label as war crimes are summarily dismissed as antisemitism. This refusal to acknowledge the violence being waged against Palestinians has morphed into a war against critical journalists, cultural workers, and increasingly higher education, now viewed by the far-right as a citadel of pernicious socialist thought. Under such circumstances, those who react to the suffering of others are subject to the dehumanizing and morally cannibalistic, verbal orgies of hatred, and increasingly, state violence. They are also at risk of a society in which civic death leads state violence, domestic terrorism, and a politics of disposability.[4]

    In this historical moment, attacks on higher education make clear that struggling for freedom, equality, and justice comes with great risks. Such attacks give credence to an emerging fascist politics both in the U.S. and abroad that mark students who question settler colonial dispossession and state violence as objects of disparagement and potential violence by a racist-criminogenic state. Displays of civic courage now qualify students as objects of critique, exclusion, and in some cases arrests. In the current repressive climate, this points to not only the egregious act of censorship, but also to the death of the university as a public good and civic institution, regardless of its flawed notions of equality and civic knowledge.

    For Trump and his Vichy-like enablers, higher education is portrayed as a laboratory of left-wing ideologies whose ultimate purpose is “to destroy family, community, and national unity.”[5] These repressive policies represent the return of what Ellen Schrecker has called “the new McCarthyism,” which uses the smear of communism to attack critical education, teacher autonomy, and “real-world issues of race, gender, and social inequality.”[6] She writes:

    The current [McCarthyite] campaign to limit what can be taught in high school and college classrooms is clearly designed to divert angry voters from the deeper structural problems that cloud their own personal futures. Yet it is also a new chapter in the decades-long campaign to roll back the changes that have brought the real world into those classrooms. In one state after another, reactionary and opportunistic politicians are joining that broader campaign to overturn the 1960s’ democratization of American life. By attacking the CRT bogeyman and demonizing contemporary academic culture and the critical perspectives that it can produce, the current limitations on what can be taught endanger teachers at every level, while the know-nothingism these measures encourage endangers us all.[7]

    The right’s attack on universities as citadels of leftist ideology dates back further than the purge of academics by the rabid anti-communists under Senator Joe McCarthy in the 1950s. Authoritarian governments in the 1930s performed a similar task in order to control universities. As Professor Ruth Ben-Ghiat writes:

    From the fascist years in Europe…right-wing leaders have accused universities of being incubators of left-wing ideologies and sought to mold them in the image of their own propaganda, policy, and policing aims. … Given the virulence the Nazis showed in silencing their critics in and out of the academy after Hitler took power in 1933, it is remarkable that this talking-point has retained traction for the right. It has done so thanks, largely, to the military juntas of the cold war era, which gave new life to fascism’s battles against the left.[8]

    More recently, McCarthyite tactics became rampant during George W. Bush’s presidency. This was particularly evident when Vice President Cheney claimed that critics of the administration’s Iraq policy “abetted terrorists.”[9]Simultaneously, the Bush-era witnessed the emergence of McCarthyite institutions like Campus Watch, the David Project, Students for Academic Freedom, and other groups designed to police Middle East Studies and the liberal arts in general for any vestige of dissent against US domestic and foreign policies. Discoverthenetwork.org and other extremist organizations listed the names of professors considered un-American, similar to how ACTA listed the names of alleged unpatriotic professors after the 9/11 attacks.[10]

    In an age dominated by feral social media platforms, a malignant form of censorship has emerged in even more virulent forms. For example, this is evident in the work of organizations such as StopAntisemitism, which engages in online vigilantism by doxing critics of Israel’s war on Gaza by “posting personal information online to encourage harassment — thereby chilling debate.”[11] Not only are such critics named, shamed, and harassed, but many of them are expelled from college and often terminated from their jobs.

    At present, a more dangerous form of McCarthyism has returned with a vengeance. This authoritarian turn in higher education has been accelerated by the increasing suppression of dissent by critics of Israel’s war in Gaza. Against Israel’s historically based claim of ontological innocence and perpetual victimhood, a new generation of critics argue, as Pankaj Mishra makes clear, that “oppression does not improve moral character.”[12] Israel can no longer absolve its crimes by drawing upon its own tortured unfathomable history of repression and genocide.   Federic Lordon goes further and argues that Israel’s brutal war of revenge on Gaza and its call to prevent a Palestinian state represent a form of “moral suicide.” He adds: “Never before has there been such a colossal squandering of symbolic capital that was thought to be unassailable, which had been built up in the wake of the Holocaust.”[13]

    Netanyahu’s war on Gaza has intensified protests on university campuses against Israel’s brutal violence against Palestinians. In response, the mainstream media and a number of pundits, with the blessing of pro-Israeli interests, has weaponized antisemitism, a label which has been reduced to any critique of Israel’s military conduct in Gaza or the West Bank. As William I. Robinson observes, one consequence of this pernicious criticism by the far-right is that “academic freedom and free speech are under an all-out attack on university campuses in the United States, not just from college administrations and pro-Israeli groups, but also from the highest levels of the Israeli state.”[14]

    Student activists who criticize Israel are facing harassment, monitoring, expulsion, public shaming, and, in some cases, mass arrest for disruptions, evidenced by recent events at Columbia and Yale University, and increasingly several other universities.[15] The protester’s call for colleges and universities to divest from corporations that profit from Israel’s war on Gaza along with their demand  for “a complete ceasefire in Gaza” are buried in the blanket charge of antisemitism and the force of police violence.[16]  These arrests serve as another indication of the collaboration between certain Ivy League colleges and the far-right in the assault on student voices.[17] Ari Paul observes that mainstream news has generally delighted in the crackdown, making clear “that campus safe spaces where speech is banned to protect the feelings of listeners are good, depending on the issue.” [18] This is not to suggest that attacks on Jewish and students supporting Palestinian rights should be overlooked, but the real objective of the war being waged on elite universities poses a far greater threat than generalized and undebated charges of antisemitism.   The inquisition at work in the house committee hearings investigating campus antisemitism is heavily inundated with political theater displayed by Elise Stefanik and her GOP colleagues. What is obvious in this show trial, as David Bell notes, is that they “do not have any real interest in solving campus problems. Their goal is to expose liberal elites as corrupt, dangerous, and anti-American.”[19] The real objective of these hearings is to weaponize protests against the war in Gaza as components of a larger strategy aimed at exercising a defining role in the control of higher education. Robert Kuttner rightly notes in The American Prospect that this McCarthyite assault is part of a broader effort “to suppress fundamental freedoms of expression.”[20]

    While the issue of campus antisemitism warrants discussion and debate, it is not within the purview of congresswomen, Elise Stefanik. Nor is any serious discussion of widespread Islamophobia and the squelching of dissent by various campus groups supporting Palestinian rights. By leading the charge in Congressional hearings on antisemitism on college campuses, Stefanik adopts a flame-throwing confrontational approach aimed at dictating “the academic mission of a university,” prescribing disciplinary measures against professors, and formulating guidelines “for acceptable campus speech.”[21]  The irony and hypocrisy here are hard to overlook given Stefanik’s “Puritan superego,” belligerent stance, and self-assured role as an opponent of campus antisemitism.[22] This is especially noteworthy in light of her denial of elections results, characterization of individuals who attacked the Capitol as “January 6 hostages,” and her impassioned and staunch defense of Trump, who associates with prominent antisemites such as Kanye West and Nick Fuentes.[23]

    The hypocrisy at work in criticism by far-right politicians is not limited to Stefanik. Senator Josh Hawley, Tom Cotton and other MAGA supporters of the insurrectionists who stormed the Capitol on January 6 have called for President Biden, whose election they refused to accept, to use the National Guard to arrest students on college campuses. For the MAGA group,  violence waged by insurrections is legitimate, but students protesting against the massacre of Palestinians represent a threat to the state. On full display here is the irony of warmongers calling for violence against students who are calling for “the American government to stop sending military aid to Israel” and “for universities to stop investing in weapons manufacturers…who profit from Israel’s invasion of Gaza.”[24] Hypocrisy in the service of violence is perfectly aligned with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s characterization of student protesters on American university campuses as “”antisemitic mobs” that must be stopped.[25]  Senator Bernie Sanders aptly criticized Netanyahu’s derogatory remarks as a ploy to use antisemitism “to distract us from the immoral and illegal war policies of your extremist and racist government.”[26]  He further adds:

      No, Mr. Netanyahu. It is not antisemitic or pro-Hamas to point out that in a little over six months, your extremist government has killed 34,000 Palestinians and wounded more than 77,000—70% of whom are women and children. It is not antisemitic to point out that your bombing has completely destroyed more than 221,000 housing units in Gaza, leaving more than one million people homeless—almost half the population.[27]

    Of course, hypocrisy is important to point out but what really is at issue here is a political party and its far-right media apparatchiks who believe in using  state force and the exercise of violence against their  own people in order to shut down free speech.  Yes, this is a form of domestic terrorism and it is a fundamental element of fascist regimes.   Campus protests are not merely seen as unwelcome disruptions but are criminalized by far-right university administrators and politicians.

    Compounding these crude attacks on students protesting against the war on Gaza and the corporations that provide them with military weapons is the aggressive involvement of pro-Israel groups, some with the backing of the Israel state, in a broad campaign to shame and publicly disclose information about pro-Palestinian protesters, including students and faculty. Commenting on the repressive nature of this intervention by the Israeli state, Robinson states that the Israeli government has initiated what appears to be a wide-ranging covert campaign and action plan “to harass and intimidate students, faculty, and administrators into silence.”[28] He elaborates on some of the chilling specifics of the plan:

    The plan aims at ‘inflicting economic and employment consequences on antisemitic [read: pro-Palestinian/anti-genocide] students and compelling universities to distance them from their campuses.” The plan specifies that actions taken “should not have the signature of the State of Israel on it.’… It calls for ‘personal, economic and employment repercussions for the distributors of antisemitism.’ According to the plan, the inter-ministerial task force will carry out ‘naming and shaming’ by ‘publicizing the names of those generating antisemitism on campuses — both students and faculty and impacting the employment of those identified as the perpetrators of antisemitism.’ Those targeted ‘will struggle to find employment in the U.S. and will pay a significant economic price for their conduct.’[29]

    Within this frigid climate of censorship, doxing, and punishment, faculty are being fired and students are being intimidated, harassed, and silenced. One egregious example took place when the University of Southern California’s campus canceled a valedictory commencement address by Asna Tabassum, a Muslim student—more than likely because of her expressed solidarity with the Palestinian people.[30] In another instance, which has become all too familiar, some “New York University students were hauled in for disciplinary hearings after staging a reading of poetry by the Palestinian author Refaat Alareer,” who was killed in an Israeli airstrike.[31]  After students erected tents on the campus of Columbia University in protesting the slaughter of Palestinians taking place in Gaza, the university president, Nemat Shafik, called in the city’s Police Department to remove them. Over a hundred students were arrested, all of them were suspended, their student IDs were deactivated, and they were evicted from their dorms.[32] Such actions are reminiscent of the protests and arrests of over one thousand students that took place at Columbia University in 1968. It is worth noting, as Judd Legum states, “In 2018, on the 50th anniversary of the 1968 arrests, then-Columbia President — and noted First Amendment scholar — Lee Bollinger said the decision to call in the NYPD in 1968 was ‘a serious breach of the ethos of the university’.”[33] Clearly, this is a lesson that President Shafik has chosen to ignore and in doing so  is complicit in supporting this new wave of McCarthyism and its intensifying attacks on free speech taking place on more and more college campuses.

    Her moral vacuity in calling the police to arrest students–who should be celebrated for their courage not punished–is astonishing given her comment that she has initiated “this extraordinary step because these are extraordinary circumstances.”[34] What is extraordinary is that students are protesting the fact that over 34,000 Palestinians are dead, including more than 14,000 children, and that 80 percent of the population in Gaza are homeless, many of whom are starving in the midst of an intentionally imposed famine.

    What is extraordinary is that students are opposing Columbia University’s investment and ties with corporations that profit from Israel’s war on Gaza. What is extraordinary is that students are calling for an end to obscene and morally reprehensible acts of violence, such as Israel‘s  bombing of Rafah—”where more than half of Gaza’s population of 2.3 million has sought refuge from fighting elsewhere.”[35] Such attacks have resulted in the indiscriminate killing of women and children who have no place to escape.

    What is extraordinary is that students are trying to stop an Israeli military attack Gaza in which war crimes are being committed in violation of international law, as evidenced by the fact that over  300 bodies have been discovered in “a series of mass graves near Nasser Hospital in southern Gaza….The dead include men, women and children….Some were discovered handcuffed, indicating that victims were killed in mass summary executions.”[36]       What Shafik willfully fails to acknowledge is that the real crime is not students demonstrating against the war–asserting their sense of moral agency—but the scale of human suffering in Gaza to which they are opposed. As an educator, Shafik is shamefully blind to the fact that Israel has not only destroyed or damaged all 12universities in Gaza but has engaged in a “wholesale destruction” of Gaza’s educational system, committing what UN experts have labeled as scholasticide.[37]  In all of these matters, Shafik displays an astonishing degree of moral weightlessness, rooted in an appalling mix of ignorance and political irresponsibility.

    While genuine antisemitism exists, it is now being used and maligned by the far-right—known for its own embrace of antisemitism–to engage in targeted harassment and shut down all criticism of the violence waged in Gaza against the Palestinian people, especially women and children. In this context, all criticism of Israel is being branded as antisemitic. This reflects more than a blind commitment to the Israeli state under a far-right leadership; it covers up an institutional machinery of state repression while reproducing a central tenet of authoritarianism, which is to silence those minds that dare to criticize its totalitarian ideology, policies, and anti-democratic tendencies. It is worth repeating that this far-right call for an “ecstasy of obedience” increasingly uses the charge of antisemitism on university campuses as a wedge issue to attack colleges and universities, which they claim are too liberal. It is worth noting that while the Biden white house condemned antisemitic incidents taking place at Columbia University, student journalists at the school stated that many of the incidents took place “on the fringe of campus, not involving students.”[38]

    What is often forgotten by critics of the new McCarthyism is that this upgraded attack on higher education is worse than anything that took place in the 1950s. Ellen Schrecker, one of the great historians of McCarthyism, has written that the current assaults on higher education are “worse than McCarthyism.” She is worth quoting at length:

     It’s worse than McCarthyism. The red scare of the 1950s marginalized dissent and chilled the nation’s campuses, but it did not interfere with such matters as curriculum or classroom teaching. Its goal was to eliminate communism (however loosely defined) and all the individuals, organizations, and ideas associated with it from any position of influence within American society. The witch hunters achieved that goal by firing people who had once been in or near the small, unpopular Communist party and/or refused to inform on their ex-comrades. They also relied on blacklists, loyalty oaths, speaker bans, and interference from the FBI and other anti-communist investigators. … the classroom was not targeted.[39]

    History matters and it is crucial to remember that higher education since the election of Ronald Reagan in 1980 has been under severe attack by the forces of neoliberalism intent on turning education at all levels into nothing less than adjuncts of the workplace and laboratories for ideological repression. As I have stated in another article:

    Across the globe, a new historical conjuncture is emerging in which attacks on higher education as a democratic institution and on dissident public voices in general – whether journalists, whistleblowers, or academics – are intensifying with alarming consequences for both higher education and the formative public spheres that make democracy possible. Hyper-capitalism … has put higher education in its crosshairs and the result has been the ongoing transformation of higher education into an adjunct of the very rich and powerful corporate interests… In fact, the right-wing defense of the neoliberal dismantling of the university as a site of critical inquiry is more brazen and arrogant than anything we have seen in the past. [40]

    Since 2016, with the election of Trump as president, the attack on higher education has increased in scope and intensity and resembles forms of education similar to what took place in Nazi Germany.[41] The attempts by conservatives “to deplore knowledge, deride academic inquiry for its own sake, and discourage intellectual curiosity in our children and the American public” has a long and sordid history.[42]

    What is different today is that an emerging fascist politics driven by a range of far-right billionaires and groups have education in their crosshairs. For instance, as Judd Legum recently noted, college administrators are facing “substantial political pressure from the right,” and some like Columbia President Minouche Shafik are too willing to buckle under such intimidation.[43] As Irene Mulvey, the President of the American Association of University Professors observed, we are experiencing a “new era of McCarthyism where a House Committee is using college presidents and professors for political theater.”[44] The recent attacks by the far-right on higher education are designed to reach deep into the classroom in order to erase dangerous moments of history, eliminate criticism of systemic racism, banish subjects dealing with sexual orientation, shut down any discussions of social problems, and weaken any control teachers or faculty have over their classrooms. This is more than an airbrushing of what the far-fight considers unpalatable and dangerous.

    This is an education that produces moral blindness, ignorance, and reveals contempt for empowering ideas, critical thinking and civil liberties. It is a war against history, memory, solidarity, and the dissolution of the social ties that bind us together in a set of shared values.[45] As Donald Howard argues, educators and others cannot risk failing to speak and act against the current right-wing assaults, especially at a time when a range of democratic educations are under assault and “the very fabric of our democracy is frayed, if not unraveling. We cannot risk silence.”[46]  Silence in the face of an emerging fascist politics offers a warning of the danger to come and the lessons to be addressed.

    Such attacks function as a massive disimagination machine and a tool of subjugation by enacting a pedagogy of obedience and repression. This type of education is about more than turning schools into indoctrination centers; it is about creating an educational system that normalizes fascist ideologies and denies critical modes of agency.[47] This is nothing less than a resurgence of a poisonous neo-McCarthyism that threatens not only free speech and academic freedom, but also the central principles of democracy itself.

    The acts of civil disobedience currently taking place on campuses are imbibed with spirit of the 1960s Berkely Free Speech Movement. Then, as now, students are fighting for the right to be heard, overturn acts of social injustice, and to bring to an end what Mario Savio, one of the leaders of the movement, called “the operation of the machine [that has become] so odious  [that] you’ve got to put your bodies upon the gears and upon the wheels … upon the levers, upon …the apparatus, and you’ve got to make it stop! And you’ve got to indicate to the people who run it, to the people who own it, that unless you’re free, the machine will be prevented from working at all!”[48]  What the students protesters at Columbia, Yale, New York University and other campuses throughout the U.S. are making clear is that power must be held accountable and that the plague of silence over the war on Palestinians has to be broken so as to inject the struggle for human rights back into the language of a politics built upon the values of equality, social justice, liberty, and human dignity. What young people are teaching the world today, heeding the words of the great abolitionist Frederick Douglass, is that freedom is an empty abstraction if people fail to act, and that “if there is no struggle, there is no progress.”[49] What they are fighting for is not just a call to end the war against the Palestinian people, a war that is a moral litmus test of our time, but what it means to imagine and fight for a more just and better world.

    Damn right!

    Notes.  

    [1] Vaclav Havel, Living in Truth, ed (Boston: faber and Faber, 1986), p. 26.

    [2] G. M. Tamas, “On Post-Fascism,” Boston Review (June 1, 2000). Online: https://bostonreview.net/articles/g-m-tamas-post-fascism/

    [3] Eddie S. Glaude Jr., “The Fantasy of a Lily-White America.” Time [April 15, 2024]. Online: https://time.com/6966768/fantasy-white-america-eddie-glaude/

    [4] Judith Butler’s various writings and books are brilliant on this issue. See, for instance, Judith Butler, The Force of Non-Violence (New York: Verso, 2024).  Judith Butler, Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence,  (London: Verso Press, 2004).

    [5] Ruth Ben-Ghiat, “The Right’s War on Universities,” The New York Review of Books (October 15, 2020). Online: https://www.nybooks.com/online/2020/10/15/the-rights-war-on-universities; see also her larger work on authoritarianism, Ruth Ben-Ghiat, Strongmen: Mussolini to the Present (New York: W. W. Norton, 2020).

    [6] Ellen Schrecker, “Yes, These Bills Are the New McCarthyism,” Academe Blog (September 12, 2021). Online: https://academeblog.org/2021/09/12/yes-these-bills-are-the-new-mccarthyism/

    [7] Ibid., Ellen Schrecker, “Yes, These Bills Are the New McCarthyism.”  

    [8] Ibid., Ruth Ben-Ghiat, “The Right’s War on Universities,” The New York Review of Books.

    [9] Michael Abramowitz, “War’s Critics Abetting Terrorists, Cheney Says,” The Washington Post (September 10, 2006). Online: https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/2006/09/11/wars-critics-abetting-terrorists-cheney-says-span-classbankheadhe-cites-allies-doubts-about-us-willspan/9bf45f56-45a5-4309-9dd2-fa6fe5a30fb1/

    [10] I have taken up this issue in detail in Henry A. Girox “Democracy, Freedom, and Justice after September 11th: Rethinking the Role of Educators and the Politics of Schooling,” Teachers College Record 104:6 (September 2002), pp. 1138-1162. Also on-line at www. TCRecord.Org  (January 21, 2002), pp. 1-33.

    [11] Pranshu Verma, “They criticized Israel. This Twitter account upended their lives, The Washington Post (April 16, 2024). Online: https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2024/04/16/stop-antisemitism-twitter-zionism-israel/

    [12]Pankaj Mishra, “The Shoah after Gaza,” London Review of Books (March 21, 2024). Online: https://www.lrb.co.uk/the-paper/v46/n06/pankaj-mishra/the-shoah-after-gaza

    [13] Frederic Lordon, “End of Innocence” New Left Review [April 12, 2024]. Online: https://newleftreview.org/sidecar/posts/end-of-innocence

    [14] William I. Robinson, “Israel Has Formed a Task Force to Carry Out Covert Campaigns at US Universities,” Truthout (March 23, 2024). Online: https://truthout.org/articles/israel-has-formed-a-task-force-to-carry-out-covert-campaigns-at-us-universities/

    [15] Melissa Chan and Phil Helsel, “108 arrested at pro-Palestinian protest at Columbia University,” NBC News (April 18, 2024). Online: https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/rep-ilhan-omars-daughter-students-suspended-barnard-college-refusing-l-rcna148445

    [16] Al Jazeera Staff, “Columbia, NYU, Yale on the boil over Israel’s war on Gaza: What’s going on?,” Al Jazeera ( April 22, 2024). Online: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/4/22/columbia-university-on-edge-over-gaza-whats-going-on

    [17] Moira Donegan, “Columbia University is colluding with the far-right in its attack on students,” The Guardian(April 19, 2023). Online: https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2024/apr/19/far-right-columbia-university-student-arrests

    [18] Ari Paul, “The McCarthyist Attack on Gaza Protests Threatens Free Thought for All,” Fair (April 19, 2024). Online; https://fair.org/home/the-mccarthyist-attack-on-gaza-protests-threatens-free-thought-for-all/

    [19] David Bell, “Elise Stefanik, Dean of the Faculty,” The Chronicle of Higher Education (April 22, 2024).  Online: https://www.chronicle.com/article/elise-stefanik-dean-of-faculty

    [20] Robert Kuttner, “Self-Destructive College Presidents,” The American Prospect (April 22, 2024). Online: https://prospect.org/blogs-and-newsletters/tap/2024-04-22-self-destructive-college-presidents-antisemitism/

    [21] Ibid. Bell.

    [22] I have taken the term “Puritan superego” from Edward W. Said, Culture and Imperialism (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1993), p.295.

    [23] Martin Pengelly, “Stefanik criticized for support of Trump after push against campus antisemitism,” The Guardian(December 11, 2023). Online: https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/dec/11/elise-stefanik-antisemitism-congress-trump-upenn-resignation

    [24] Mattthew Mpoke Bigg, “Netanyahu Calls U.S. Student Protests Antisemitic and Says They Must Be Quelled,” New York Times (April 24, 2024). Online: https://www.nytimes.com/2024/04/24/us/netanyahu-israel-us-college-protests.html#:~:text=Prime%20Minister%20Benjamin%20Netanyahu%20of,and%20portray%20them%20as%20antisemitic.

    [25] Ibid. Mattthew Mpoke Bigg.

    [26] Gov. Press Release, “ Sanders Responds to Netanyahu’s Claim that Criticism of the Israeli Government’s Policies is Antisemitic,” Bernie Sanders U.S. Senator for Vermont (April 25, 2024). Online: https://www.sanders.senate.gov/press-releases/news-sanders-responds-to-netanyahus-claim-that-criticism-of-the-israeli-governments-policies-is-antisemitic/

    [27] Ibid. Gov. Press Release.

    [28] Ibid. Robinson.

    [29] Ibid. Robinson.

    [30] Arwa Mahdawi, “Will the ‘cancel culture’ crowd speak up about the silencing of Asna Tabassum? Don’t hold your breath,” The Guardian (April 17, 2024). Online: https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/apr/17/usc-valedictorian-speech-canceled-palestine

    [31]  Will Bunch, “Fear and loathing on America’s college campuses as free speech is disappearing,” The Philadelphia Inquirer. Online: https://www.inquirer.com/opinion/college-free-speech-palestine-israel-20240418.html#:~:text=Opinion-,Fear%20and%20loathing%20on%20America’s%20college%20campuses%20as%20free%20speech,a%20new%20brand%20of%20McCarthyism.

    [32] Troy Closson and Anna Betts. “Columbia Students Arrested Over Campus Rally May Face Other Consequences,” New York Times (April 20, 2024). Online: https://www.nytimes.com/2024/04/20/nyregion/arrested-columbia-students-suspended.html

    [33] Judd Legum, “Columbia University protests and the lessons of ‘Gym Crow’,” Popular Information (April 22, 2024). Online: https://popular.info/p/columbia-university-protests-and

    [34] Troy Closson and Anna Betts, “Columbia Students Arrested Over Campus Rally May Face Other Consequences,” New York Times (April 23, 2024). Online: https://www.nytimes.com/2024/04/20/nyregion/arrested-columbia-students-suspended.html

    [35] Mohammad Jahjouh and Samy Magdy, “Israeli strikes on southern Gaza city of Rafah kill 22, mostly children, as US advances aid package.” Associated Press (April 21, 2024). Online: https://apnews.com/article/israel-hamas-war-news-04-21-2024-8c027f2587c2c433d0fde41b63a0e0c3

    [36] Andre Damon, “Hundreds of bodies discovered in mass graves at Gaza’s Nasser Hospital,”  Countercurrents (April 23, 2024). Online: https://countercurrents.org/2024/04/hundreds-of-bodies-discovered-in-mass-graves-at-gazas-nasser-hospital/

    [37] Press Release, “ UN experts deeply concerned over ‘scholasticide’ in Gaza,” United Nations Human Rights (April 18, 2024). Online: https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/04/un-experts-deeply-concerned-over-scholasticide-gaza  The full comment is worth quoting: “After six months of military assault, more than 5,479 students, 261 teachers and 95 university professors have been killed in Gaza, and over 7,819 students and 756 teachers have been injured – with numbers growing each day. At least 60 per cent of educational facilities, including 13 public libraries, have been damaged or destroyed and at least 625,000 students have no access to education. Another 195 heritage sites, 227 mosques and three churches have also been damaged or destroyed, including the Central Archives of Gaza, containing 150 years of history. Israa University, the last remaining university in Gaza was demolished by the Israeli military on 17 January 2024.”

    [38] Will Bunch, “With the truth up for grabs, Columbia’s young journalists are getting the story,” The Philadelphia Inquirer (April 23, 2024). Online: https://www.inquirer.com/columnists/attytood/columbia-student-journalists-wkcr-spectator-free-speech-rfk-jr-20240423.html

    [39] Ellen Schrecker, “Yes, These Bills Are the New McCarthyism.” Academe Blog [September 21, 2021]. Online: https://academeblog.org/2021/09/12/yes-these-bills-are-the-new-mccarthyism/

    [40] Henry A. Giroux, “Neoliberal Savagery and the Assault on Higher Education as a Democratic Public Sphere,” Café Dissensus (September 15, 2016). Online: https://cafedissensus.com/2016/09/15/neoliberal-savagery-and-the-assault-on-higher-education-as-a-democratic-public-sphere/#:~:text=By%20Henry%20A.,Giroux&text=Hyper%2Dcapitalism%20or%20market%20fundamentalism,rich%20and%20powerful%20corporate%20interests.

    [41] Henry A. Giroux and Anthony R. DiMaggio, Fascism on Trial: Education and the Possibility of Democracy(London: Bloomsbury, 2024).

    [42] Eden McLean, “Fascism’s History Offers Lessons about Today’s Attacks on Education,” Scientific American (April 7, 2024). Online: https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/fascisms-history-offers-lessons-about-todays-attacks-on-education/. See also Henry A. Giroux and Anthony R. DiMaggio, Fascism on Trial: Education and the Possibility of Democracy (London: Bloomsbury, 2024).

    [43] Judd Legum, “Columbia University protests and the lessons of ‘Gym Crow,” Popular Information (April 22, 2024).  Online: https://popular.info/p/columbia-university-protests-and?utm_source=post-email-title&publication_id=1664&post_id=143820814&utm_campaign=email-post-title&isFreemail=false&r=f0dw&triedRedirect=true&utm_medium=email

    [44] Cited in Judd Legum, “Columbia University protests and the lessons of ‘Gym Crow,” Popular Information (April 22, 2024).  Online: https://popular.info/p/columbia-university-protests-and?utm_source=post-email-title&publication_id=1664&post_id=143820814&utm_campaign=email-post-title&isFreemail=false&r=f0dw&triedRedirect=true&utm_medium=email

    [45] Alexander J. Means, Yuko Ida and Matthew Myers, “Teaching Beyond dread.” Review of Education, Pedagogy, and Cultural Studies. Online [February 8, 2024]. Online: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10714413.2024.2306079

    [46] Donald W. Harward, “Risking Silence,” Inside Higher Ed, [August 28, 2018]. Online: https://www.insidehighered.com/views/2018/08/28/higher-education-has-responsibility-speak-out-against-current-administrations-false

    [47] Henry A. Giroux and Anthony R. DiMaggio, Fascism on Trial: Education and the Possibility of Democracy(London: Bloomsbury, 2024).

    [48] Mario Savio, “Sit-In Address on the Steps of Sprout Hall,” delivered December 2, 1964, at the University of California. American Rhetoric:  Top 100 Speeches. Online: https://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/mariosaviosproulhallsitin.htm

    [49] Frederick Douglass, West India Emancipation, speech delivered at Canandaigua, New York, August 4, 1857, in Philip S. Foner, Ed., The Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, vol. 2 (New York: International, 1950), p. 437.

    The post Poisoning the American Mind: Higher Education in the Age of the New McCarthyism appeared first on CounterPunch.org.


    This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Henry Giroux.

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    Artist Alberto Aguilar on finding freedom within structure https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/24/artist-alberto-aguilar-on-finding-freedom-within-structure/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/24/artist-alberto-aguilar-on-finding-freedom-within-structure/#respond Wed, 24 Apr 2024 07:00:00 +0000 https://thecreativeindependent.com/people/artist-alberto-aguilar-on-finding-freedom-within-structure Are you able to tap into your inner child in a conscious, intentional way or do you feel like it comes naturally?

    Both. For instance, I teach a class called Infinite Pocket Studio. The idea is that you don’t need materials. You have an infinite source of inspiration and ideas to draw from. It’s all at hand if you open up to the idea that it’s there.

    I knew at the beginning of the class that some amazing things were going to happen, but it’s weird because in a way, I had to let go of the conventions of what happens in a class. The first thing I had to get rid of was the syllabus. Sometimes I’ll make a syllabus and just plug everything in and do it for the requirement. But for this class… First of all, I didn’t want to make it. Second of all, I knew that making it would create restraints that I didn’t want for the class. So that was a conscious effort to destroy a certain structure that would inhibit this sense of play.

    It’s funny how in order to destroy one thing, you have to destroy the other. It makes you wonder, “What is art? What defines art? How is art supposed to look?” Your work is constantly prompting these questions and then blurring the lines between them.

    It’s funny because I’m turning in an application right now for something. They want to see [material] stuff. Sometimes it’s hard for me to find things that feel like artworks. Of course, there’s always a little doubt that seeps in like, “Wait, what have you done these past years? You have nothing concrete to show for it.” I have to accept that that’s what it is. I make this immaterial work and sometimes it produces something material.

    This need, this feeling, that we need to produce something material is similar to this need for a syllabus. Sometimes the students will go crazy if you don’t follow the syllabus or if you haven’t clearly marked what’s going to happen on the syllabus. They think they need that in order to navigate the world. For me, getting rid of that is an act of liberation. If they learn to navigate art or class or life without [a syllabus], then they’re really learning something. They’re learning that we can create those structures within our lives rather than following it on a piece of paper.

    And within themselves.

    Finding it within themselves and on their own terms because that’s the other thing I’m talking about––destroying structure. But I use structure and systems all the time within my own work. I’m always using a self-imposed structure.

    It’s like finding freedom within structure. It’s like scaffolding, there’s still enough space to build whatever you want around it. I think structure and limitations can be inspiring. I started doing this series of 222 word essays, and at first I was like, “I don’t know how I’m going to do this,” because I like to just dump everything onto a page but really the best part is when I’m working between 219 and 225 words, and I’m like, “What’s got to go? How can I say this better?” That’s when the most creative stuff starts to reveal itself.

    I love that editing process because you think you have it. You think that the thing is speaking very clearly and if you get rid of anything, it’s going to fall apart. But then you start to get rid of the stuff that’s unnecessary and it actually communicates more clearly. That’s the same thing with this recording. What won’t be necessary in this conversation? What’s the setting up of an idea versus the realized idea?

    Do you go into projects with ideas or do you go into it thinking the work will reveal the idea to you?

    It always reveals something. That’s the most exciting part about it. If you go in knowing exactly what you’re going to make, there’s no fun in that. I’m very much into, “How is the making of this thing going to change me? And what’s the surprise going to be?”

    Currently, I’m in this show called Contemporary Ex-Votos. Ex-votos are these things that started in colonial times in Mexico. They would make paintings on tin to give thanks to a specific saint or to god for hearing a prayer and making a miracle happen. Then they would nail up these paintings in the church, which have the miracle story and words of thanks written on them.

    La Manifestación del Milagro de Isabella María Aguilar (In three Parts), from Contemporary Ex-Votos

    La Manifestación del Milagro de Isabella María Aguilar (Part one), from Contemporary Ex-Votos

    This is the show with the signs, right?

    Yes. So they made me give them a proposal of what I would do for this show, and one of the ideas was of these photos that I shot at Occidental College where my daughter currently goes. The story is, she applied to transfer to Occidental [from Pepperdine] but she wasn’t accepted. It was midway through the semester, so she reapplied for the new academic year. When I went to pick her up from Pepperdine to come back to Chicago, we went to visit Occidental’s campus, and she asked me if I could pray that she got into the school. So I prayed she’d get in and that god would give us a sign before we left.

    We were walking around the campus and I just knew that there wasn’t going to be a sign. But I saw these chairs that were scattered in the courtyard, and I was like, “Wait a second. I make signs.” I organize things as a way of creating a language that speaks to people and then I photograph them. I was like, “Why am I waiting around for a sign when I could just make a sign?” So I arranged these chairs, and I did this thing where I leaned them against each other. Then I found this hose in the bushes and I pulled it out and formed it into a spiral. Both of these became photographs, and my daughter was reading in the sun while I was doing this. You know how when you take action, there’s a warmth you feel, like your creative energy is flowing?

    Totally.

    So I felt really good after I created those signs and photographed them and later I posted them on social media. But I never did anything else with them.

    When we got home, we found out she got accepted with a full scholarship. So when I thought about [the photos] for the show, I thought about them in terms of language, of retelling this miracle story, but also having these images represent this moment with a little bit of humor that I manifested the moment.

    You created your own moment. It’s like creating your own fate.

    And there’s some truth to it, even if it’s just going from feeling discouraged and sad to feeling warm and having a creative flow. You could sit around and do nothing, or you can do something and make yourself feel better, clearer.

    [The gallery] ended up wanting the photos as the work, but I didn’t know how I was going to present them. Was I going to print them and hang them on the walls? Was I going to write text underneath the photos?

    One day, when I was walking the dog, I was looking at the street signs. They’re metal, so it made sense in relation to the ex-votos. It also made sense in relation to the story, this idea of sign making. So I asked the sign painter [I work with] if they use this material, and they said yes. They actually get the metal and the posts from the City of Chicago. So I had the photos and the story printed as metal signs.

    Common Ground, 2023, a performance / graduate advising session where Pablo Lazala Ruiz and I dug holes that custom fit our bodies at Compound Yellow (Chicago)

    I love that what it eventually came down to was presenting the piece as literal signs.

    Yeah. Then the gallery asked me to build the stands to hold up the signs. I made this drawing of a stand using two by fours that the metal post would connect to. I sent it to [my daughter] Madeleine because she’s a builder. I said, “Will this work?” She said, “Yes, it’ll work. You just need to get some sandbags to hold it down.” And I was like, “Do I really need sandbags?” But the more I thought about it, the more I thought the sandbags would make it even more interesting, because then you bring another material in. So I actually went around the city and took abandoned sandbags.

    The materials revealed themselves to you as you needed them. The sandbags are also a nice touch because you can contextualize the signs out into the world, not just limit them to existing in the gallery.

    It makes them more like pedestrian objects, right? That’s what I thought too. I’m very interested in developing an idea through consulting other people. It’s not just me that comes up with these ideas. It’s a collective approach to get to an idea.

    Finished Painting, 2006

    Yeah, these works aren’t made in isolation. Something I love about your work is how much synchronicity there is between your practice, teaching, and home life and the way they all inform each other.

    For me, teaching is the answer. You know how you were talking about how with the jobs you have you have to separate yourself from them to go into your creative self? With teaching, I don’t have to do that. It’s also the way that I teach that allows it to happen. I don’t teach as an authority figure. I don’t do the same thing semester to semester. It’s like making an artwork. I have no idea what’s going to happen during the semester but it’s going to be explosive. It runs in tandem with my studio practice rather than opposed to it. It doesn’t take me out of the studio, but is actually a part of it.

    Has it always been like this?

    No, it wasn’t always like that. I think it was slowly revealed to me. It started as guilt for not being in the studio. Early on I had to try to find a full-time job and I couldn’t spend as much time in the studio. After I finally got my first full-time job, I bought a house, and it was the convenience of it that made me want to document the chores that I was doing in the house as artwork.

    I showed this video in class once about Mierle Ukeles Laderman. She was talking about having a child. She was changing the child’s diaper and she was removed from her creative practice but she realized that this could be the work. It’s like the thing that Duchamp did, taking something and saying it could be artwork. But I think she took it even further in saying, “I have to be a mother and I have to do this dirty work and I can complain about it or I could just say, ‘This is the artwork.’” I took on that role myself and started documenting cutting the grass, painting the garage door, [doing] all these things as artwork. It was liberating. Still, in doing that, I didn’t feel like I reached the point [I’m at now]. I was still tied to certain things that held me back from fully seeing or understanding this vision.

    04.09.2020 (Quarantine Regimen)*, *2020, Aligned oranges

    Yeah, you don’t just tear down the structure of everything you knew all at once. You do it in intervals. That’s something I’ve been thinking about for the last couple months. Instead of being like, “I have to set this amount of time each day to make art,” I’ve wondered, what if I just lived my life and let certain creative things seep through the cracks of whatever I do on a daily basis? What are the things that are already there?

    You’re definitely describing an approach that I also like making available to people. You’re already doing all these things that could inform and be incorporated into your creative practice, yet you want to separate them. In certain cases, it can create conflict. It depends on if that’s the thing you want.

    I also think about the word “generative” a lot. To create a practice that’s generative, to do things that will generate more things, not objects, but more ideas and more conversations. I’ve been teaching for a long time, that’s the other thing. There’s a connection that I have with a lot of my students that never breaks. It’s amazing, actually. Sometimes former students will invite me to do something and I try never to say no.

    There’s a fearlessness to that too, being so open-minded to possibility and the unknown.

    I think everyone has access to it. Maybe it’s harder for some people. I think it’s something that could be put into practice.

    Using curiosity as a compass.

    Yeah. But also being fearless and taking risks is something that you could practice and get better at. If we believe that in taking that risk, it will generate something new and take you to new places versus thinking that the risk will make you lose money or break your leg.

    It’s funny you’re talking about generating things and generating things within those things that are generated because this circles back to your artist statement where you say, “My work about the sharing of a moment in time.” I think some of what we’re talking about here is the element of giving up control. Sometimes people get really wrapped up with the idea of controlling how people are going to view their work but that doesn’t seem to bother you.

    One way that I overcome that, because I do think about saying the wrong thing or offending people, is by being factual. I use this method of being factual and letting the facts be poetic to let people formulate their own thoughts towards something versus me telling people how things should be interpreted.

    That leaves a lot of room for the viewer to have their own experience with it.

    For sure. And that’s the thing that you’re pointing out in my statement of having a shared moment versus giving people my moment. It was funny when I was realizing that on the walk, that I’m walking but you’re reading me talk about my walk. So in a sense, you’re having your own journey by reading it. Turning it back on the viewer is a way to have a shared moment.

    Alberto Aguilar Recommends

    Places across the U.S. where I’ve had amazing encounters and transformative experiences:

    Arcosanti is an experimental desert town in Arizona near Phoenix designed by Paolo Soleri. One morning I woke up there and saw that most amazing sunrise that looked like a holy language in the sky.

    Galloping Ghost is an arcade in Brookfield, an obscure suburb of Chicago, where you can play every video game that ever existed unlimited for a single price. It’s like endurance art if you stay there from open until close.

    Every time I’m in Houston I visit the Rothko Chapel. The last time I went, I was jogging with my daughter and son and we went into the chapel midway through our run. I was in a different state of mind which allowed me to experience it anew.

    Traveling on Amtrak. If you ever get your hands on a cheap sleeper car, take it. All food is included and sometimes they pair you with strangers in the dining car. I like hanging out in the observation car and going back to my room once I’m ready to be alone. I’ve used my time on the train as a self-imposed artist residency.

    I’ve taken up Racquetball at the local YMCA. It’s a fast exchange with someone, like improvisation.


    This content originally appeared on The Creative Independent and was authored by Caitlin McCann.

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    The McCarthyist Attack on Gaza Protests Threatens Free Thought for All https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/19/the-mccarthyist-attack-on-gaza-protests-threatens-free-thought-for-all/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/19/the-mccarthyist-attack-on-gaza-protests-threatens-free-thought-for-all/#respond Fri, 19 Apr 2024 21:50:38 +0000 https://fair.org/?p=9039248 With the encouragement of the state, universities are taking draconian steps to silence debate about US-backed violence in the Middle East.

    The post The McCarthyist Attack on Gaza Protests Threatens Free Thought for All appeared first on FAIR.

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    With the encouragement of the state, universities from coast to coast are taking draconian steps to silence debate about US-backed violence in the Middle East.

    The Columbia University community looked on in shock as cops in riot gear arrested at least 100 pro-Palestine protesters who had set up an encampment in the center of campus (New York Post, 4/18/24). The university’s president, Nemat Shafik, had just the day before testified before a Republican-dominated congressional committee ostensibly concerned with campus “antisemitism”—a label that has come to be misapplied to any criticism of Israel, though the critics so smeared are often themselves Jewish.

    New York Post: Columbia, Google’s crackdown on pro-Hamas protesters: Is that common sense we finally smell?

    The New York Post (4/18/24) was also pleased that Google had fired 28 employees for protesting genocide.

    A sense of delight has filled the city’s opinion pages. The New York Post editorial board (4/18/24)  hailed both the clampdown on protests and Congress’s push to ensure that such drastic action against free speech was taken: “We’re glad to see Shafik stand up…. Congress deserves some credit for putting educrats’ feet to the fire on this issue.” The paper added, “Academia has been handling anti-Israel demonstrations with kid gloves.” In other words, universities have been allowing too many people to think and speak critically about an important issue of the day.

    In “At Columbia, the Grown-Ups in the Room Take a Stand,” New York Times columnist Pamela Paul (4/18/24) hailed the eviction, saying of the encampment that for the “passer-by, the fury and self-righteous sentiment on display was chilling,” and that for supporters of Israel, “it must be unimaginably painful.” In other words, conservative pundits have decided that campus safe spaces where speech is banned to protect the feelings of listeners are good, depending on the issue. Would Paul (no relation!) favor bans on pro-Taiwan or pro-Armenia demonstrations because they could offend Chinese and Turkish students?

    And for Michael Oren, a prominent Israeli politico, Columbia students hadn’t suffered enough. He said of Columbia in a Wall Street Journal op-ed (4/19/24):

    Missing was an admission of the university’s failure to enforce the measures it had enacted to protect its Jewish community. [Shafik] didn’t address how, under the banner of free speech, Columbia became inhospitable to Jews. She didn’t acknowledge how incendiary demonstrations such as the encampment were the product of the university’s inaction.

    Shafik had assured her congressional interrogators that Columbia had already suspended 15 students for speaking out for Palestinian human rights, suspended two student groups—Jewish Voice for Peace and Students for Justice in Palestine (Jewish Telegraphic Agency, 11/10/23)—and had even terminated an instructor (New York Times, 4/17/24).

    The hearing was bizarre, to say the least; a Georgia Republican asked the president if she wanted her campus to be “cursed by God” (New York Times, 4/18/24). (“Definitely not,” was her response.)

    The former World Bank economist had clearly been shaken after seeing how congressional McCarthyism ousted two other female Ivy League presidents (FAIR.org, 12/12/23; Al Jazeera, 1/2/24).

    ‘Protected from having to hear’

    Columbia Spectator: Jewish faculty reject the weaponization of antisemitism

    Twenty-three Jewish faculty members at Columbia published a joint op-ed (Columbia Spectator, 4/10/24) reminding President Shafik that “labeling pro-Palestinian expression as anti-Jewish hate speech requires a dangerous and false conflation of Zionism with Jewishness, of political ideology with identity.”

    “What happened at those hearings yesterday should be of grave concern to everybody, regardless of their feelings on Palestine, regardless of their politics,” Barnard College women’s studies professor Rebecca Jordan-Young told Democracy Now! (4/18/24). “What happened yesterday was a demonstration of the growing and intensifying attack on liberal education writ large.”

    Her colleague, historian Nara Milanich, said in the same interview:

    This is not about antisemitism so much as attacking areas of inquiry and teaching, whether it’s about voting rights or vaccine safety or climate change — right?—arenas of inquiry that are uncomfortable or inconvenient or controversial for certain groups. And so, this is essentially what we’re seeing, antisemitism being weaponized in a broad attack on the university.

    Jewish faculty at Columbia spoke out against the callous misuse of antisemitism to silence students, but those in power aren’t listening (Columbia Spectator, 4/10/24).

    Shafik justified authorizing the mass arrests, which many said hadn’t been seen on campus since the anti-Vietnam War protests of 1968. “The individuals who established the encampment violated a long list of rules and policies,” she said (BBC, 4/18/24).  “Through direct conversations and in writing, the university provided multiple notices of these violations.”

    One policy suggested by the university’s “antisemitism task force,” according to a university trustee who also testified (New York Times, 4/18/24): “If you are going to chant, it should only be in a certain place, so that people who don’t want to hear it are protected from having to hear it.”

    Cross-country rollback

    Reuters: California university cancels Muslim valedictorian's speech, citing safety concerns

    USC valedictorian Asna Tabassum says the school did not tell her what the security threats were, but said that the precautions that would be necessary to allow her to speak were “not what the university wants to ‘present as an image'” (Reuters, 4/18/24).

    Meanwhile, the University of Southern California canceled the planned graduation speech by valedictorian Asna Tabassum—a Muslim woman who had spoken out for Palestine (Reuters, 4/18/24). The university cited unnamed “security risks”;  The Hill (4/16/24) noted that “she had links to pro-Palestinian sites on her social media.”  Andrew T. Guzman, the provost and senior vice president for academic affairs, said in a statement that cancelation was “consistent with the fundamental legal obligation—including the expectations of federal regulators—that universities act to protect students and keep our campus community safe” (USC Annenberg Media, 4/15/24).

    This is happening as academic freedom is being rolled back across the country. Republicans in Indiana recently passed a law to allow a politically appointed board to deny or even revoke university professors’ tenure if the board feels their classes lack “intellectual diversity”—at the same time that it threatens them if they seem “likely” to “subject students to political or ideological views and opinions” deemed unrelated to their courses (Inside Higher Ed, 2/21/24).

    Benjamin Balthaser, associate professor of English at Indiana University South Bend, told FAIR in regard to the congressional hearing:

    There is no other definition of bigotry or racism that equates criticism of a state, even withering, hostile criticism, with an entire ethnic or religious group, especially a state engaging in ongoing, documented war crimes and crimes against humanity. Added to this absurdity is the fact that many of the accused are not only Jewish, but have strong ties to their Jewish communities. To make such an equation assumes a collective or group homogeneity which is itself a form of essentialism, even racism itself: People are not reducible to the crimes of their state, let alone a state thousands of miles away to which most Jews are not citizens.

    Of course, witch hunts against leftists in US society are often motivated by antisemitism. Balthaser again:

    The far right has long deployed antisemitism as a weapon of censorship and repression, associating Jewishness with Communism and subversion during the First and Second Red Scares.  Not only did earlier forms of McCarthyism overwhelmingly target Jews (Jews were two-thirds of the “defendants” called before HUAC in 1952, despite being less than 2% of the US population), it did so while cynically pretending to protect Jews from Communism.  Something very similar is occurring now: Mobilizing a racist trope of Jewish adherence to Israel, far-right politicians are using accusations of antisemitism to both silence criticism of Israel and, in doing so, promote their antisemitic ideas of Jewishness in the world.

    Silencing for ‘free speech’

    CRT Forward: interactive map of anti-Critical Race Theory legislation

    The darker blue states have passed restrictions aimed at Critical Race Theory; in the lighter blue states, proposed restrictions have not been adopted (CRT Forward).

    These universities are not simply clamping down on free speech because the administrators dislike this particular speech, or out of fear that pro-Palestine demonstrations or vocal faculty members could scare donors from writing big checks. This is a result of state actors—congressional Republicans, in particular—who are using their committee power and sycophants in the media to demand more firings, more suspensions, more censorship.

    I have written for years (FAIR.org, 10/23/20, 11/17/21, 3/25/22), as have many others, that Republican complaints about “cancel culture” on campus suppressing free speech are exaggerated. One of the biggest hypocrisies is that so-called free-speech conservatives claim that campus activists are silencing conservatives, but have little to say about blatant censorship and political firings when it comes to Palestine.

    This isn’t a mere moral inconsistency. This is the anti-woke agenda at work: When criticism of the right is deemed to be the major threat to free speech, it’s a short step to enlisting the state to “protect” free speech by silencing the critics—in this case, dissenters against US support for Israeli militarism.

    But this isn’t just about Palestine; crackdowns against pro-Palestine protests are part of a broader war against discourse and thought. The right has already paved the way for assaults on educational freedom with bans aimed at Critical Race Theory adopted in 29 states.

    If the state can now stifle and punish speech against the murder of civilians in Gaza, what’s next? With another congressional committee investigating so-called infiltration by China’s Communist Party, will Chinese political scholars be targeted next (Reuters, 2/28/24)? With state laws against environmental protests proliferating (Sierra, 9/17/23), will there be a new McCarthyism against climate scientists? (Author Will Potter raised the alarm about a “green scare” more than a decade ago—People’s World, 9/26/11; CounterSpin, 2/1/13.)

    Universities and the press are supposed to be places where we can freely discuss the issues of the day, even if that means having to hear opinions that might be hard for some to digest. Without those arenas for free thought, our First Amendment rights mean very little. If anyone who claims to be a free speech absolutist isn’t citing a government-led war against free speech and assembly on campuses as their No. 1 concern in the United States right now, they’re a fraud.

    The post The McCarthyist Attack on Gaza Protests Threatens Free Thought for All appeared first on FAIR.


    This content originally appeared on FAIR and was authored by Ari Paul.

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    Tennessee Is Ramping Up Penalties for Student Threats. Research Shows That’s Not the Best Way to Keep Schools Safe. https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/17/tennessee-is-ramping-up-penalties-for-student-threats-research-shows-thats-not-the-best-way-to-keep-schools-safe/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/17/tennessee-is-ramping-up-penalties-for-student-threats-research-shows-thats-not-the-best-way-to-keep-schools-safe/#respond Wed, 17 Apr 2024 09:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/how-schools-should-handle-student-threats by Aliyya Swaby

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    After a former student killed six people last year at the private Covenant School in Nashville, Tennessee, state leaders have been looking for ways to make schools safer. Their focus so far has been to ramp up penalties against current students who make mass threats against schools.

    Months after the killings, legislators passed a law requiring students who make such threats to be expelled for a year (unless a school superintendent decides otherwise) and allowing schools not to enroll them afterward. This year, the legislature passed bills that make the offense a felony and that revoke driving privileges for a year.

    But a large body of research shows these zero-tolerance measures are not the most effective way to prevent violence in schools. In fact, some experts say those measures can counteract what they consider a crucial tool for protecting students as well as the larger community: threat assessments. When carried out correctly, threat assessments sort out behavior intended to cause real physical harm from simply disruptive acts and provide troubled students with the help they need.

    The Secret Service pioneered threat assessments to help identify viable threats against public officials. After the Columbine High School massacre in 1999, a team of University of Virginia professors began adapting Secret Service and FBI threat-assessment recommendations for use in schools. They relied on reports from the two agencies showing that school shooters typically expressed their intentions well before acting violently, but that those statements and the underlying potential for harm were seldom thoroughly investigated.

    In the course of their research, they learned that educators were concerned about overreacting to students who did not pose a serious threat.

    “We also know that students frequently make threatening statements just in the routine course of their day. We have to be very careful that we don’t confuse the two,” said psychologist Dewey Cornell, who led the University of Virginia research and continues to study threat assessments. “And so we need a systematic process to sort out serious threats from threats that are not serious.”

    We spoke to Cornell about how schools are handling threat assessments and his concerns about their overreliance on harsh discipline. More than two decades after he began his research, a growing number of states, including Tennessee, require school districts to adopt threat-assessment policies. But Cornell worries that too many are not properly carrying them out.

    How Threat Assessments Work

    Threat assessments are intended to be an alternative to zero tolerance, giving school leaders a way to resolve problems before they escalate to violence and allowing them discretion over whether and how to discipline students.

    Cornell helped create a process to help school administrators carry out threat assessments, starting by interviewing anyone involved with the threat to assess the risk of serious injury. His research shows that the majority of the time, the assessment reveals there was no threat or no serious threat. The threat-assessment team should warn the intended victims of any major threats it finds, take necessary precautions to protect them and seek ways to resolve conflict.

    One of the most important parts of the process requires the threat-assessment team to refer students to mental health services they may need, no matter the level of threat. And the process states that law enforcement involvement and harsh disciplinary penalties should be reserved for the most serious cases.

    Cornell’s initial research in Florida and Virginia shows that, when done well, threat assessments reduce expulsions and keep more students in school. In 2013, Virginia was the first state to mandate that public schools adopt threat-assessment teams. By 2018, nearly 80% of schools in the state reported at least one threat-assessment case; about three-fourths of cases resulted in students being referred for counseling, mental health treatment or psychological assessments. Most students were not expelled, placed in an alternative school or juvenile detention, or hospitalized as a result of a threat assessment.

    A 2024 study of Florida public schools conducted over three years found that the implementation of threat assessment had been “widely, but not uniformly, successful,” with a third of cases resulting in a student being referred for mental health services and just 2% resulting in an expulsion.

    “We’re not just looking for the needle in the haystack, that rare student, the one in a million students who’s going to actually shoot someone,” Cornell said. “We’re actually dealing with thousands and thousands of kids who maybe are angry or upset and so they say something threatening. Maybe they’re being bullied. We have an opportunity to intervene and work with them long before there’s any issue, if there is any issue at all.”

    Threat Assessments and Zero Tolerance Don’t Work Together

    According to Cornell, zero-tolerance policies and threat assessments are “antithetical” approaches to handling school safety. Tennessee legislators, however, passed a law mandating that school districts conduct threat assessments less than two weeks after they passed a law requiring expulsion for mass threats.

    Zero tolerance requires school officials to automatically punish students who act out, no matter the circumstances. Threat assessment, on the other hand, requires officials to consider the context and motivation of the behavior before deciding how to respond.

    There is no research showing that zero-tolerance policies make schools safer, according to a review of available evidence by the American Psychological Association. In fact, such policies can harm Black students and students with disabilities, who are more likely to be suspended or expelled from schools with zero-tolerance discipline policies and, by extension, more likely to end up in the criminal justice system, studies show.

    “So we have a disciplinary practice that research tells us does not work, yet we keep doing more and more of it,” Cornell said. “It’s the educational equivalent of bloodletting. The medical field for years would bleed people, and when they didn’t get better, they concluded they didn’t bleed them enough.”

    After Tennessee lawmakers made “threats of mass violence on school property” a zero-tolerance offense last year, they received numerous complaints about students being arrested and disciplined even when they clearly didn’t pose a serious threat. At a recent education committee hearing, a lawmaker referred to a case in which a middle schooler threatened to fly a plane into the school. “I don’t know too many 12-year-olds that either A, have access to an aircraft, or B, know how to fly it,” he said. Tennessee has not released statewide numbers on expulsions for threats of mass violence.

    Lawmakers are now considering a bill that would require a threat assessment to be completed and the threat to be deemed valid before an expulsion. Cornell said that limiting expulsions to valid threats still could pose safety risks. “If I am really concerned that a child is dangerous, I don’t want to turn them loose in the community without supervision,” he said. “I want to try to reach them and work with them and convince them that there is a better way to deal with whatever problem or concern they have.”

    When Threat Assessment Goes Wrong

    Civil and disability rights advocates argue that threat assessments can do more harm than good and point to examples of school officials referring students with disabilities and students of color for threat assessments more often. In Albuquerque Public Schools, for example, children with disabilities and Black children made up a disproportionately high percentage of those referred for threat assessments, according to a Searchlight New Mexico report. A study of four Colorado school districts found that Black students, Native American students, male students and students with disabilities were overrepresented in the threat-assessment data. No national study exists showing how schools are implementing threat assessments; Cornell has conducted studies in Virginia and Florida and is working on a national one with funding from the federal Department of Justice.

    A Texas Observer investigation into threat assessments showed the vast majority of districts in the state failed to properly implement them. Only a small percentage of districts provided students with needed mental health support and other services as required by state law. In Tennessee, school officials are required to include law enforcement in their assessment of whether a student poses a threat — but including mental health professionals is optional.

    “If you’re installing threat assessment in a school that doesn’t have a school psychologist, doesn’t have a school social worker and has one counselor for every thousand students, you’re gonna have a problem. It’s like putting new tires on a car with a busted engine,” Cornell said. “We have a school system that is strained and stretched to the limits.”

    But Cornell said the reports of schools failing to properly carry out threat assessments shouldn’t serve to indict the entire idea. His research in Florida shows that Black students experienced slightly higher rates of out-of-school suspensions and expulsions than white students — a much smaller disparity than the national average. Students with disabilities did not receive harsher discipline or legal action than other students after a threat assessment.

    “States seem to be willing to spend millions of dollars on security hardware, but almost nothing on training and coaching,” he said. “The result is many schools are implementing threat assessment without adequate training, without the time allotted to them to carry out the procedures that are required. So they end up cutting corners.”


    This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Aliyya Swaby.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/17/tennessee-is-ramping-up-penalties-for-student-threats-research-shows-thats-not-the-best-way-to-keep-schools-safe/feed/ 0 470203
    Enga ‘isn’t that bad’, says Australian diplomat on troubled area visit https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/11/enga-isnt-that-bad-says-australian-diplomat-on-troubled-area-visit/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/11/enga-isnt-that-bad-says-australian-diplomat-on-troubled-area-visit/#respond Thu, 11 Apr 2024 23:01:03 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=99711 PNG Post-Courier

    The Australian High Commissioner to Papua New Guinea, John Feakes, has become the first foreign diplomat to visit the “valley of tears” in Wapenamanda, Enga, province.

    Feakes braved fears of tribal warfare when he visited Australian government-funded projects at a tribal fighting zone on Wednesday.

    The battlefields of Middle Lai, where more than 60 men lost their lives, fell silent after the signing of the landmark Hilton Peace Agreement last month in Port Moresby between the warring alliances.

    The purpose of the Feakes tour was to visit Australian government-funded projects and one of those is the multimillion kina Huli Open Polytechnical Institute which is still under construction and is situated in the deserted fighting zone.

    A few metres away from the perimeter fence, a pile of dead bodies had been loaded on police trucks that caught world news media headlines.

    Feakes walked on the soil and chose Enga as his first to visit out of Port Moresby into the volatile Upper Highlands region.

    His visit in this part of the region gives confidence to the international community and the general public that the Enga province still exists despite negative reports on tribal conflicts.

    Education funding
    The Australian diplomat’s government has invested substantial funding in the province, essentially in education.

    The Feakes tour to the project sites is to strengthen that Australian and Papua New Guinea relationship and to remain as a strong partner in promoting development aspirations in the country.

    “My visit is to give confidence to the international community that the [Enga] province is not as bad as they may think when seeing reports in the media,” he said.

    “Every community has its share of problems and Enga province is no different.”

    Feakes and his first secretary, Tom Battams, visited more than five Australian government-funded projects after they were received by local traditional dancers, Enga Governor Sir Peter Ipatas, Provincial Administrator Sandis Tsaka, provincial assembly members, senior public servants and the general public at the Kumul Boomgate near the provincial border of Western Highlands and Enga provinces.

    The projects visited were: Kumul Lodge, Mukuramanda Jail, Hela-Opena Technical College at Akom, Innovative University of Enga-Education Faculty Irelya campus and Wabag market.

    A lot of bull exchanges and alleged killing of people took place recently near Hela Open-Technical College during the tribal conflict between Palinau and Yopo alliances but nothing happened on Wednesday as Feakes and the delegation drove through to visit the institution.

    Convoy waved
    Instead, villagers stood peacefully along the roadsides starting from Kuimanda to Akom (areas treated as trouble zones) waving at the convoy of vehicles escorting the high commissioner.

    Such gestures was described by many, including Tsak Local Level Government Council President Thomas Lawai and Provincial Law and Order director Nelson Leia, as a sign that the people were preparing to restore lasting peace in the affected areas.

    Feakes also had the opportunity to talk to students at IUE campus where he told them to study hard to become meaningful contributors to growth of the country

    Feakes was also visiting the new Enga Provincial Hospital, Enga College of Nursing, Enga Cultural Centre, Wabag Amphitheatre and Ipatas centre yesterday before returning to Port Moresby.

    Republished with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    This Influential Conservative Group Is Making it Harder for Idaho Districts to Fix Their Schools https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/09/this-influential-conservative-group-is-making-it-harder-for-idaho-districts-to-fix-their-schools/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/09/this-influential-conservative-group-is-making-it-harder-for-idaho-districts-to-fix-their-schools/#respond Tue, 09 Apr 2024 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/the-influential-group-disrupting-efforts-to-fix-idaho-schools by Becca Savransky, Idaho Statesman

    This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with the Idaho Statesman. Sign up for Dispatches to get stories like this one as soon as they are published.

    The blue and orange leaflets that arrived in Idaho Falls mailboxes ahead of the school bond election in November 2022 looked like the usual fare that voters across the country get. Sent out by the school district, the mailers encouraged people in the eastern Idaho city to register to vote and listed bullet points highlighting what the bond would pay for.

    But the mailers, along with other materials the district distributed, would lead the county prosecutor’s office to fine the superintendent and the district’s spokesperson, accusing them of violating election law by using taxpayer money to advocate for the bond measure. According to the prosecutor, it was illegal for district officials to describe the schools as “overcrowded” and “aged” or to say that students “need modern, safe, and secure schools.”

    Such penalties were made possible by a 2018 state law originally pushed by the Idaho Freedom Foundation, a conservative lobbying group that has become a big player in Idaho Republican politics. The foundation has stoked hostility toward public education across the state, pushing book bans in school libraries and accusing districts of indoctrinating students with “woke” ideas like critical race theory.

    But unlike groups in other states, the Freedom Foundation has extended its reach by targeting school bond and levy elections, which have traditionally been local issues and are the main ways districts build and repair schools.

    The county prosecutor said these mailers that used the word “overcrowded” violated an election law that had been pushed by the Idaho Freedom Foundation. (Obtained by ProPublica and Idaho Statesman)

    Over the past year, the Idaho Statesman and ProPublica have reported on how many Idaho students learn in poor conditions, in part, because the state has one of the most restrictive policies in the nation: It is one of two states that require two-thirds of voters to approve a bond. Lawmakers recently passed legislation to invest $1.5 billion in new funding for school facilities and proposed a ballot initiative to lower the voting threshold during elections that typically have high turnout. But those measures wouldn’t change the 2018 election integrity law.

    School bond supporters said they agree taxpayer money shouldn’t be used to campaign for ballot measures, but they said the interpretation of the law has restricted the ability of school district officials to explain to their communities why the measures are needed, making passing bonds more difficult. Since the law was passed, the Freedom Foundation and those with similar positions have publicly accused at least four school districts of improperly advocating for bonds and levies. In the other cases, prosecutors have not moved forward with fines.

    Many states prohibit school districts from taking sides in bond elections to prevent public agencies from using taxpayer dollars to influence elections, and some laws include fines. A similar situation is playing out in Texas, where the attorney general sued several school districts over concerns that administrations were electioneering for candidates, measures or political parties. Generally, however, the laws allow school districts to educate voters. Idaho’s, for example, specifically permits providing information about the cost, purpose and property conditions in a “factually neutral manner.” But there is a lot of gray area between educating and advocating.

    Don Lifto, a former Minnesota superintendent who consults for school districts running tax elections, said it’s rare for school administrators to be fined. “I think this was a pretty strict and conservative interpretation of the statute,” he said. Under most state laws, he said, it would be hard to argue that saying students “need modern, safe, and secure schools” is a violation.

    A former transportation office was converted into classrooms because of overcrowding at Idaho Falls High School. (Sarah A. Miller/Idaho Statesman)

    A conservative anti-tax tilt has long defined Idaho, well before the Freedom Foundation launched in 2009. Since then, it has become the leading voice against public education in Idaho. Its lobbying arm, Idaho Freedom Action, was the top spender on Facebook ads before the last statewide primary election in 2022.

    “They monitor every single vote, and then they really go after people that don’t vote in alignment with them. And I can tell you just from being around the Legislature that a lot of legislators are afraid of them,” said Rod Gramer, the president and CEO of Idaho Business for Education, a group of business leaders focused on improving public schools. “They’ve made it very clear that they want to defund education and privatize education.” (The Statesman is a member of Idaho Business for Education.)

    Superintendents, school board trustees and community members in at least half a dozen school districts said in interviews that the Freedom Foundation’s arguments have spread across the state, with local advocates frequently parroting its talking points during board and bond elections.

    At the Capitol, the Freedom Foundation’s legislative index has become the authority for some lawmakers when deciding how to vote on bills. Unlike typical lobbying report cards, the group’s elaborate ranking system assigns positive or negative points to each bill, serving as a regular reminder for lawmakers that any step outside the group’s platform could cost them.

    “There’s some legislators who follow that religiously and just look at those notes and see how to vote,” said Sen. Rod Furniss, a Republican from Rigby in East Idaho.

    Late last year, the local Republican committees in Idaho Falls cited the group’s scores when it decided to investigate six Republican lawmakers because of their votes on certain bills, including education spending bills. Some lawmakers were censured, although they defended their voting records.

    Ron Nate, the president of the Idaho Freedom Foundation, declined to comment and did not answer written questions. The Freedom Foundation has called the index an “objective measure” of how legislators vote on the “principles of freedom and limited government.” “Score well, and your political profile is good; score low, and you have some explaining to do,” Nate wrote in 2023. It also said that the Idaho Falls case deserved “significantly worse consequences” but that the election integrity bill had been watered down by education groups before passing.

    They’ve made it very clear that they want to defund education and privatize education.

    —Rod Gramer, president of Idaho Business for Education

    The high bond threshold and low voter turnout can allow well-funded interest groups like the Freedom Foundation to have significant influence, said John Rumel, a University of Idaho law professor. “There’s a relatively small number of people that they need to convince to change the outcome in those elections,” he said.

    Even with a high turnout in a general election year, the 2022 bond measure in Idaho Falls failed despite getting 58% of the vote.

    The fallout for the district didn’t end with the election. A week before, a complaint was filed with the Bonneville County Sheriff’s office, and three days later, the Freedom Foundation called for the district to be “held accountable for electioneering.”

    In the end, the district said, the case cost $54,000 in legal fees.

    The Rise of the Freedom Foundation

    The Freedom Foundation’s mission is to “defeat Marxism and socialism” with principles of “limited government, free markets and self-reliance,” according to its website.

    As broad as that sounds, early on, the group set its sights on bond and levy elections, which intersected with two of the group’s focus areas, taxes and public schools. In 2010, its founder, Wayne Hoffman, wrote an editorial in the Statesman decrying the city of Boise for spending money to educate voters on a ballot measure and warned of what he thought could happen next.

    “What happens if Idaho’s 115 school districts decide that it is their job to help ‘educate’ Idahoans on the two-thirds majority needed to pass a school bond?” Hoffman wrote. “If government agencies across Idaho start to follow Boise’s lead, taxpayers — and freedom — don’t stand a chance.”

    In 2014, the Freedom Foundation argued on its website that school districts had too many chances to hold bond and levy elections and called for the Legislature to limit them to once every two years. Since then, the Legislature has eliminated two election dates school districts could use each year.

    Hoffman declined to comment and referred the Statesman to Nate.

    In 2017, the foundation pushed for a strict election integrity law.

    That version would have banned any mass communication or mailers leading up to the election, only allowing notices to be posted online or in the newspaper stating the election date, the bond’s impact on residents’ taxes and a “neutral and concise explanation” of what it would do. A public official who violated the law could be charged with a misdemeanor, fined up to $1,000 and sentenced to up to six months in jail. And the election result could be voided.

    In part, the legislation grew out of a state Supreme Court case that barred public entities from promoting bonds but provided few guidelines.

    Several key education groups sent a letter to Rep. Jason Monks, R-Meridian, who sponsored the legislation, with concerns that it would create a “heckler’s veto” to invalidate elections and have “a serious, chilling effect for anyone working in the public sphere to speak out on relative policy issues.”

    A compromise bill in 2018 still banned advocating but specifically allowed districts and local governments to provide information in a “factually neutral manner.” It removed criminal charges, and the penalties were lowered to a $250 fine, though they rose if someone knowingly violated the law.

    While some lawmakers raised concerns that the law’s language would inhibit school officials from knowing what they could say, education stakeholders thought the bill provided more clarity, and it passed in the Legislature overwhelmingly.

    In the years since, as the education culture wars have heated up, the Freedom Foundation has again positioned itself at the center. The group started publishing a map that promises to reveal “if your school district is indoctrinating students with leftist nonsense,” like having gay-straight alliance clubs or asking students their pronouns. The map also includes diversity, equity and inclusion personnel; test scores; and superintendent salaries.

    We were passive about the elections. And it came back to bite us.

    —Candy Turner, one of the organizers of the recall effort

    Last year, exhibiting the reach of the group’s influence, Branden Durst, a former Freedom Foundation analyst, was picked to be the superintendent of the West Bonner School District in North Idaho. Durst did not have the required experience in the classroom for the job, according to the State Board of Education. The trustees who hired him worried about a curriculum that included “social emotional learning.” The appointment and the board’s decision to toss the educational program led two trustees to be recalled. And after the public outcry, Durst submitted a letter that said he’d decided to step aside, and the board accepted it as his resignation. Durst declined to comment.

    Organizers of the recall effort said that low voter turnout and a lack of involvement in recent years had fostered an environment that allowed the Freedom Foundation to take hold.

    “We were passive about the elections,” said Candy Turner, one of the organizers. “And it came back to bite us.”

    The Fallout in Idaho Falls

    In May 2023, when Idaho Falls administrators learned the prosecutor was fining two district officials under the election law, the board felt the district had done nothing wrong. It had educated the public on the $250 million bond to build a new high school and two elementary schools, along with other repairs — and it had ultimately failed. Superintendent Karla LaOrange, who joined the district after the complaint was filed, said the district thought if it paid the fines, which came to $375 in total, it would signal to the community that it was admitting guilt. So the district, known as D91, spent the money to fight.

    Lisa Keller of D91 Taxpayers, a group that opposed the bond effort, said the group was not responsible for filing the complaint, though she and its members had concerns about the materials. She said community members worried about losing their homes due to the increase in taxes from the bond, which was the largest the district had ever run. She described the district’s plan for a new school as wanting to construct a Taj Mahal.

    First image: The door frame of a shed classroom has a gap that lets in cold air and moisture. Second image: Some students complain about gaps in bathroom stalls and a lack of privacy dividers between urinals at Idaho Falls High School. (Sarah A. Miller/Idaho Statesman)

    The formal allegation, however, came from Larry Lyon, a local resident who helped fund the political action committee behind D91 Taxpayers, with the help of Brian Stutzman, another nearby resident who has been involved in tax issues statewide, according to campaign finance records and the complaint obtained through a public records request. The Freedom Foundation had alleged the district violated the law in a website post days before the election, and D91 Taxpayers shared the post on its Facebook page.

    Lyon said in a message he filed the complaint because he was “sincerely concerned” the district “crossed the line from simply presenting facts to advocating for higher taxes with public funds.” He said he was confident the prosecutor’s office would “be fair to everyone involved.” Stutzman declined to comment.

    Bonneville County Prosecutor Randy Neal said he had no choice but to move forward with the complaint because he thought it was a clear violation. In an interview, he went through the district’s mailers to explain the problematic language. Instead of saying “overcrowded,” the district could have said the school was built for a certain number of students and that it now served more. “What I can’t do is say, ‘We need to replace the school because it’s overcrowded.’ That’s advocating for the bond,” he said.

    Neal said the district ignored its own legal advice, citing a memo from Idaho law firm Hawley Troxell that warned the “most questionable actions” happen when districts explain the “‘need’ for the new facilities” and said “crowding issues or age of facilities” may be better for others to talk about. Hawley Troxell and the school district didn’t respond to requests for comment about the memo.

    Erin Bingham, one of the leading supporters of the bond effort, said she felt like Neal was associated with D91 Taxpayers and the Freedom Foundation. She called the complaint “frivolous” and a “waste of time and taxpayers’ money.”

    “I feel like it creates a precedent that if they don’t fight it,” these groups will continue to file complaints against the school district during bond elections, she said.

    Neal denied taking action for political reasons or being affiliated with any advocacy groups. “I have no dog in the fight,” he said. “I don’t have children. This isn’t the school district I live in. I don’t know any of these people.”

    The district’s decision to fight the fines bred even more distrust with D91 Taxpayers, which said the district was wasting money on legal bills.

    “What a breach of public trust, to fight the county prosecutor with my money, paying their lawyers with my money,” Keller told the Statesman and ProPublica. “This is ridiculous. It’s ridiculous.”

    The district eventually settled the complaint. The total fine was lowered to $250, and the case was dismissed.

    What I can’t do is say, ‘We need to replace the school because it’s overcrowded.’ That’s advocating for the bond.

    —Randy Neal, Bonneville County prosecutor

    The prosecutor’s action, though, has had a chilling effect across the community and state, education stakeholders say.

    “It’s panic I’ve heard for sure,” said Quinn Perry of the Idaho School Boards Association. ISBA, along with two other education groups, wrote an opinion piece last year noting that the Legislature has been making it increasingly difficult for school districts and local governments to run measures that raise taxes. If simply communicating a need is interpreted as advocacy, “we are not sure that school districts can sustain their operations or ever build a new school,” the groups wrote. “Perhaps that is the point.”

    Idaho Falls board chair Hillary Radcliffe said district officials may feel they can’t speak as “frankly” about what’s going on because it could be construed as advocacy. “They have to be very, very limited in what they’re saying,” she said. “It makes it hard sometimes for our community to fully grasp some of the issues we have going on in our schools.”

    Republican Sen. Dave Lent, who represents Idaho Falls and chairs the Senate Education Committee, said Neal took the law too far. “It’s an aggressive interpretation by our prosecuting attorney,” said Lent, a former Idaho Falls school board member. “You have to educate people as to the why. And if you’re not allowed to tell them the why, your hands are tied.”

    The district has been grappling with how to fix its schools, with narrowing options and intense opposition and distrust from community members and groups like the Freedom Foundation.

    The hallways of Idaho Falls schools are still overcrowded, and administrators worry about projected growth. The bathrooms regularly have to be closed at the district’s Skyline High School because the plumbing is failing, administrators said. Students with disabilities are crammed into small classrooms with doorways that barely fit wheelchairs.

    Idaho Falls High School was built for 900 students but now serves about 1,250, administrators said. Between periods, hundreds of students rush out of their classrooms, walk down narrow staircases and push to get to their classes on time. Students eat lunch on the floor because the cafeteria accommodates only about 200 students, fewer than even the number of students who qualify for free and reduced lunch.

    Classrooms flood, as does the athletic field.

    After heavy rains last spring, Bingham said, “the kids were skipping rocks across it.”

    The athletic field at Idaho Falls High School flooded after heavy rains in spring 2023. (Courtesy of Brooke Bushman)


    This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Becca Savransky, Idaho Statesman.

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    PJR to celebrate 30 years of journalism publishing at Pacific Media 2024 https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/06/pjr-to-celebrate-30-years-of-journalism-publishing-at-pacific-media-2024/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/06/pjr-to-celebrate-30-years-of-journalism-publishing-at-pacific-media-2024/#respond Sat, 06 Apr 2024 04:02:07 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=99452 Pacific Media Watch

    Pacific Journalism Review, the Pacific and New Zealand’s only specialist media research journal, is celebrating 30 years of publishing this year — and it will mark the occasion at the Pacific Media International Conference in Fiji in July.

    Founded at the University of Papua New Guinea in 1994, PJR also published for five years at the University of the South Pacific in Fiji before moving on to AUT’s Pacific Media Centre (PMC).  It is currently being published by the Auckland-based Asia Pacific Media Network (APMN).

    Founding editor Dr David Robie, formerly director of the PMC before he retired from academic life three years ago, said: “This is a huge milestone — three decades of Pacific media research, more than 1000 peer-reviewed articles and an open access database thanks to Tuwhera.

    PACIFIC MEDIA CONFERENCE 4-6 JULY 2024
    PACIFIC MEDIA CONFERENCE 4-6 JULY 2024

    “These days the global research publishing model often denies people access to research if they don’t have access to libraries, so open access is critically important in a Pacific context.”

    Current editor Dr Philip Cass told Asia Pacific Report: “For us to return to USP will be like coming home.

    “For 30 years PJR has been the only journal focusing exclusively on media and journalism in the Pacific region.

    “Our next edition will feature articles on the Pacific, New Zealand, Australia and Southeast Asia.

    “We are maintaining our commitment to the Islands while expanding our coverage of the region.”

    Both Dr Cass and Dr Robie are former academic staff at USP; Dr Cass was one of the founding lecturers of the degree journalism programme and launched the student journalist newspaper Wansolwara and Dr Robie was head of journalism 1998-2002.

    The 20th anniversary of the journal was celebrated with a conference at AUT University. At the time, an Indonesian-New Zealand television student, Sasya Wreksono, made a short documentary about PJR and Dr Lee Duffield of Queensland University of Technology wrote an article about the journal’s history.


    The Life of Pacific Journalism Review.  Video: PMC/Sasya Wreksono

    Many journalism researchers from the Journalism Education and Research Association of Australia (JERAA) and other networks have been strong contributors to PJR, including professors Chris Nash and Wendy Bacon, who pioneered the Frontline section devoted to investigative journalism and innovative research.

    The launch of the 30th anniversary edition of PJR will be held at the conference on July 4-6 with Professor Vijay Naidu, who is adjunct professor in the disciplines of development studies and governance at USP’s School of Law and Social Sciences.

    Several of the PJR team will be present at USP, including longtime designer Del Abcede.

    A panel on research journalism publication will also be held at the conference with several editors and former editors taking part, including former editor Professor Mark Pearson of the Australian Journalism Review. This is being sponsored by the APMN, one of the conference partners.

    Conference chair Associate Professor Shailendra Singh, head of journalism at USP, is also on the editorial board of PJR and a key contributor.

    Three PJR covers and three countries
    Three PJR covers and three countries . . . volume 4 (1997, PNG), volume 8 (2002, Fiji), and volume 29 (2023, NZ). Montage: PJR


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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    Thousands march across NZ demanding climate crisis action https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/05/thousands-march-across-nz-demanding-climate-crisis-action/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/05/thousands-march-across-nz-demanding-climate-crisis-action/#respond Fri, 05 Apr 2024 10:46:52 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=99422 Asia Pacific Report

    From Whangārei in the north to Invercargill in the south, thousands took to the streets of Aotearoa New Zealand in today’s climate strike, RNZ News reports.

    Hundreds march on Parliament in Wellngton.

    But it was not just about the climate crisis — the day’s event was led by a coalition including Toitū Te Tiriti, Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa, and School Strike 4 Climate.

    They had six demands:

    Climate protesters take to Parliament.
    Protesters in the climate strike near the Beehive in Wellington today. Image: RNZ/Samuel Rillstone

    Palestine solidarity protesters called on the New Zealand government to expel the Israeli ambassador in protest over Tel Aviv’s conduct of the devastating Gaza war.

    The UN Human Rights Council today adopted a resolution calling for Israel to be held accountable for possible war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in the Gaza Strip.

    It was a decisive vote with 28 in favour, 14 abstentions and six voting against, including Germany and the US.

    An ACT New Zealand post on X stated that the School Strike 4 Climate was “encouraging kids across the country to wag school”.

    ‘Raise awareness’
    School Strike 4 Climate organisers said their aim was to “raise awareness about the urgent need for climate action and to demand meaningful policy changes to combat the climate crisis”.

    1News reports that one protester said she was attending today’s march in Auckland because she had a problem with the government’s approach to conservation.

    “They’re dismantling previous rules that have been in place, they are picking up projects that have been previously turned down by the Environment Court . . .  and they’re doing it behind our back and the public has nothing to say, so they have become the predators,” she said.

    Another protester said: “I’m terrified, because I know I’m going to die from climate change and the government is doing absolutely zero for it.”

    Climate protesters take to Parliament.
    “Dinos thought they had time too” . . . school protesters march on Parliament in Wellington. Image: RNZ/Samuel Rillstone
    Wellington climate protest
    An indigenous flag waving response on climate and Gaza action . . . the Aboriginal flag of Australia, the Tino Rangatiratanga flag of Aotearoa New Zealand, a Palestinian activists’ ensign and various Pacific flags. Image: RNZ/Samuel Rillstone

    This report is drawn from RNZ News reports and photographs under a community partnership and other sources.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Fiji bus drivers criticise bullying by school student video – ‘we’re human’ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/04/fiji-bus-drivers-criticise-bullying-by-school-student-video-were-human/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/04/fiji-bus-drivers-criticise-bullying-by-school-student-video-were-human/#respond Thu, 04 Apr 2024 06:56:38 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=99364 By Temalesi Vono in Suva

    Fijian bus drivers and bus checkers wake up early in the morning to serve the public so it is disappointing to see school students harassing and bullying them, says the bus operators industry group.

    Fiji Bus Operators Association general secretary Rohit Latchan said he was responding to a recent video on social media involving a high school student threatening a bus checker.

    Latchan also pleaded with parents and teachers to teach students respect towards everyone, especially bus drivers and checkers.

    “People should realise that bus drivers and checkers are also humans,” Latchan said.

    “They’re providing service to the public, especially to students.

    “I am pleading with parents and teachers to respect and appreciate bus drivers and checkers. There is no need for abuse or threats.

    “Driving all day is not an easy job. We don’t want our drivers to get hurt.”

    Closed fist threat
    The video shows the student threatening a bus driver and a bus checker saying, ‘Au sega ni rerevaki kemudrau’ (I am not afraid of you) after he got on board with a closed fist.

    Although it is unclear what caused the incident, many found the issue of a young student challenging adults alarming.

    Acting Police Commissioner Juki Fong Chew said the matter had been directed to the Central Deputy Police Commissioner for investigations and a team would visit the school tomorrow.

    Meanwhile, Education Secretary Selina Kuruleca said all necessary processes had been followed, including informing parents and the Child Protection Services.

    “We again request parents to remind their children on the importance of proper behaviour at all times,” Kuruleca said.

    “Even though the student was responding to some earlier incident by the driver, he could have reported the incident to the police instead of this swearing and threatening behaviour.

    “The student is undergoing counselling at the moment.”

    Temalesi Vono is a Fiji Times reporter. Republished with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Sydney group slams ‘unjust’ Jakarta crackdown on Papuan torture protests https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/03/sydney-group-slams-unjust-jakarta-crackdown-on-papuan-torture-protests/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/03/sydney-group-slams-unjust-jakarta-crackdown-on-papuan-torture-protests/#respond Wed, 03 Apr 2024 09:51:42 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=99312 Asia Pacific Report

    An Australian West Papuan solidarity group has condemned a brutal crackdown by Indonesian police against student protesters demonstrating against torture by the security forces.

    A video of the cruel torture of a West Papuan man, Defianus Kogoya, by Indonesian troops in West Papua in early February, went viral last week with students and civil society groups staging several protest rallies and meetings over the past two days.

    Indonesian security forces violently crushed these protests with tear gas and water cannon and arrested 62 people at one demonstration.

    “Yet again we have peaceful demonstrators being arrested, beaten and tear gassed by the Indonesian security forces,” Joe Collins, spokesperson of the Australian West Papua Association (AWPA), said in a statement.

    “Do they really believe West Papuans will be so intimidated that they’ll stop protesting against the injustices they suffer under Indonesian rule?

    “The West Papuan people will continue to protest until the international community and the United Nations start to bring Jakarta to account for the actions of its military in West Papua.

    “The issue isn’t going away.”

    University crackdown
    In Jayapura, a rally was held yesterday at Perumnas 3 Waena and the Jayapura University of Science and Technology (JUST) by civil society groups, including by the Papuan Student and People’s Front Against Militarism (FMRPAM).

    The local news outlet Jubi reported that the police had cracked down on the rally, assaulting demonstrators and firing tear gas.

    The demonstrators were demanding that an independent investigation team be formed into the case of torture of Puncak regency residents by Indonesian military (TNI) soldiers and asked that the perpetrators be tried at the III-19 Jayapura Military Court.

    Although the demonstrators tried to negotiate with the police, it ended in frustration. The police then dispersed the crowd by hitting the demonstrators and firing tear gas.

    “Disperse, disperse, this is a public street,” shouted the Commander of Battalion A Pioneer of the Papua Mobile Brigade in Kotaraja Jayapura, Police Commissioner Clief Duwit.

    The police then dispersed the crowd by beating them and firing tear gas.

    Demonstrators ran for their lives towards the JUST campus.

    In Sentani, at the red light junction where protesters began giving speeches and criticise the behaviour of the military in West Papua, security forces arrived quickly with two water canon vehicles.

    Jubi reported that the field coordinator of the FMRPAM action, Kenias Payage, said that his party was taken away by a combination of TNI/Polri security forces while carrying out a peaceful speech at the Sentani red light.

    Sixty two people were reportedly arrested.

    Reverend Benny Giay
    Reverend Benny Giay . . . “Those who are arrested or killed are often referred to as ‘armed groups’, ‘separatists’, ‘terrorists’, and with other accusations.” Image: Jubi/CR-8

    ‘Third party’ probe call
    Meanwhile, Reverend Benny Giay, the moderator of the Papuan Church Council, has called for a “third party” to investigate allegations of violence by the security forces in Papua, reports Jubi News.

    The third party should examine the facts, including allegations that the victims were members of the pro-independence West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB).

    “Those who are arrested or killed are often referred to as ‘armed groups’, ‘separatists’, ‘terrorists’, and with other accusations,” Reverend Giay said.

    “It’s necessary to have a third party to clarify this. There is a lot of violence in Papua now but the media doesn’t classify it, so we suspect everything,” he said earlier this month.

    Reverend Giay cited the incident of racial slurs against Papuan students in Surabaya, East Java, in August 2019, which sparked massive demonstrations in cities across Papua and Indonesia.

    He said that when Papuans protested against the racism, they were instead branded as “insurgents”.

    Reported with the collaboration of the Australia West Papua Association (AWPA) and Jubi News.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Poet and educator Jacqueline Suskin on making space for self-reflection https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/03/poet-and-educator-jacqueline-suskin-on-making-space-for-self-reflection/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/03/poet-and-educator-jacqueline-suskin-on-making-space-for-self-reflection/#respond Wed, 03 Apr 2024 07:00:00 +0000 https://thecreativeindependent.com/people/poet-and-educator-jacqueline-suskin-on-making-space-for-self-reflection I’m a freelancer and I am so bad at having a consistent schedule. I’ve come to accept as it is just who I am, but it can be quite frustrating so I really appreciate your latest book A Year In Practice that looks at the cycles of nature as guidance for creative practices.

    Well, I like that you’re starting with that kind of admission because I think a lot of people have a really hard time finding their rhythm for discipline. A lot of what inspired me to make this book was actual conversations I had with other artists who were searching for something that would help them. And I myself have searched for that in my practice many times, and at some point I was like, “Well, I don’t need to reinvent the wheel. Rhythms of the earth exist and those are what guide me in so many other areas. I wonder how they guide my creative practice?” Instead of feeling bad for needing naps in the winter I can think: I’m actually fully in sync with the planet and that’s what I’m made of, so it makes sense that I don’t have a lot of energy right now.

    I think that’s what a lot of art is for me, is someone will write something and I see it and I’m like, “That’s exactly how I feel.” Now I know I’m not alone. I’m not off the mark. I’m in sync with other people who are maybe tapping into similar things and that feels like community or connection.

    What’s your approach of finding a balance between pulling away from outside pressures but not completely desynchronizing from the rest of the world?

    The more nuanced point of the book is this idea that we can tap into seasonal energies and utilize them whenever we can. And that’s the practice part: How do you get to know what it feels like for you to be nourished in whichever season you’re in? And it’s very specific to each person. It’s this personalized sort of relationship that you have to learn and recognize. And then once you do that and continuously get to know it and approach it, then you can turn it on whenever you need to.

    So I see it more of a really applicable kind of accessible thing that you learn and then a hat you put on or something where you’re like, “Oh, I have 10 minutes right now. I’m going to practice being in stillness because that’s actually what this season really wants from me.” Even though all the other hours of the day I’m rushing around, I at least remember now that I can practice this winter sensation.

    I like that approach, that it can be a practice rather than reworking your entire lifestyle. Being in the Northern Hemisphere during its winter we will be more tired and then it’s nice to not feel lazy but instead feel in sync with the environment.

    Yeah, and you have a choice in it. And because you are an earthling, you are a being on planet earth, you are guided by the earth. There’s so many things that we don’t notice or name in our practice, or during our day, or during our creative output, that are really in sync with what the earth is doing. And I actually think that noticing those things and practicing that noticing can kind of uncover a lot of other things that maybe give that sense of affirmation that you belong to something larger than yourself, which I think can fuel artistry.

    Then that sense of being connected to the earth can help open up a bunch of other doors of exploration, because it does kind of turn on this little cosmic sense of, “Oh, I’m part of this wider story and my artwork is, too.” And then it kind of gives you that lift of, even if you’re not creating something in the name of output, you’re kind of following the footsteps or the guidance of this bigger planetary rhythm. And I think that can be really fortifying for practice in the future.

    Do you work with people who do not consider creating art their full time pursuit?

    Yeah, I work and interact both with people who see art as their job and people who do not.

    I am interested in the bridge between because being a full time artist myself I want to stay connected and rooted to reality. People who aren’t artists for a living, they’re my audience, they’re my community, and I don’t want to be separate from them.

    I think a lot of artists who I love are full-on just in their zone creating and pulling things from their own perception all the time. And then there’s another way of being, which is being in conversation. And I really appreciate that because I love art that can almost reach anyone. And I love weird, esoteric art also, believe me, and I respect it deeply, and I think there’s a lot of space for it and we need it. But my artwork has always been rooted in this kind of understanding of accessibility and what am I trying to make accessible to my fellow humans, whether they’re artists or not. And part of that is me helping them to turn on their own artistry and observe that. How does that apply to their day-to-day life, even if they aren’t making a living off of being artists? I just think that all of that is really complex and nuanced, and I’m totally fascinated by how it works.

    I relate to what you are saying. I give creative workshops for teenagers and the elderly and I like stepping out of the “professional” art scene. I learn a lot from it.

    Yeah. How does it expand? That’s what I’m always interested in. Because I think that the root of everything…the universe and everything in it is constantly trying to expand, and that’s what we’re doing in our work, too. And I think turning on the light of everyone else’s artistry kind of gives space for that expansion. And also it’s like an experiment. This whole thing is just this grand experiment of being alive, this weird, chaotic experiment in the cosmos. And I’m like, what’s going to happen when this person who works their day job practices having the mindset of a poet? They’ll start observing more. I think all artistry is this big through line of self-reflection, and that’s a very healing and transformative space to be in.

    So what happens when we build these toolkits and share them with each other so that each person can expand in their own way? I’m like, “That’s how the world is made.” So that’s what I’m most interested in, is I want to see all these people’s visions and ideas come into fruition in some ways, even if they’re just little ways during the day in their own private life, but that’ll affect someone around them. And I’m fascinated by that.

    Photos of Jacqueline and books by Cody Sells

    Since the two of us are based in the Northern Hemisphere in cold cities I thought it would be nice for you to elaborate on a winter prompt. How about journal reviewing? That spoke to me.

    Yeah, I love talking about that. I work with a lot of people one-on-one who are trying to either get a book written or figure out what it looks like to have a writing practice at all. And a lot of that work starts with them saying, “I have all of these journals that I’ve written in for however many years and I don’t know what to do with them.”

    A big part of my personal practice has been to develop this system with my journals that has helped me review everything I’ve written and sort out the stuff that I want to use and utilize. I created just a little very rudimentary symbol method where I kind of write these symbols next to things that I’m writing in real time because it helps me go back later and be like, “Okay, so this is a poem. I want to get this draft into the computer and edit it.” Or, “This is just an idea for something, a piece of writing, a poem, maybe an essay,” maybe it’s just one line that I like, I don’t know. And so there’s a little symbol.

    And then there’s also something that I really want to flesh out and add to a longer form project. So I think doing it in the winter is a nice time to approach that type of project because maybe you have a little bit more space, or maybe there’s a little bit more silence around you, or maybe you’re a less inclined to be social so you have more space to be emotional and private with these things in your journal as you do this process of collecting for future projects or figuring out what you’ve left yourself. Because usually if you’ve been writing in a journal for a consistent amount of time, you’ve left yourself some golden nuggets, some bits of beauty that you can weave into the current moment.

    So I think that that practice is crucial for every artist, no matter what your medium is. It doesn’t matter if you’re a writer or whatever you make, your journals are probably full of great subject matter, but if you don’t give yourself the time or create a system to move through it all, then it’ll just be sitting there on the shelf and you won’t know what it is. And maybe that’s what would help you move forward or get you unstuck or deliver something new into your practice. It will be you from the past, but you have to have that uninterrupted time to do it. And so to me, winter is just a nice time of year to maybe appreciate that you could say, “Hey, it’s snowing, or it’s really gray and cold out. I’m not going to go do anything anyway, so maybe I’ll sit with myself and what I’ve created for myself.”

    Now I’m really in the mood to do that. You write about creating the space to navigate your core. Could you elaborate on that?

    I think making any type of artwork or calling in any kind of creative selfhood or self-expression revolves a lot around knowing yourself and knowing what you really need, what you really want, what you really think about things. And I mean, another word for that is your imagination and what’s happening in your imagination. And I think of that as the core of myself, the deep down experience of what it is to be myself in the world. But I don’t think that we get the chance to just explore that in everyday moments. I think you actually have to intentionally look in there and take the time to really go into the depths of yourself. And that takes, first of all, a lot of practice and a lot of care, and there’s a lot of methodologies that can help you do that. So there’s a lot of studying. And that’s kind of part of practicing to me, is studying something.

    But then I think in winter, I’m so connected to the stillness that’s happening in the planet that I’m able to access that stillness in myself a little more, and then that core conversation can kind of come out with ease. As opposed to maybe in the frantic energy of spring, I might not be able to hear myself as much because I’m excited or because I’m getting ready to communicate with other people and I’m hearing them more. So I think knowing that there’s this time of year where things get a little bit more quiet, I look forward to that as the time of year where then I can maybe have a little more introspection. But again, thinking of that as more of an energetic thing and not like a regimented prescriptive concept, but you can call on the energy of winter whenever you need to.

    I get so nervous when winter is about to end. I can be quite introverted and I need a lot of solo time to recharge so spring approaching can kind of freak me out.

    That’s the worst one for me. It’s hard. I really learned that when I wrote this book that, well, first of all, transitions for me in general in all of life are very hard. Like coming home from a trip or getting ready to leave for a trip. But witnessing the shift from winter to spring, I think naturally we would assume that that’s an incredibly exciting period. There’s going to be flowers everywhere. There’s going to be beauty everywhere. And for me and my little system, I’m just like, “Oh my gosh, I don’t know if I’m ready. It’s so intense.” And I really think that that was probably the most surprising information I received from writing the book, was how really difficult spring is for me when it first begins. When it finally takes hold and we’re out and everything is thawed, it’s okay. But that shift from inner to outer in general, I think is really hard for me.

    I can super relate to that. And what are some things that have maybe made that shift easier for you? Or is it just hard and that’s okay?

    Remembering that it’s hard I think is so important. Remembering that it’s difficult, so then I’m a little bit slower and kinder to myself, and maybe I’m a little bit more in tune with my internal monologue, and I’m not as sharp with myself for having a harder time. What does it look like now for this other part of my life to be a little bit slower?” And I think that’s what my mindset turns to when I’m transitioning from winter to spring is like, take a breath, take a beat. Don’t start too soon. Really try to be in touch with the way it feels in your body to slow down. And that’s not an easy thing to do, but I think it’s something that has felt really worthwhile for me to practice.

    Yeah, that’s helpful. Also, it’ll be different in every region. In Berlin there isn’t a linear trajectory of winter moving into spring. Tulips can blossom in February and April can be snowy. So, learning from your book, I think it’s important to notice nature and learn from it.

    Yeah. It’s a good reminder that it’s just not simply linear.

    There are little steps and you step a little bit forward and you step a little bit backward. And that’s actually how all of life works.

    I do think we’re conditioned to think that everything should just be this step-by-step procedure. And when it’s not, then that means we’ve done something wrong. But the truth is we’re doing exactly what the earth is doing. And in that transition, things are really frantic and so we might feel really frantic. And instead of me being like, “Oh, I’m going to shame myself for being in this frantic state and not maybe being as dedicated to my routine,” I just instead say, “Well, that’s what the earth is up to.” There’s all these little planetary prompts in the book that are like, “You’re doing the same thing that earth is doing, and noticing that might help you feel a little bit better about it.”

    Jacqueline Suskin Recommends:

    Read: Black Nature

    Listen: Neu Blume

    Support: InsideOut

    Watch: All That Breathes

    Witness: The Nap Ministry


    This content originally appeared on The Creative Independent and was authored by Grashina Gabelmann.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/03/poet-and-educator-jacqueline-suskin-on-making-space-for-self-reflection/feed/ 0 467769
    Asia Pacific community and media research group go online https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/02/asia-pacific-community-and-media-research-group-go-online/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/02/asia-pacific-community-and-media-research-group-go-online/#respond Tue, 02 Apr 2024 02:58:11 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=99223 Asia Pacific Report

    A community-based Asia-Pacific network of academics, journalists and activists has now gone online with an umbrella website for its publications, current affairs and research.

    The nonprofit Asia Pacific Media Network, publishers of Pacific Journalism Review research journal, has until now relied on its Facebook page.

    “The APMN is addressing a gap in the region for independent media commentary and providing a network for journalists and academics,” said director Dr Heather Devere.

    “Our network aims to protect the free dissemination of information that might challenge political elites, exposing discrimination and corruption, as well as analysing more traditional media outlets.”

    Pacific Journalism Review editor Dr Philip Cass said: “For 30 years, PJR has been the only journal focusing exclusively on media and journalism in the Pacific region.”

    APMN has members in Australia, Fiji, New Zealand, Indonesia and the Philippines and has links to the Manila-based AMIC, Asia-Pacific’s largest communication research centre.

    Deputy director and founding editor of PJR, Dr David Robie, was awarded the 2015 AMIC Asia Communication Award for his services to education, research, institution building and journalism.

    Conference partner
    The new website publishes news, newsletters, submissions, and research, and the network is a partner in the forthcoming international Pacific Media Conference being hosted by the University of the South Pacific on July 4-6.

    APMN is also a partner with Auckland’s Mount Roskill-based Whānau Community Centre and Hub.

    Many of the team involved were a core group in AUT’s Pacific Media Centre which closed at the end of 2020.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/02/asia-pacific-community-and-media-research-group-go-online/feed/ 0 467495
    USP faces a ‘gathering storm’ over leadership and a looming strike https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/30/usp-faces-a-gathering-storm-over-leadership-and-a-looming-strike/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/30/usp-faces-a-gathering-storm-over-leadership-and-a-looming-strike/#respond Sat, 30 Mar 2024 05:17:41 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=99114 Asia Pacific Report

    The University of the South Pacific — one of only two regional universities in the world — is facing a “gathering storm” over leadership, a management crisis and a looming strike, reports Islands Business.

    In the six-page cover story in the latest edition of the regional news magazine this week, IB reports that pay demands by the 12-nation institution “headline other contentions such as the number of unfilled vacancies and the strain that the unions say it’s causing staff”.

    The magazine also reported concerns about the “diminishing presence of Pacific Island academics” at what is a regional institution with 30,000 students representing Cook Islands, Fiji, Kiribati, Nauru, Niue, Republic of the Marshall Islands, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Tokelau, Tonga, Tuvalu and Vanuatu.

    The world’s other regional university is the Jamaica-based University of the West Indies with five campuses in 18 countries and 50,000 students.

    Another factor at USP is the “absence of female academics, and questions over the way some key contracts have been handled by management”.

    Staff say there are no longer any female professors at the Pacific university and the institution recently failed to renew the contract of Nobel Prize-winning academic Dr Elisabeth Holland, formerly professor of ocean and climate change and the longtime director of USP’s Pacific Centre for Environment and Sustainable Development (PaCE-SD), in controversial circumstances.

    She had been one of USP’s most distinguished staff members and a key Pacific climate crisis voice in global forums.

    Plunged into crisis
    “In February 2021, the University of the South Pacific (USP) was plunged into crisis when vice-chancellor Professor Pal Ahluwalia was unceremoniously thrown out of Fiji following a middle-of-the-night raid on his campus residence, accused by the then [FijiFirst] government of Voreqe Bainimarama of breaching the country’s immigration laws,” wrote the magazine’s Fiji correspondent Joe Yaya, himself a former graduate of the university who was a member of the award-winning USP student journalism team covering the George Speight attempted coup in May 2000.

    “Within months of taking up the job in 2019, a bombshell report by Ahluwalia had alleged widespread financial mismanagement within the university under former administrations. It triggered an independent investigation by New Zealand-based accounting firm BDO and Ahluwalia’s eventual expulsion from Fiji.

    “Three years later, USP finds itself beset by a host of new problems, most prominent among them an overwhelming vote this month by staff across Fiji (97 percent of academic staff and 94 percent of administration and support personnel) to go on strike over pay issues.”

    USP's Professor Pal Ahluwalia
    USP’s Professor Pal Ahluwalia . . . facing mounting opposition from the university’s staff with unions planning strike action. Image: Fijivillage News

    Some of the concerns about pay and appointments are shared by key members of the USP Council and its senior management team.

    “Leadership emerged as a major point of discussion in interviews conducted by Islands Business,” wrote Yaya.

    Dr Ahluwalia reportedly retains firm support from some USP Council members, and also the student association.

    However, Islands Business reported that the university management had refused to respond to the magazine’s questions.

    Several interview efforts
    “Over a seven-week period beginning January 22, we made several efforts to reach vice-chancellor Ahluwalia. In mid-February, his office said he would not be able to provide an interview while at Laucala Campus ‘because of his busy schedule’ (they specified ‘engagements with stakeholders and other university-related activities’),” the magazine reported.

    “On March 6, Dr Ahluwalia responded in an email: ‘Many of the questions that you ask in relation to staff are being discussed with the respective unions and it is inappropriate for me to make comments through the media.

    “‘Most of your other questions relate directly to matters that are the business of our Council and its deliberations are confidential so it is inappropriate too for me to discuss these matters outside of Council.'”

    Islands Business also sought a response from Professor Pat Walsh, acting pro-chancellor of USP, and chair of the Council. Dr Walsh is the New Zealand government’s representative on the Council. He did not respond to Islands Business.

    Former USP pro-chancellor and chair, now Marshall Islands President Dr Hilda Heine, told Islands Business that during her term with USP, one of the “strong challenges we faced was the issue with the vice-chancellor”.

    Professor Ahluwalia’s extended work contract is expected to be finalised at next month’s Council meeting which has been moved from May to April 26-27.

    The vice-chancellor is due to meet the staff unions in mediation on Tuesday in a bid to avoid a staff strike.

    University of the South Pacific protesting in black
    University of the South Pacific staff protesting last November in black with placards calling for “fair pay” and for vice-chancellor Professor Ahluwalia to resign. Image: Association of USP Staff (AUSPS)


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/30/usp-faces-a-gathering-storm-over-leadership-and-a-looming-strike/feed/ 0 467088
    USP faces a ‘gathering storm’ over leadership and a looming strike https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/30/usp-faces-a-gathering-storm-over-leadership-and-a-looming-strike-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/30/usp-faces-a-gathering-storm-over-leadership-and-a-looming-strike-2/#respond Sat, 30 Mar 2024 05:17:41 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=99114 Asia Pacific Report

    The University of the South Pacific — one of only two regional universities in the world — is facing a “gathering storm” over leadership, a management crisis and a looming strike, reports Islands Business.

    In the six-page cover story in the latest edition of the regional news magazine this week, IB reports that pay demands by the 12-nation institution “headline other contentions such as the number of unfilled vacancies and the strain that the unions say it’s causing staff”.

    The magazine also reported concerns about the “diminishing presence of Pacific Island academics” at what is a regional institution with 30,000 students representing Cook Islands, Fiji, Kiribati, Nauru, Niue, Republic of the Marshall Islands, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Tokelau, Tonga, Tuvalu and Vanuatu.

    The world’s other regional university is the Jamaica-based University of the West Indies with five campuses in 18 countries and 50,000 students.

    Another factor at USP is the “absence of female academics, and questions over the way some key contracts have been handled by management”.

    Staff say there are no longer any female professors at the Pacific university and the institution recently failed to renew the contract of Nobel Prize-winning academic Dr Elisabeth Holland, formerly professor of ocean and climate change and the longtime director of USP’s Pacific Centre for Environment and Sustainable Development (PaCE-SD), in controversial circumstances.

    She had been one of USP’s most distinguished staff members and a key Pacific climate crisis voice in global forums.

    Plunged into crisis
    “In February 2021, the University of the South Pacific (USP) was plunged into crisis when vice-chancellor Professor Pal Ahluwalia was unceremoniously thrown out of Fiji following a middle-of-the-night raid on his campus residence, accused by the then [FijiFirst] government of Voreqe Bainimarama of breaching the country’s immigration laws,” wrote the magazine’s Fiji correspondent Joe Yaya, himself a former graduate of the university who was a member of the award-winning USP student journalism team covering the George Speight attempted coup in May 2000.

    “Within months of taking up the job in 2019, a bombshell report by Ahluwalia had alleged widespread financial mismanagement within the university under former administrations. It triggered an independent investigation by New Zealand-based accounting firm BDO and Ahluwalia’s eventual expulsion from Fiji.

    “Three years later, USP finds itself beset by a host of new problems, most prominent among them an overwhelming vote this month by staff across Fiji (97 percent of academic staff and 94 percent of administration and support personnel) to go on strike over pay issues.”

    USP's Professor Pal Ahluwalia
    USP’s Professor Pal Ahluwalia . . . facing mounting opposition from the university’s staff with unions planning strike action. Image: Fijivillage News

    Some of the concerns about pay and appointments are shared by key members of the USP Council and its senior management team.

    “Leadership emerged as a major point of discussion in interviews conducted by Islands Business,” wrote Yaya.

    Dr Ahluwalia reportedly retains firm support from some USP Council members, and also the student association.

    However, Islands Business reported that the university management had refused to respond to the magazine’s questions.

    Several interview efforts
    “Over a seven-week period beginning January 22, we made several efforts to reach vice-chancellor Ahluwalia. In mid-February, his office said he would not be able to provide an interview while at Laucala Campus ‘because of his busy schedule’ (they specified ‘engagements with stakeholders and other university-related activities’),” the magazine reported.

    “On March 6, Dr Ahluwalia responded in an email: ‘Many of the questions that you ask in relation to staff are being discussed with the respective unions and it is inappropriate for me to make comments through the media.

    “‘Most of your other questions relate directly to matters that are the business of our Council and its deliberations are confidential so it is inappropriate too for me to discuss these matters outside of Council.'”

    Islands Business also sought a response from Professor Pat Walsh, acting pro-chancellor of USP, and chair of the Council. Dr Walsh is the New Zealand government’s representative on the Council. He did not respond to Islands Business.

    Former USP pro-chancellor and chair, now Marshall Islands President Dr Hilda Heine, told Islands Business that during her term with USP, one of the “strong challenges we faced was the issue with the vice-chancellor”.

    Professor Ahluwalia’s extended work contract is expected to be finalised at next month’s Council meeting which has been moved from May to April 26-27.

    The vice-chancellor is due to meet the staff unions in mediation on Tuesday in a bid to avoid a staff strike.

    University of the South Pacific protesting in black
    University of the South Pacific staff protesting last November in black with placards calling for “fair pay” and for vice-chancellor Professor Ahluwalia to resign. Image: Association of USP Staff (AUSPS)


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/30/usp-faces-a-gathering-storm-over-leadership-and-a-looming-strike-2/feed/ 0 467089
    Huge NZ Pasifika ministry cuts – ‘first steps toward abolition?’ asks Sepuloni https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/29/huge-nz-pasifika-ministry-cuts-first-steps-toward-abolition-asks-sepuloni/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/29/huge-nz-pasifika-ministry-cuts-first-steps-toward-abolition-asks-sepuloni/#respond Fri, 29 Mar 2024 00:23:30 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=99059

    Opposition MPs and unions are criticising a proposal by New Zealand’s Ministry of Pacific Peoples to cut staff by 40 percent.

    The country’s largest trade union — The Public Service Association — says the ministry has informed staff that it is looking to shed 63 of 156 positions.

    Opposition MPs have slammed the decision, which they say will undermine the delivery of services to Pasifika communities in New Zealand.

    Labour MP and former deputy prime minister Carmel Sepuloni said it also reduced a Pasifika voice in the public sector.

    “Our overriding concern is not only the impact on direct support from the delivery of services to communities, but also the equality of advice that would be offered across government agencies in areas such as health, housing or education,” Sepuloni said.

    “We would have a thought that Pacific people should be a priority given the fact that many of the challenges in New Zealand at the moment disproportionately affect Pacific people.”

    The slash is the latest proposal by government to cut staff across the public sector. Within the last week alone, the Ministry for Primary Industries and the Ministry of Health proposed cuts amounting to more than 400 positions.

    Prime Minister Christopher Luxon said the cuts were needed to “right size” the public service.

    Staff cuts had long been promoted by Luxon in order to fund a tax cut package.

    “What’s happened here is that we’ve actually hired 14,000 more public servants and then on top of that, we’ve had a blowout of the consultants and contractor budget from $1.2 billion to $1.7 billion, and it’s gone up every year over the last five to six years,” Luxon said.

    “And really what it speaks to is look, at the end we’re not getting good outcomes,” he added.

    Prime Minister Christopher Luxon
    Prime Minister Christopher Luxon . . . cuts needed to “right size” the public service. Image: RNZ/Angus Dreaver

    But critics say the cuts will only cause mass unemployment and undermine services needed across New Zealand. Public Sector Association national secretary Duane Leo said the cuts would have far-reaching consequences for the health and well-being of Pasifika families in Aotearoa.

    “We know that Pasifika families are more likely to be in overcrowded unhealthy housing situations and challenging environments, and they’re also suffering from the current cost of living,” Leo said.

    “The ministry plays an active role in supporting housing development, the creation of employment opportunities, supporting Pasifika languages cultures and identities, developing social enterprises — this all going to suffer.

    “The government is after these savings to finance $3 billion worth of tax cuts to support landlords … why are they prioritising that when they could be funding services that New Zealanders rely on.”

    Ministry of Pacific Peoples
    NZ’s Ministry of Pacific Peoples . . . the massive cut indicates a move to get rid of the ministry, something that has long been promoted by Coalition partner – the ACT Party. Image: Ministry of Pacific Peoples

    The extent of staff cuts will be revealed next month when the New Zealand government is expected to announce its Budget on May 30.

    Sepuloni said the massive cut indicated a move to get rid of the ministry, something that has long been promoted by Coalition partner — the ACT Party.

    “We have to wonder if these are the first steps towards abolishing the Ministry,” Sepuloni said.

    “It’s undermining the funding to an extent that it looks like they’re trying to make the ministry as ineffective as possible, and potentially justify what ACT has wanted from the beginning . . . which is to disestablish the ministry.”

    In response to criticism about cuts to the Ministry of Pacific Peoples, Finance Minister Nicola Willis said all government agencies should be engaging with the Pacific community — not just the Ministry of Pacific Peoples.

    Willis said the agency had grown significantly in recent years and a rethink was appropriate.

    “It’s our expectation as a government that every agency engaged effectively with the Pacific community not just that ministry,” Willis said.

    “We think the growth that has gone on in that ministry was excessive.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/29/huge-nz-pasifika-ministry-cuts-first-steps-toward-abolition-asks-sepuloni/feed/ 0 466867
    Auckland Polyfest 2024: Vibrant showcase of cultural diversity, youth empowerment https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/26/auckland-polyfest-2024-vibrant-showcase-of-cultural-diversity-youth-empowerment/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/26/auckland-polyfest-2024-vibrant-showcase-of-cultural-diversity-youth-empowerment/#respond Tue, 26 Mar 2024 23:18:29 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=98923 SPECIAL REPORT: By Tiana Haxton, RNZ Pacific journalist

    South Auckland was a hub of indigenous pride as the Auckland Polyfest 2024 revealed a vibrant celebration of cultural diversity, youth empowerment, and the enduring legacy of Pasifika heritage.

    From the rhythmic beats of Cook Islands drums to the grace and elegance of Siva Samoa, the festival brought together over 200 teams from 69 schools across Aotearoa.

    Polyfest, now in its 49th year, continues to captivate audiences as one of the largest Pacific festivals in Aotearoa.

    What began in 1976 as a modest gathering to encourage pride in cultural identities has evolved into a monumental event, attracting up to 100,000 visitors annually.

    Held at the Manukau Sports Bowl, secondary school students from across New Zealand share traditional dance forms and compete on six stages over four days.

    Five stages are dedicated to the Cook Islands, New Zealand Māori, Niue, Samoa and Tonga.

    A sixth “diversity” stage encourages representation and involvement of students from all other ethnicities, ranging from Fijian, Kiribati and Tuvaluan, through to Chinese, Filipino, Indian and South Korean.

    ‘Rite of passage’
    For festival director Terri Leo-Mauu, Polyfest represents more than just a showcase of talent — it’s a platform for youth to connect with their cultural heritage and celebrate their identities.

    Auckland Polyfest 2024 – a vibrant showcase.  Video: RNZ

    “It’s important for them to carry on the tradition, a rite of passage almost,” Leo-Mauu said.

    “It’s also important to them because they get to belong to something, they get to meet friends along the way and get to share this journey with other people.”

    Samoa Stage performers at the Auckland Polyfest 2024.
    Samoa stage performers at the Auckland Polyfest 2024. Image: RNZ Pacific/Tiana Haxton

    The sentiment is echoed by participants like Allen Palemia and Abigail Ikiua, who serve as youth leaders for their respective cultural teams.

    For Palemia, leading Aorere College’s Samoan team, Polyfest is a chance to express cultural pride and forge lifelong connections.

    “Polyfest is great . . .  it is one of the ways we can express our culture and further connect and appreciate it.”

    Aorere College team leaders at the Auckland Polyfest 2024.
    Aorere College team leaders at the Auckland Polyfest 2024. Image: RNZ Pacific/Tiana Haxton

    Similarly, Ikiua, a team lead for the Niue team, sees Polyfest as a platform for cultural revival and self-discovery.

    Reconnecting culture
    “I think Polyfest is a good place for people to reconnect to their culture more, and just a way for people to find out who they are and embrace it more.”

    Niue Stage performers at the Auckland Polyfest 2024.
    Niue stage performers at the Auckland Polyfest 2024. Image: RNZ Pacific/Tiana Haxton

    Connection to their indigenous heritage plays a huge role in the identities of the young ones themselves.

    Fati Timaio from Massey High School is representing Tuvalu, the third smallest country in the world.

    He shared how proud he is to be recognised as Tuvaluan when he performs.

    “It’s important to me cus like when people ask me oh what’s your nationality? and you say Tuvaluan they will only know cus you told them aye but like when you come to Polyfest and perform, they know, they will look at you and say oohh he’s Tuvaluan . . .  you know what I mean.”

    big group shot - Massey High School - Tuvalu group
    Massey High School’s Tuvalu group performing at ASB Polyfest 2024. Image: RNZ Pacific/Tiana Haxton

    Festival goers say this celebration of cultural identities from te moana nui o kiva and beyond is reinvigorating the young ones of Aotearoa.

    The caliber of performances was astronomical, an indication of what to expect at next year’s event, which will also be the 50th anniversary of Polyfest.

    50 years event
    The 50 year’s celebrations next year are expected to be even bigger and better following the announcement of a $60,000 funding boost by the Minister for Pacific Peoples, Dr Shane Reti.

    Reti said the government’s sponsorship of the festival recognises the value and role languages play in building confidence for Pacific youth.

    An additional $60,0000 funding boost will also be given to the festival in 2030 to mark its 55th year.

    Samoa Stage performers at the Auckland Polyfest 2024.
    Samoa stage performers at the Auckland Polyfest 2024. Image: RNZ Pacific/Tiana Haxton

    With the 50th anniversary of Polyfest on the horizon, the future of the festival looks brighter than ever, promising even greater opportunities for cultural exchange, community engagement, and youth empowerment.

    Festival organisers are expecting participant figures to surpass pre-covid numbers at next year’s event.

    The pre-pandemic record saw 280 groups from 75 schools involved.

    Cook Islands performers at the Auckland Polyfest 2024.
    Cook Islands performers at the Auckland Polyfest 2024. Image: RNZ Pacific/Tiana Haxton
    • Competition results are available here

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/26/auckland-polyfest-2024-vibrant-showcase-of-cultural-diversity-youth-empowerment/feed/ 0 466408
    Auckland Polyfest 2024: Vibrant showcase of cultural diversity, youth empowerment https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/26/auckland-polyfest-2024-vibrant-showcase-of-cultural-diversity-youth-empowerment-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/26/auckland-polyfest-2024-vibrant-showcase-of-cultural-diversity-youth-empowerment-2/#respond Tue, 26 Mar 2024 23:18:29 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=98923 SPECIAL REPORT: By Tiana Haxton, RNZ Pacific journalist

    South Auckland was a hub of indigenous pride as the Auckland Polyfest 2024 revealed a vibrant celebration of cultural diversity, youth empowerment, and the enduring legacy of Pasifika heritage.

    From the rhythmic beats of Cook Islands drums to the grace and elegance of Siva Samoa, the festival brought together over 200 teams from 69 schools across Aotearoa.

    Polyfest, now in its 49th year, continues to captivate audiences as one of the largest Pacific festivals in Aotearoa.

    What began in 1976 as a modest gathering to encourage pride in cultural identities has evolved into a monumental event, attracting up to 100,000 visitors annually.

    Held at the Manukau Sports Bowl, secondary school students from across New Zealand share traditional dance forms and compete on six stages over four days.

    Five stages are dedicated to the Cook Islands, New Zealand Māori, Niue, Samoa and Tonga.

    A sixth “diversity” stage encourages representation and involvement of students from all other ethnicities, ranging from Fijian, Kiribati and Tuvaluan, through to Chinese, Filipino, Indian and South Korean.

    ‘Rite of passage’
    For festival director Terri Leo-Mauu, Polyfest represents more than just a showcase of talent — it’s a platform for youth to connect with their cultural heritage and celebrate their identities.

    Auckland Polyfest 2024 – a vibrant showcase.  Video: RNZ

    “It’s important for them to carry on the tradition, a rite of passage almost,” Leo-Mauu said.

    “It’s also important to them because they get to belong to something, they get to meet friends along the way and get to share this journey with other people.”

    Samoa Stage performers at the Auckland Polyfest 2024.
    Samoa stage performers at the Auckland Polyfest 2024. Image: RNZ Pacific/Tiana Haxton

    The sentiment is echoed by participants like Allen Palemia and Abigail Ikiua, who serve as youth leaders for their respective cultural teams.

    For Palemia, leading Aorere College’s Samoan team, Polyfest is a chance to express cultural pride and forge lifelong connections.

    “Polyfest is great . . .  it is one of the ways we can express our culture and further connect and appreciate it.”

    Aorere College team leaders at the Auckland Polyfest 2024.
    Aorere College team leaders at the Auckland Polyfest 2024. Image: RNZ Pacific/Tiana Haxton

    Similarly, Ikiua, a team lead for the Niue team, sees Polyfest as a platform for cultural revival and self-discovery.

    Reconnecting culture
    “I think Polyfest is a good place for people to reconnect to their culture more, and just a way for people to find out who they are and embrace it more.”

    Niue Stage performers at the Auckland Polyfest 2024.
    Niue stage performers at the Auckland Polyfest 2024. Image: RNZ Pacific/Tiana Haxton

    Connection to their indigenous heritage plays a huge role in the identities of the young ones themselves.

    Fati Timaio from Massey High School is representing Tuvalu, the third smallest country in the world.

    He shared how proud he is to be recognised as Tuvaluan when he performs.

    “It’s important to me cus like when people ask me oh what’s your nationality? and you say Tuvaluan they will only know cus you told them aye but like when you come to Polyfest and perform, they know, they will look at you and say oohh he’s Tuvaluan . . .  you know what I mean.”

    big group shot - Massey High School - Tuvalu group
    Massey High School’s Tuvalu group performing at ASB Polyfest 2024. Image: RNZ Pacific/Tiana Haxton

    Festival goers say this celebration of cultural identities from te moana nui o kiva and beyond is reinvigorating the young ones of Aotearoa.

    The caliber of performances was astronomical, an indication of what to expect at next year’s event, which will also be the 50th anniversary of Polyfest.

    50 years event
    The 50 year’s celebrations next year are expected to be even bigger and better following the announcement of a $60,000 funding boost by the Minister for Pacific Peoples, Dr Shane Reti.

    Reti said the government’s sponsorship of the festival recognises the value and role languages play in building confidence for Pacific youth.

    An additional $60,0000 funding boost will also be given to the festival in 2030 to mark its 55th year.

    Samoa Stage performers at the Auckland Polyfest 2024.
    Samoa stage performers at the Auckland Polyfest 2024. Image: RNZ Pacific/Tiana Haxton

    With the 50th anniversary of Polyfest on the horizon, the future of the festival looks brighter than ever, promising even greater opportunities for cultural exchange, community engagement, and youth empowerment.

    Festival organisers are expecting participant figures to surpass pre-covid numbers at next year’s event.

    The pre-pandemic record saw 280 groups from 75 schools involved.

    Cook Islands performers at the Auckland Polyfest 2024.
    Cook Islands performers at the Auckland Polyfest 2024. Image: RNZ Pacific/Tiana Haxton
    • Competition results are available here

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/26/auckland-polyfest-2024-vibrant-showcase-of-cultural-diversity-youth-empowerment-2/feed/ 0 466409
    Idaho Legislature Approves $2 Billion for Schools to Repair and Replace Aging Buildings https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/22/idaho-legislature-approves-2-billion-for-schools-to-repair-and-replace-aging-buildings/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/22/idaho-legislature-approves-2-billion-for-schools-to-repair-and-replace-aging-buildings/#respond Fri, 22 Mar 2024 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/idaho-legislature-approves-funding-for-school-repairs by Becca Savransky, Idaho Statesman

    This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with the Idaho Statesman. Sign up for Dispatches to get stories like this one as soon as they are published.

    School districts across Idaho will soon receive hundreds of millions of dollars to help repair and replace their aging buildings, thanks to a bill that cleared its final hurdle in the Idaho Senate on Thursday.

    House Bill 521 will invest $1.5 billion in new funding and redirect $500 million over 10 years for school facilities across the state. But critics say it still won’t be enough to address the years of neglect left from the state’s failure to fund school facilities.

    Idaho school districts have for decades struggled to fix or replace their aging, deteriorating schools and build new ones to accommodate the state’s rapid growth. Over the past year, the Idaho Statesman and ProPublica have reported on how Idaho’s restrictive policies and the state’s reluctance to make significant investments in school facilities have led to students learning in schools with failing heating systems, leaking roofs, discolored drinking water and overcrowded classrooms.

    Citing the stories, Gov. Brad Little called to make funding for school facilities “priority No. 1” in his State of the State address in January. He proposed putting $2 billion toward school facilities over 10 years, or $200 million per year.

    “Together, we delivered,” Little said in a statement on Thursday. “Together, we secured the largest-ever investment in school facilities funding in state history while giving families back more of their hard-earned money with property and income tax relief.”

    The bill, which the governor is expected to sign into law, will create a new fund that will allocate money to districts based on average daily attendance. School districts could choose to take the money in a lump sum or annually over 10 years.

    Estimates provided to the Statesman and ProPublica last month from the governor’s office show West Ada, the largest district in the state, will receive about $140 million from this fund. The Salmon School District, which has been trying for more than a decade to replace its elementary school and build a new K-8 building in remote Central Idaho, will get about $2.6 million — not nearly enough to construct a new school.

    Some legislators raised concerns that the bill doesn’t fully solve the problem, favors urban districts and leaves rural districts without the funding they need. Lawmakers also said the state doesn’t have a complete picture of the scope of the issue, in part because there hasn’t been a statewide facilities assessment in three decades.

    “Let’s not pass a billion-dollar bill and then say we fixed facilities at the literal expense of our rural school districts,” said Sen. Carrie Semmelroth, D-Boise.

    The bill has been largely supported by education groups and superintendents across the state, though many agree rural areas will still not get the amount they need for new schools and maintenance.

    “There are some who seem to believe this fixes the problem,” Moscow Superintendent Shawn Tiegs said in an email. “It doesn’t. It is just the start.”

    Under the bill, the Moscow School District will get about $8.4 million from the newly created fund, according to estimates from the governor’s office. Moscow schools have faced issues with overcrowding, leaks, security, and heating and cooling. One of its elementary schools is nearly 100 years old and has a boiler from 1926.

    Tiegs said the Legislature should consider prioritizing older schools or poorer districts. Some superintendents believe the Legislature should give a base amount to each district to level the playing field.

    A series of supplemental bills introduced Thursday could change how much money school districts get for their facilities. The legislation, known as “trailer bills,” work like amendments by altering bills after they pass. One of the bills, which would still need to be approved by the Legislature, would require that each school district get at least $100,000 and would cap the distributions at $100 million. West Ada is the only district that would be affected by the cap, according to the estimates from the governor’s office. The remaining money would then be redistributed to smaller districts.

    Education groups and lawmakers acknowledged the bill that passed Thursday will not eliminate the need for school districts to run bond elections to replace their schools.

    “We believe this is an important leap in making these necessary investments in our school facilities,” Quinn Perry from the Idaho School Boards Association said during a legislative hearing this month. “While, again, this is an important investment, it simply will not exclude the reality that most districts will still have to ask their taxpayers for financial support on new builds or even school renovation projects.”

    Passing bonds has been difficult for school districts because Idaho is one of two states in the nation that requires two-thirds of voters to support a bond for it to pass. A resolution, which could start the process to lower that threshold, has not yet been debated on the House floor.

    The facilities bill that passed Thursday will also add about $25 million a year and redirect about $50 million a year to a fund that school districts can use to pay off their bonds and levies. School districts with remaining funds can use it for facilities projects.

    The bill also included a number of concessions to gain support in the heavily conservative Legislature. It will lower the state’s income tax rate and eliminate the August election date, one of the three remaining dates school districts can run bonds and levy elections. Republican leaders say that given the new money, there will be less need for districts to ask their communities for funding. The bill will also phase out a program that used a formula based on income and market values to give some districts money to lower their debts from school bonds.

    Some superintendents have also raised concerns because the bill will require school districts on a four-day week that want to receive the funding to meet a minimum number of instructional days. Dozens of Idaho districts have moved to four-day weeks to save money or attract educators, and some districts worry these new guidelines could disrupt their schedules. But bills introduced Thursday could repeal the provision or delay its implementation for a year, giving school districts more time to plan.

    Paul Anselmo, the superintendent of the Kamiah School District, a small, rural district in North Idaho, said even with this bill, his district likely won’t get enough to make lasting improvements in its schools. Kamiah will receive about $1.5 million from the newly created fund. Kamiah schools have faced issues with security, leaks, heating and cooling, exposed wiring and holes in the walls.

    “While we appreciate the additional funds coming into our district, the amount Kamiah would receive would allow us to continue to put ‘band aids’ on our facility issues,” Anselmo said in an email. “A small district could have severe needs and this funding would not allow them to fully address their needs.”

    Asia Fields contributed reporting.


    This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Becca Savransky, Idaho Statesman.

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    Controversial New Education System (NES) Sparks Concern in Houston Public Schools https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/19/controversial-new-education-system-nes-sparks-concern-in-houston-public-schools/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/19/controversial-new-education-system-nes-sparks-concern-in-houston-public-schools/#respond Tue, 19 Mar 2024 19:27:38 +0000 https://www.projectcensored.org/?p=39021 In the article featured in the Winter 2023-2024 edition of Rethinking Schools, titled “The Takeover of Houston Public Schools,” Larry Miller reported on the Texas state legislature taking control of Houston’s Independent School District (ISD) through its Texas Education Agency. State officials chose to dissolve the elected school board, appointing…

    The post Controversial New Education System (NES) Sparks Concern in Houston Public Schools appeared first on Project Censored.


    This content originally appeared on Project Censored and was authored by Shealeigh.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/19/controversial-new-education-system-nes-sparks-concern-in-houston-public-schools/feed/ 0 465023
    The Hostility Black Women Face in Higher Education Carries Dire Consequences https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/19/the-hostility-black-women-face-in-higher-education-carries-dire-consequences/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/19/the-hostility-black-women-face-in-higher-education-carries-dire-consequences/#respond Tue, 19 Mar 2024 05:41:39 +0000 https://www.counterpunch.org/?p=316454

    Isolated. Abused. Overworked.

    These are the themes that emerged when I invited nine Black women to chronicle their professional experiences and relationships with colleagues as they earned their Ph.D.s at a public university in the Midwest. I featured their writings in to get my Ph.D. in curriculum and instruction.

    The women spoke of being silenced.

    “It’s not just the beating me down that is hard,” one participant told me about constantly having her intelligence questioned. “It is the fact that it feels like I’m villainized and made out to be the problem for trying to advocate for myself.”

    The women told me they did not feel like they belonged. They spoke of routinely being isolated by peers and potential mentors.

    One participant told me she felt that peer community, faculty mentorship and cultural affinity spaces were lacking.

    Because of the isolation, participants often felt that they were missing out on various opportunities, such as funding and opportunities to get their work published.

    Participants also discussed the ways they felt they were duped into taking on more than their fair share of work.

    “I realized I had been tricked into handling a two- to four-person job entirely by myself,” one participant said of her paid graduate position. “This happened just about a month before the pandemic occurred so it very quickly got swept under the rug.”

    Why it matters

    The hostility that Black women face in higher education can be hazardous to their health. The women in my study told me they were struggling with depression, had thought about suicide and felt physically ill when they had to go to campus.

    Other studies have found similar outcomes. For instance, a 2020 study of 220 U.S. Black college women ages 18-48 found that even though being seen as a strong Black woman came with its benefits – such as being thought of as resilient, hardworking, independent and nurturing – it also came at a cost to their mental and physical health.

    These kinds of experiences can take a toll on women’s bodies and can result in poor maternal health, cancer, shorter life expectancy and other symptoms that impair their ability to be well.

    I believe my research takes on greater urgency in light of the recent death of Antoinette “Bonnie” Candia-Bailey, who was vice president of student affairs at Lincoln University. Before she died by suicide, she reportedly wrote that she felt she was suffering abuse and that the university wasn’t taking her mental health concerns seriously.

    What other research is being done

    Several anthologies examine the negative experiences that Black women experience in academia. They include education scholars Venus Evans-Winters and Bettina Love’s edited volume, “Black Feminism in Education,” which examines how Black women navigate what it means to be a scholar in a “white supremacist patriarchal society.” Gender and sexuality studies scholar Stephanie Evans analyzes the barriers that Black women faced in accessing higher education from 1850 to 1954. In “Black Women, Ivory Tower,” African American studies professor Jasmine Harris recounts her own traumatic experiences in the world of higher education.

    What’s next

    In addition to publishing the findings of my research study, I plan to continue exploring the depths of Black women’s experiences in academia, expanding my research to include undergraduate students, as well as faculty and staff.

    I believe this research will strengthen this field of study and enable people who work in higher education to develop and implement more comprehensive solutions.

    This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


    This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Ebony Aya.

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    A tribute to a Pacific visionary – remembering Epeli Hau’ofa https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/17/a-tribute-to-a-pacific-visionary-remembering-epeli-hauofa/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/17/a-tribute-to-a-pacific-visionary-remembering-epeli-hauofa/#respond Sun, 17 Mar 2024 23:52:01 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=98412

    By Aisha Azeemah in Suva

    With the lights on one of his sneakers blinking as he ran through the gallery, a little boy looked up at several works of art. One of them was a sculpture of his grandfather: the man who changed how we see the Pacific — Epeli Hau’ofa, a name renowned across the Pacific as writer, as artist, as mentor, as friend.

    The great Hau’ofa certainly wore many hats and made his mark on many lives, and his influence did not end the day his breath did in 2009.

    The Tongan-Fijian writer and anthropologist was, among other things, the founder of the University of the South Pacific’s Oceania Centre for Arts, Culture and Pacific Studies.

    'Remembering Epeli Hau’ofa' cover
    ‘Remembering Epeli Hau’ofa: His Life and Legacy’ – the cover. Image: USP

    A man who recognised the need for a place where fellow creatives could create, he can be credited with nurturing several generations of Pacific writers and artists.

    His own work, particularly his side-splitting short stories and his 1993 paper titled “Our Sea of Islands” which sought to destroy the notion that Pacific Islands were small and insignificant in the larger world around us, will live on forever in the hands of academics.

    But now, those who knew and loved the man have gone the extra step to ensure his name lives on. On March 7, 2024, a book titled “Remembering Epeli Hau’ofa: His Life and Legacy” was launched at the University of the South Pacific’s Laucala Campus in Fiji.

    The book, a compilation of the memories of and odes to Hau’ofa, was compiled and edited by Eric Waddell, Professor Vijay Naidu and Dr Claire Slatter.

    Poetry opening
    Current director of the Oceania Centre for Arts and a renowned artist himself, Larry Thomas, called the book launch to order. Professor Sudesh Mishra read out a poem he wrote about Hau’ofa that can be found in the opening of the book itself.

    The book was officially launched by USP Deputy Vice-Chancellor Dr Giulio Masasso Tu’ikolongahau Paunga, sharing the tale of a younger Hau’ofa amused at Dr Paunga’s very formal tie to an otherwise informal event years ago, a look he recreated for the launch event.

    “Remembering Epeli Hau’ofa is a book about a visionary,” the book’s foreword by Archbishop Emeritus of the Anglican Church, New Zealand and Polynesia, Winston Halapua says.

    “Epeli was a leader who opened our eyes to the pulsing reality around us, the reality which sustains and connects us.

    “This book, written in his memory, draws a portrait of a man with great mana who will continue to have wide influence on thinking and action throughout the region.”

    Hau’ofa’s love for the Pacific and our oceans is legendary. As such, the book would have been incomplete without an excerpt of his own words expressing the feeling of belonging shared by all Pacific Islanders. Hau’ofa wrote:

    “Wherever I am at any given moment, there is comfort in the knowledge stored at the back of my mind that somewhere in Oceania is a piece of earth to which I belong.

    “In the turbulence of life, it is my anchor. No one can take it away from me. I may never return to it, not even as mortal remains, but it will always be homeland.

    “We all have or should have homelands: family, community, national homelands. And to deny human beings the sense of homeland is to deny them a deep spot on earth to anchor their roots.”

    Enlivened by humour
    The book launch, a highly emotional event for some attendees but enlivened by humour in every speech and conversation in a very Hau’ofa style was an apt way to celebrate the comedic genius’ life.

    His own family, community, and fellow nationals, it seems, will never forget him.

    Several notable art pieces were displayed at the Oceania Centre for the book launch, including the piece by Lingikoni E. Vaka’uta that serves as the cover art for the book, an oil on canvas piece titled “The Legend of Maui slowing the sun”.

    Another is “Boso”, a 1998 welded scrap metal sculpture of Epeli Hau’ofa himself, by artist Ben Fong.

    The event was attended by noted academics, artists, friends, fans of the late Epeli Hau’ofa, and several members of the Hau’ofa family, including his son and aforementioned grandson.

    Epeli Hau’ofa’s stories are sure to knock the wind out of you.

    Republished from The Fiji Times with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Heavy rain causes school closures, over 200 in evacuation centres in Fiji https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/17/heavy-rain-causes-school-closures-over-200-in-evacuation-centres-in-fiji/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/17/heavy-rain-causes-school-closures-over-200-in-evacuation-centres-in-fiji/#respond Sun, 17 Mar 2024 23:04:56 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=98402

    RNZ Pacific

    The Fiji Meteorological Service has a heavy rain warning still in place for the whole of the country after a weekend of flooding, although some floodwaters have receded.

    Flood and flash flood warnings and alerts are also in place, including a warning for all flash flood-prone areas, small streams and low-lying areas of Vanua Levu and western Viti Levu, and an alert for all flash flood-prone areas, small streams and low-lying areas in the rest of Fiji.

    All schools in the Northern, and Western education divisions, including Ovalau, are closed today due to adverse weather that has affected these areas.

    Last night, Education Secretary Selina Kuruleca said some schools were being used as evacuation centres.

    “And most of the schools are deemed to be inaccessible due to broken Irish crossings [and] flooded waters, and flood-prone areas are still flooded even though the low tide [Sunday] afternoon, we had hoped for some relief,” she said.

    “There are also reports of power outages, water cuts, and disruption to public transportation.

    “Heads of schools in the mentioned education divisions and district are to closely work with school management committees to assess the status of your schools.”

    12 evacuation centres open
    National Disaster Management Office Director Vasiti Soko said as of midday yesterday, about 12 evacuation centres were open in the west, sheltering about 230 people.

    “Some of the evacuation centres that were opened [Saturday] night have closed early [Sunday] morning as families have safely returned home once floodwaters receded.”

    Also in her statement on Sunday, she said there had not been any reported cases of injury or casualty.

    Fiji police said officers were on standby to assist, and people could reach out to the Divisional Command Centers if they needed help.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Fighting Sexual Exploitation of Children Through Human Rights Education https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/15/stories-of-young-human-rights-educators-aiki-matsukura/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/15/stories-of-young-human-rights-educators-aiki-matsukura/#respond Fri, 15 Mar 2024 13:19:45 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=69f3d82730d9aecdabddfdac7d857e61
    This content originally appeared on Amnesty International and was authored by Amnesty International.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/15/stories-of-young-human-rights-educators-aiki-matsukura/feed/ 0 464199
    USP strike: Staff offer management ‘one more chance to come to table’ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/14/usp-strike-staff-offer-management-one-more-chance-to-come-to-table/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/14/usp-strike-staff-offer-management-one-more-chance-to-come-to-table/#respond Thu, 14 Mar 2024 23:29:37 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=98270 By Caleb Fotheringham, RNZ Pacific journalist

    University of the South Pacific staff unions are giving management “one more chance to come to the table” before they go on strike.

    On Wednesday, the staff association received the secret ballot outcome from Fiji’s Labour Ministry, which confirmed that they had a mandate for strike action.

    Association of USP Staff (AUSPS) general-secretary Rosalia Fatiaki told RNZ Pacific that staff have agreed to return to management to give them one last opportunity to meet the unions demands.

    “We [are giving management] one more chance to come to the table and in good faith, let’s look at this. Hopefully we are able to resolve the issues that led us to take this action. By next week we expect a response,” she said.

    Fatiaki said the USP management would be given a week to meet with the unions and 21 days to come to an agreement, adding if the management do not come to the table “the next course of action is strike action”.

    “When staff go on strike the students are the people that will be most affected. That’s why we’re giving management another chance.”

    Fatiaki said the unions were expecting management to negotiate a new offer.

    Secret ballot
    On March 6, AUSPS cast a secret ballot where 96 percent of its members voted in favour of strike action above the needed majority threshold.

    Fatiaki said management had refused to negotiate salary adjustments and that was why staff might strike.

    She said staff missed out on salary adjustments in 2019 and 2022.

    The regional university gave staff a two percent pay rise in October 2022, January 2023, and January this year.

    Rosalia Fatiaki
    AUSPS general-secretary Rosalia Fatiaki . . . USP pay rise “way below” the increase needed to match the cost of living in Fiji and unions were not consulted. Image: AUSPS/FB

    However, Fatiaki said it was “way below” the increase needed to match the cost of living in Fiji and unions were not consulted.

    She said USP used to contribute an additional two percent above the national minimum for its superannuation contribution to senior staff but this was reduced to the minimum during the covid-19 pandemic and had not returned which the union was demanding.

    Financial reasons
    She said USP had not engaged with the union but had cited financial reasons for withholding pay.

    Late last month, AUSPS members staged a protest calling for the resignation of the university’s vice-chancellor, Professor Pal Ahluwalia, for not being responsive to the union’s concerns.

    In a statement to RNZ Pacific, USP said “we remain hopeful that through USP management, we can continue to have discussions with the AUSPS about their grievances and follow proper channels to meet their demands until an amicable solution is reached.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    USP staff vote in favour of strike action over ‘just and fair’ pay rise https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/10/usp-staff-vote-in-favour-of-strike-action-over-just-and-fair-pay-rise/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/10/usp-staff-vote-in-favour-of-strike-action-over-just-and-fair-pay-rise/#respond Sun, 10 Mar 2024 22:00:29 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=98055 By Caleb Fotheringham, RNZ Pacific journalist

    A secret ballot by members of the Association of University of the South Pacific Staff (AUSPS) and USP Staff Union have voted in favour of strike action at the institution.

    Unofficial results in the poll last Wednesday showed 63 percent in favour, above the needed majority threshold.

    AUSPS general secretary Rosalia Fatiaki said staff missed out on salary adjustments in 2019 and 2022.

    Fatiaki said the union had not pushed USP at the time to adjust the salaries because they were told the university was in a financial crisis.

    The regional university gave staff a two percent pay rise in October 2022, January 2023, and January this year.

    However, Fatiaki said it was “way below” the increase needed to match the cost of living in Fiji and unions had not been consulted.

    “The management has refused to negotiate salary adjustment and that is what the secret ballot was for,” she said.

    USP not engaged
    “We now demand that the university be just and fair to staff by looking and negotiating salary adjustments with the union.”

    Fatiaki said USP used to contribute an additional two percent above the national minimum for its superannuation contribution to senior staff but this was reduced to the minimum during the covid-19 pandemic and had not returned which the union was demanding.

    She said USP had not engaged with the union but had cited financial reasons for withholding pay.

    University of the South Pacific (USP) vice-chancellor and president, professor Pal Ahluwalia.
    USP’s vice-chancellor Professor Pal Ahluwalia . . . both campus unions hope he will “come to the table”. Image: USP

    Fatiaki said this was despite more students being on the USP roll.

    She said the union was now waiting on Fiji’s Labour Ministry to advise the on next course of action.

    “We have not received a confirmation from [the ministry], they have acknowledged the receipt of the secret ballot results and they are yet to formally provide us that confirmation. So we are awaiting for that and we are expecting that to come through today (Friday).”

    Fatiaki said she hoped vice-chancellor Professor Pal Ahluwalia would “come to the table” and take staff grievances seriously.

    ‘Going round and round’
    “We are going round and round and round,” she said.

    “Rather than [Professor Ahluwalia] coming to tell us ‘no we can’t, we will not [meet the unions demands]’, he’s sending the representatives to come and talk to us and then they go [and] back to him.

    “Now it’s time for him to come to the table and deal with the issues.”

    She said staff dissatisfaction with Professor Ahluwalia was not a reason for the strike.

    However, she said union members had expressed concerns about the vice-chancellor’s leadership because of “numerous unresolved issues”.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Liberty University Hit With Record Fines for Failing to Handle Complaints of Sexual Assault, Other Crimes https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/06/liberty-university-hit-with-record-fines-for-failing-to-handle-complaints-of-sexual-assault-other-crimes/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/06/liberty-university-hit-with-record-fines-for-failing-to-handle-complaints-of-sexual-assault-other-crimes/#respond Wed, 06 Mar 2024 17:35:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/liberty-university-fined-sexual-assault-safety by Eric Umansky

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    The federal Department of Education has announced a historic $14 million fine against Liberty University for failing to properly handle reports of sexual assault and other campus safety isssues.

    Universities are required by law to support victims of violence. The Education Department found that the Christian evangelical Liberty University had fundamentally failed to do so. Sexual assault victims were “punished for violating the student code of conduct,” the report concluded, “while their assailants were left unpunished.”

    The government found that Liberty’s actions had created a “culture of silence.”

    The findings, which the department announced Tuesday, echo a ProPublica investigation that detailed how officials had discouraged and dismissed women who tried to come forward with accounts of sexual assault. Women who went to school officials to report being raped recalled being threatened with punishment for breaking the university’s strict moral code, known as “The Liberty Way.”

    The coverage prompted widespread outrage, including demands from senators for a Department of Education investigation.

    That investigation culminated in Tuesday’s announcement. The fines against Liberty are more than double the amount of the next-largest fines in Department of Education history — against Michigan State University for its failures to protect hundreds of women and girls from sexual abuser Larry Nassar.

    Liberty will also face two years of federal oversight.

    Elizabeth Axley, a former Liberty University student who was threatened with punishment when she reported her rape to campus officials, said the government’s findings against Liberty feel “so validating and sort of surreal.”

    “For an official report to say, ‘Yes, everything you said happened, everything you described was real,’ is more powerful than I can describe,” said Axley, who recalled that when she first wanted to report her rape, a resident adviser told her to pray instead. “After I first fought to stand up for myself at Liberty, I was silenced. I didn’t feel hopeful. It took everything for me to stand up to tell my story again and hope it turned out right. This reminds me it was completely worth it.”

    In response to the government’s report, Liberty University said in a statement that it faced “unfair treatment.” But the school also admitted to mistakes and committed to spending $2 million to improve campus safety.

    “We acknowledge and sincerely regret these errors and have since corrected them in a manner that allows us to maintain compliance in each of these areas,” the school said. “Today is a new day at Liberty University. We remain committed to prioritizing the safety and security of our students and staff without exception.”

    Liberty University was co-founded in 1971 by the televangelist Jerry Falwell. His son, Jerry Falwell Jr., took over the university’s helm in 2007 but resigned in 2020 after a series of scandals. With more than 90,000 students enrolled on its Virginia campus and online, Liberty remains one of the most influential Christian universities in the county.

    S. Daniel Carter, who helped craft the Clery Act, the federal law that requires schools to report sexual assault and other crimes, said the significance of the Department of Education’s actions go beyond the record fines. “It’s not about a bottom line number,” Carter said. “It’s about the fact that they are proactively investigating and leading efforts to bring schools into compliance.”

    Hannah Dreyfus contributed reporting.


    This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Eric Umansky.

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    Lynda Tabuya fights back – ‘it’s unfortunate that as a woman I continue to be targeted’ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/06/lynda-tabuya-fights-back-its-unfortunate-that-as-a-woman-i-continue-to-be-targeted/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/06/lynda-tabuya-fights-back-its-unfortunate-that-as-a-woman-i-continue-to-be-targeted/#respond Wed, 06 Mar 2024 08:53:34 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=97760 By Finau Fonua, RNZ Pacific journalist

    Fiji’s Women’s Minister Lynda Tabuya says the decision by the People’s Alliance executive council to remove her as deputy leader of the governing party is “unfair as it is based solely on allegations . . . generated by opponents from outside the party”.

    Tabuya, who has been at the centre of an alleged sex and drug scandal with the sacked Education Minister Aseri Radrodro, was removed from the position on Monday.

    According to the People’s Alliance, the scandal and associated allegations involving Tabuya had caused “potentially irreparable damage” to the party.

    However, in a statement to RNZ Pacific today, Tabuya said she was “disappointed with the two lawyers in the legal and disciplinary subcommittee who have based their recommendations on allegations published on social media which is aimed to weaken the Coalition and weaken the party”.

    “It is a dangerous precedent to set that by applying the constitution of the party they have based their decision to remove me as deputy party leader on allegations which they perceive as potentially causing damage,” she said.

    “This comes as no surprise as these very same people opposed my appointment to be deputy party leader before the elections in 2022, so they have pounced on this opportunity to do so.

    “It’s most unfortunate that as a woman I continue to be targeted with my removal last year as leader of government business and now as deputy party leader.”

    She said the party must stand for fairness and justice and applying the law equally based on evidence and facts, not allegations

    RNZ Pacific has contacted the People’s Alliance general secretary for comment.

    Reaction expected
    The publisher of Grubsheet, Graham Davis, who first reported — along with Fijileaks — about the scandal involving Tabuya and Radrodro, said Tabuya was attempting to “muddy the waters” with her reaction.

    “It is telling that Lynda Tabuya doesn’t directly address the allegations against her that the PAP executive council has found to be proven on the recommendation of its disciplinary committee — including at least two lawyers — after a detailed examination of the evidence first reported by Fijileaks and Grubsheet,” he told RNZ Pacific.

    “To turn her fire on the PAP in a vain attempt to muddy the waters is to be expected.”

    Meanwhile, Tabuya remains a cabinet minister despite being removed as PAP deputy party leader.

    According to the Fiji Sun newspaper, only Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka can remove her from cabinet, as per the 2013 Constitution.

    “The Fiji Sun has been reliably informed that the PM is seeking legal opinion before making his call,” the newspaper reported.

    Rabuka is currently on official travel in Australia.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    The Right’s Long Game to End Public Education https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/26/the-rights-long-game-to-end-public-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/26/the-rights-long-game-to-end-public-education/#respond Mon, 26 Feb 2024 21:15:27 +0000 https://progressive.org/public-schools-advocate/the-right%E2%80%99s-long-game-to-end-public-education/
    This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Jeff Bryant.

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    Hollywood’s Pentagon Propaganda, Deconstructing Disinformation, and Critical Media Literacy Education in the US https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/26/hollywoods-pentagon-propaganda-deconstructing-disinformation-and-critical-media-literacy-education-in-the-us/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/26/hollywoods-pentagon-propaganda-deconstructing-disinformation-and-critical-media-literacy-education-in-the-us/#respond Mon, 26 Feb 2024 17:07:05 +0000 https://www.projectcensored.org/?p=38704 On this week’s program, Mickey talks with communications professor and filmmaker Roger Stahl about his most recent documentary, Theaters of War: How The Pentagon and CIA Took Hollywood. They discuss…

    The post Hollywood’s Pentagon Propaganda, Deconstructing Disinformation, and Critical Media Literacy Education in the US appeared first on Project Censored.


    This content originally appeared on Project Censored and was authored by Kate Horgan.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/26/hollywoods-pentagon-propaganda-deconstructing-disinformation-and-critical-media-literacy-education-in-the-us/feed/ 0 460686
    Fighting Racism Through Human Rights Education https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/26/stories-of-young-human-rights-educators-irfaan-mangera/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/26/stories-of-young-human-rights-educators-irfaan-mangera/#respond Mon, 26 Feb 2024 09:27:35 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=b5d5faadc77e22493763bad6e3164619
    This content originally appeared on Amnesty International and was authored by Amnesty International.

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    Fiji government revokes travel ban on former head of University of Fiji https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/25/fiji-government-revokes-travel-ban-on-former-head-of-university-of-fiji/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/25/fiji-government-revokes-travel-ban-on-former-head-of-university-of-fiji/#respond Sun, 25 Feb 2024 10:43:30 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=97346 By Kelvin Anthony, RNZ Pacific digital/social lead

    A former Fiji university head who was banned from returning to the country by the previous Bainimarama government has had her ban revoked.

    Professor Shushila Chang, a former vice-chancellor of University of Fiji (UoF) in a daring move had departed during the covid-19 lockdown in March 2020, breaching the border restriction order at the time, to be with her sick husband in Australia.

    The Immigration Department subsequently declared her a prohibited immigrant and UoF sacked her for unauthorised departure.

    She applied for a judicial review later that year but it was turned down by the High Court, which ruled the government’s decision could not be challenged through judicial review, as Fiji’s immigration law does not allow anyone to challenge the decision of a minister in any court.

    However, Professor Chang said that she received a letter via email from the coalition government’s Immigration Minister Pio Tikoduaudua on January 22 informing her that she can now return to Fiji.

    “The travel ban on Professor Chang has been revoked after a thorough review of her case,” Tikoduadua confirmed to RNZ Pacific on Friday.

    “This decision aligns with our commitment to justice, transparency, and fairness.”

    The minister said Professor Chang was a respected academic and former vice-chancellor of the UoF who could now return to Fiji.

    Principles of natural justice
    “This step reflects our government’s dedication to reassessing past actions to ensure they align with our values and principles of natural justice,” he said.

    “We recognise the importance of academic freedom and the contributions individuals like Professor Chang can make to Fiji’s education and society.”

    He said the Fiji government aims to foster an environment that encourages open dialogue and values the exchange of ideas, adding “lifting this ban demonstrates our commitment to these ideals.”

    Pio Tikoduadua
    Immigration Minister Pio Tikoduadua . . . “We recognise the importance of academic freedom and the contributions individuals like Professor Chang can make.” Image: Fiji govt/FB

    Chang, who was in the United States when she received the news, is now looking forward to visiting Fiji and reconnecting with friends.

    She said her partner and children, who were “very concerned and supportive”, were also “happy and relieved” that her travel ban has been lifted.

    “[My husband] was having severe mobility problems in Fiji such as losing his balance and headaches. Upon our return to Australia, the oncologist discovered he was suffering from lung cancer which had spread to the brain.

    “It is fortunate we returned immediately and sought treatment. We are thankful he was able to receive treatment and is well.”

    Invited back
    Professor Chang said apart from prioritising her husband’s wellbeing to aid in his recovery, she had also been meeting and consulting with universities such as the University of Bordeaux (France) and Coventry (United Kingdom), and delivering training programmes.

    She confirmed she was appointed as an academic advisor to Pacific Polytech — a private technical and vocational education and training (TVET) provider in Fiji.

    She said it was “an exciting role as Pacific Polytech has a visionary mandate”.

    “I have been invited to present a public lecture by Pacific Polytech on a globally accredited National Inspection and Testing Laboratory in Fiji.

    “The intent is to improve the safety, quality and sustainability of all products from Fiji including water, food, soil, air, furniture, cement, food, wood and others.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    If I Understand the World, I Can March to Change It https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/22/if-i-understand-the-world-i-can-march-to-change-it/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/22/if-i-understand-the-world-i-can-march-to-change-it/#respond Thu, 22 Feb 2024 22:04:23 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=148336 Students display a butterfly they made at the Madu Adu (science, or ‘let’s do it’) corner. Credit: Photographs and collages by Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research. In 1945, the newly formed United Nations held a conference to found the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO). The main concern of the delegates, particularly those who came […]

    The post If I Understand the World, I Can March to Change It first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>

    Students display a butterfly they made at the Madu Adu (science, or ‘let’s do it’) corner. Credit: Photographs and collages by Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research.

    In 1945, the newly formed United Nations held a conference to found the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO). The main concern of the delegates, particularly those who came from the Third World, was literacy. There needs to be a ‘world crusade against illiteracy’, said Dr Jaime Jaramillo Arango, the rector of the National University of Colombia. For him, and several others, illiteracy was ‘one of the greatest outrages to human dignity’. Abdelfattah Amr, the Egyptian ambassador to the United Kingdom and a champion squash player, said that illiteracy was part of the broader problem of underdevelopment, as evidenced by ‘the shortage of technicians and the scarcity of educational materials’. These leaders found inspiration in the USSR, whose Likbez (‘liquidation of illiteracy’) programme virtually eradicated illiteracy between 1919 and 1937. If the USSR could do this, then so could other largely agricultural societies.

    In December 2023, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) released a stunning report showing that, since 2018, literacy in reading and mathematics has declined amongst the world’s students. Importantly, they noted that this situation could ‘only partially be attributed to the COVID-19 pandemic’: scores in both reading and science had been on the decline before the pandemic began, though they have only worsened since. The reason, the OECD notes, is that there has also been a decline in the time and energy that teachers and parents devote to assisting their students and children. What the OECD does not mention is that this decline in support over the past fifty years is a result of the austerity regimes that have been imposed on most societies in the world. Education budgets have been cut, which means that schools simply do not have enough resources or staff to begin with, let alone enough teachers to provide the extra support that struggling students need. As part of school funding cuts, states have insisted that corporate education providers generate textbooks and learning modules (including online systems) that disempower teachers and demoralise them. As parents work in increasingly uberised professions, they simply do not have the time nor the energy to supplement their children’s education.


    Students from Siddapura and nearby villages participate in a rally to inaugurate the 2023 Joy of Learning Festival in Siddapura.

    Why have states across the world been unwilling to adequately fund public education? In the Global North, where there is significant social wealth, leaders are reticent to tax the highest income earners and wealth holders, tending instead to use the remaining precious resources to fund the military establishment rather than social services such as education, health, and elder care. Global North countries that are within the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation system spend trillions of dollars on weapons (three quarters of total global military spending) but miniscule amounts on education and health care. This is evident in the OECD’s report, which notes precipitous declines in mathematical knowledge in countries such as Belgium, Canada, and Iceland – none of them poor countries. The OECD report suggests that this is not merely because of funding levels, but also because of ‘the quality of teaching’. However, the report does not point out that this ‘quality’ is the outcome of austerity policies that rob teachers of the time needed to teach and support students, of having a say in the materials in the curriculum, and of the resources needed for additional training (including sabbaticals).

    In the Global South, the declines are attributed more directly to the collapse of funding. Studies over the past few years, and our own analysis of International Monetary Fund (IMF) staff assessments, show that the organisation has pressured poorer nations to cut public sector funding. Since the wages of most teachers make up part of the public sector wage bill, any such cut results in lower teachers’ salaries and higher teacher to student ratios. An ActionAid study of fifteen countries, from Ghana to Vietnam, showed that the IMF forced these states to cut their public sector wage bills for several budget cycles (up to six years) to the tune of $10 billion  – equivalent to the cost of employing three million primary school teachers. Another study, produced by the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, shows that the IMF has enforced budget cuts in 189 countries that will remain in place until 2025, by which point three-quarters of the world is projected to remain under austerity conditions. A UN Development Programme report noted that twenty-five poor countries spent 20 percent of their revenues in 2022 to service external debts – more than twice the amount spent on social programmes of all kinds (including education). It would seem that it is more important to satisfy wealthy bondholders than children that need their teachers.

    This horrendous situation condemns Sustainable Development Goal no. 4 (ending illiteracy) to failure. To meet this objective, the world would need to hire 69 million more teachers by 2030. That is not on the agenda of most countries.


    A group of students present the map they made after touring a village as part of the Uru Tiliyona (‘let’s find out about the village’) corner activity.

    In 1946, the UK’s Minister of Education Ellen Wilkinson served as the president of the first UNESCO conference. Wilkinson, who was known as ‘Red Ellen’ (and was one of the founders of the Communist Party of Great Britain in 1920), led the fight for the unemployed in the 1930s and was a champion of the Spanish Republic. During World War II, she said, we witnessed ‘the great fight put up against this monstrous wickedness [of the ‘narrowest nationalism’ and ‘subservience to the war machine’] by the intellectual worker, by men and women of integrity of mind’. Red Ellen explained that the fascists knew that reason and literacy were their enemies: ‘In every land which the totalitarians over-ran, it was the intellectual who was picked out first to face the firing squad – teacher, priest, professor. The men who meant to rule the world knew that first they must kill those who tried to keep thought free’. Now, these teachers are not put before the firing squad; they are simply fired.

    But these intellectual workers did not surrender then, and they are not surrendering now. Our latest dossier, How the People’s Science Movement Is Bringing Joy and Equality to Education in Karnataka, India, shines a light on intellectual workers who are finding innovative ways to bring scientific and rational thought to children in Karnataka, such as through their movement’s Joy of Learning Festivals, neighbourhood schools, and ‘guest-host’ programme. This is taking place in a context in which the government of India has decided to cut evolution, the periodic table, and the sources of energy from the curriculum and school textbooks – despite the alarm raised by nearly 5,000 scientists and teachers who signed a petition drafted by the Breakthrough Science Society calling upon the government to reverse its decision.

    The petition and Joy of Learning Festivals alike are part of a broader movement to democratise knowledge and dismantle wretched social hierarchies. The Bharat Gyan Vigyan Samiti (Indian Science Knowledge Association or BGVS) holds Joy of Learning Festivals to promote scientific learning and rational thought across the Indian state of Karnataka, which has a population 65 million – about the same as France. Our dossier shows how the BGVS has brought joy to science education for millions of young children in India.


    Students participate in activities at the Kagadha Kattari (crafts, or ‘paper and scissors’) corner.

    Imagine you are a young child who has never been exposed to the laws of science. You find yourself at a BGVS festival in a rural area of Karnataka, where there is a stall with a dismantled bicycle. The teacher at the stall says that if you can assemble the bicycle, you can have it. You run your fingers through the chain, the gears, the frame of the bicycle. You imagine what a fully assembled bicycle looks like and try to put the pieces together, at the same time coming to an understanding of how energy is generated by pushing the pedal, which, through the gears, amplifies the movement of the wheels. You begin to learn about the laws of motion and torque. You learn about the simplicity of machines and their immense utility. And you laugh with your friends as you struggle with the puzzle of all the pieces of the bicycle.

    Such an activity not only brings joy to the lives of a million children in Karnataka; it also enhances their curiosity and challenges their intelligence. This is the heart of the work of the BGVS and its Joy of Learning Festivals, which are run by government schoolteachers recruited and trained by the science movement. This kind of festival not only rescues the collective life but is a mechanism to lift up the work and leadership of local teachers and affirm the importance of scientific thinking.

    Cubans celebrate at the closing march of the literacy campaign in Havana’s Plaza de la Revolución, December 1961. Photograph by Liborio Noval.

    In 1961, the Cuban singer Eduardo Saborit wrote the beautiful song Despertar (‘The Awakening’) as a tribute to the Cuban literacy campaign. ‘There are so many things I can already tell you’, he sings, ‘because at last I have learned to write. Now I can say that I love you’. Now, I can understand the world. Now, I can no longer feel diminished. Now, I can confidently put one foot before the other and march to change the world.

    The post If I Understand the World, I Can March to Change It first appeared on Dissident Voice.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Vijay Prashad.

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    Idaho Resolution Would Aim to Lower Voting Threshold to Pass School Bonds https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/22/idaho-resolution-would-aim-to-lower-voting-threshold-to-pass-school-bonds/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/22/idaho-resolution-would-aim-to-lower-voting-threshold-to-pass-school-bonds/#respond Thu, 22 Feb 2024 18:10:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/idaho-resolution-would-lower-voting-threshold-to-pass-school-bonds by Becca Savransky, Idaho Statesman, and Asia Fields, ProPublica

    This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with the Idaho Statesman. Sign up for Dispatches to get stories like this one as soon as they are published.

    For decades, school districts across Idaho have struggled to pass bonds to repair and replace their aging, crumbling buildings. A legislative proposal introduced Wednesday could change that by starting the process of lowering the vote threshold school districts need to pass a bond.

    Idaho is one of only two states that require two-thirds of voters to support a bond for it to pass. Most states require either a majority or 60% of voters.

    The resolution, introduced by Republican Rep. Rod Furniss, R-Rigby, would propose changing the Idaho Constitution to lower the threshold to 55% during years when statewide elections are held, such as presidential election years, when turnout is traditionally higher. The two-thirds threshold would remain in years with only local elections.

    The resolution is intended to ease the requirements when more community members turn out to vote. Local elections often have low turnout while general elections have typically drawn 60% to 80% of registered voters, according to data from the Idaho secretary of state.

    “What this does is this focuses on elections where we have higher participation rates. Hopefully, the idea is that we will know the will of the people from these votes,” Furniss told a legislative committee. “Fifty-five percent, that would increase our chances of funding these.”

    Superintendents and school board members said the two-thirds threshold has been unachievable.

    “It’s about time,” Mountain Home Superintendent James Gilbert told the Idaho Statesman and ProPublica. “It’s something that’s needed to be done for decades. That supermajority threshold is becoming virtually impossible to pass bonds on.”

    The new resolution will need support from two-thirds of legislators in each chamber to place it on the general election ballot. It would then require approval from a majority of voters to change the state constitution.

    The resolution is the second proposal to address the state’s school facilities funding crisis this legislative session, following a Statesman and ProPublica investigation that showed some students are learning in freezing classrooms, sometimes with leaking ceilings and damaged equipment after their districts failed to pass bonds.

    This month, Idaho Republican leaders introduced a bill that would add $1.5 billion and redirect an additional $500 million over 10 years to help districts repair and replace their buildings. But some lawmakers and school district officials have raised concerns that the bill would not adequately address the needs of rural areas because it’s based on attendance, which favors larger urban districts.

    That legislation followed a call from Gov. Brad Little during his State of the State address to make school facilities funding “priority No. 1” this legislative session. The House will soon vote on the proposal, House Bill 521, after a panel of lawmakers sent it to the floor last week.

    Aside from distributing funds based on average daily attendance, the bill would also eliminate the August election as an option for school districts to run bonds and levies and lower the state’s income tax rate. Little celebrated the legislation as the largest investment in school facilities in state history.

    Jason Knopp, an Idaho School Boards Association board member and Melba School District board chair, told the Statesman and ProPublica that the bill is a good first step but likely won’t be enough for districts like Melba to construct new schools without bonds. Melba would get about $3.1 million in a lump sum and additional money each year to help pay off its bonds and levies, according to estimates shared with the Statesman by the governor’s office on Feb. 20.

    Superintendents have said this funding wouldn’t eliminate the need to pass bonds and levies, which can be big lifts for districts across the state.

    Swan Valley School District Superintendent Michael Jacobson said he hopes to replace his school’s coal boiler, which requires constant maintenance and raises health concerns, with an electric boiler — a cost of nearly $1 million. If the funding bill passed as is, Swan Valley would receive about $200,000, according to the estimates.

    He believes all districts should get a base amount, in addition to funds determined by attendance, to help level the playing field for rural districts, which make up a majority of Idaho’s school districts.

    “The majority of the funding should not always go to the larger districts,” Jacobson said.

    He said that he could see how lowering the threshold would be a win for other districts, but that it won’t make much of a difference in his community, given the lack of support for a bond.

    Some superintendents have said they’ve given up on trying to pass bonds altogether. Others have run multiple bond elections but failed every time. Still others have come within a few votes of meeting the threshold.

    Paired with a bill to lower the two-thirds threshold, the proposals could have a huge impact on school districts and communities, Knopp said. “That’s a great pairing coming together. We can lower the tax burden on the people who live in our school districts and also help make it easier for us to bond with less tax burden,” he said.


    This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Becca Savransky, Idaho Statesman, and Asia Fields, ProPublica.

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    Empowering Children in Situations of Vulnerability Through Human Rights Education https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/21/stories-of-young-human-rights-educators-allan-sanchez-osorio/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/21/stories-of-young-human-rights-educators-allan-sanchez-osorio/#respond Wed, 21 Feb 2024 16:31:32 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=dcfa743ec5b5d0bda3789500b6222dd2
    This content originally appeared on Amnesty International and was authored by Amnesty International.

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    PM Luxon leaves Big Gay Out abruptly after heated Gaza war protest https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/18/pm-luxon-leaves-big-gay-out-abruptly-after-heated-gaza-war-protest/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/18/pm-luxon-leaves-big-gay-out-abruptly-after-heated-gaza-war-protest/#respond Sun, 18 Feb 2024 05:09:03 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=97087


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    KKKakistocracy: The Texas Education System Has Daddy Issues https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/14/kkkakistocracy-the-texas-education-system-has-daddy-issues/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/14/kkkakistocracy-the-texas-education-system-has-daddy-issues/#respond Wed, 14 Feb 2024 16:04:28 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=148072 An undated photo of members of the Childress County Daughters of the Confederacy. Courtesy of the Childress County Heritage Museum in partnership with The Portal to Texas History, a digital repository hosted by the University of North Texas Libraries. In 2022, a 15-year-old Virginia Beach girl named Simone Nied began a modest campaign to get […]

    The post KKKakistocracy: The Texas Education System Has Daddy Issues first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
    An undated photo of members of the Childress County Daughters of the Confederacy. Courtesy of the Childress County Heritage Museum in partnership with The Portal to Texas History, a digital repository hosted by the University of North Texas Libraries.

    In 2022, a 15-year-old Virginia Beach girl named Simone Nied began a modest campaign to get the United Daughters of the Confederacy (UDC) removed from the list of nonprofit organizations afforded exemption from real estate, deed recordation, and personal property taxes in the state of Virginia. The “White House” of the Confederacy is located in Richmond, Virginia, and Confederate President Jefferson Davis lived there during the Civil War. Nied’s efforts seemed Sisyphean.

    But early this month a bill stripping the tax breaks of the UDC was passed in the Virginia House of Delegates and, on Feb. 6—with two Republicans joining all twenty-one Democrats—the Virginia Senate agreed. Now the bill goes to Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin’s desk for approval.

    Will he sign it or veto it?

    I await his decision with bated breath.

    In the meantime, I also marvel at the preposterousness of the affair. How did the United Daughters of the Confederacy get tax breaks in the first place, and why have they been extended into the 21st century?

    Is insurrection a religion? Didn’t the Confederacy’s insurrection comprise the exact opposite of a nonprofit campaign? Wasn’t the entire war waged to ensure the profits the Southern white aristocracy reaped from slave labor?

    Does Texas have a chapter of the UDC?

    I’m glad you asked.

    I checked immediately and we do. And it’s also taxed just like a church. Here’s the first blurb on their site:

    The United Daughters of the Confederacy is a non-profit organization formed by the joining of many local groups whose purpose was to care for Confederate Veterans and their families, in life and death, and to keep alive the memory of our Southern heritage.

    The Texas Division UDC was officially organized in 1896.  Today, the Texas Division continues the work of our predecessors. We are dedicated to the purpose of honoring the memory of our Confederate ancestors; protecting, preserving and marking the places made historic by Confederate valor; collecting and preserving the material for a truthful history of the War Between the States; recording the participation of Southern women in their patient endurance of hardship and patriotic devotion during and after the War Between the States; fulfilling the sacred duty of benevolence toward the survivors and those dependent upon them; assisting descendants of worthy Confederates in securing a proper education; and honoring the service of veterans from all wars as well as active duty military personnel.

    “… collecting and preserving the material for a truthful history of the War Between the States”?

    “… assisting descendants of worthy Confederates in securing a proper education”?!

    Talk about a prophetic “nonprofit”. Sounds like the perfect recipe for the current Texas state legislature.

    But it begs a legitimate question. Do any brave teenagers reside in the Lone Star State?

    And before any of you Bonnie (or Donnie) Rebs get your hackles up, take a wee gander of what the original incarnation of the UDC trotted out as a position statement on education in Texas in 1915:

    Strict censorship is the thing that will bring the honest truth. That is what we are working for and that is what we are going to have. — Mrs. M.M. Birge, Chairwoman of the Textbook Committee, Proceedings of the Twentieth Annual Convention of the Texas Division, United Daughters of the Confederacy

    An answer before a question.

    A dictate to ensure denial.

    A mandate for seditious ignorance.

    The current Red state agenda around these parts was baked into the proverbial cake, and now it’s too late. A legislature full of conservative feebs is pushing for more voucher programs for institutes of Anglo-centric propaganda, and the Texas Division of the United Daughters of the Confederacy is getting a tax break for the Lost Cause indoctrination that they engineered.

    The latent term is kakistocracy.

    Thanks to the UDC, the conservative playbook has been the script for Texas education for over a century. Because Texas conservatives want to preserve “the honest truth.” Because Texas conservatives don’t believe “the honest truth.” Should include the monstrous atrocities they committed or the regime of inhumanity they perpetuated.

    The UDC has serious “Daddy” issues, and our tax dollars have been helping them sweep the truth under the rug for decades.

    The post KKKakistocracy: The Texas Education System Has Daddy Issues first appeared on Dissident Voice.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by E.R. Bills.

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    Australian student journos explore Fiji media landscape with USP team https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/12/australian-student-journos-explore-fiji-media-landscape-with-usp-team/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/12/australian-student-journos-explore-fiji-media-landscape-with-usp-team/#respond Mon, 12 Feb 2024 23:50:59 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=96976 Wansolwara News

    The University of the South Pacific journalism programme is hosting a cohort student journalists from Australia’s Queensland University of Technology this week.

    Led by Professor Angela Romano, the 12 students are covering news assignments in Fiji as part of their working trip.

    The visitors were given a briefing by USP journalism teaching staff — Associate Professor in Pacific journalism and programme head Dr Shailendra Singh, and student training newspaper supervising editor-in-chief Monika Singh.

    PACIFIC MEDIA CONFERENCE 4-6 JULY 2024
    PACIFIC MEDIA CONFERENCE 4-6 JULY 2024

    The students held lively discussions about the form and state of the media in Fiji and the Pacific, the historic influence of Australian and Western news media and its pros and cons, and the impact of the emergence of China on the Pacific media scene.

    Dr Singh said the small and micro-Pacific media systems were “still reeling” from revenue loss due to digital disruption and the covid-19 pandemic.

    As elsewhere in the world, the “rivers of gold” (classified advertising revenue) had virtually dried up and media in the Pacific were apparently struggling like never before.

    Dr Singh said that this was evident from the reduced size of some newspapers in the Pacific, in both classified and display advertising, which had migrated to social media platforms.

    Repeal of draconian law
    He praised Fiji’s coalition government for repealing the country’s draconian Media Industry Development Act last year, and reviving media self-regulation under the revamped Fiji Media Council.

    However, Dr Singh added that there was still some way to go to further improve the media landscape, including focus on training and development and working conditions.

    “There are major, longstanding challenges in small and micro-Pacific media systems due to small audiences, and marginal profits,” he said. “This makes capital investment and staff development difficult to achieve.”

    The QUT students are in Suva this month on a working trip in which students will engage in meetings, interviews and production of journalism. They will meet non-government organisations that have a strong focus on women/gender in development, democracy or peace work.

    The students will also visit different media organisations based in Suva and talk to their female journalists on their experiences and their stories.

    The USP journalism programme started in Suva in 1988 and it has produced more than 200 graduates serving the Pacific and beyond in various media and communication roles.

    The programme has forged partnerships with leading media players in the Pacific and our graduates are shining examples in the fields of journalism, public relations and government/NGO communication.

    Asia Pacific Report publishes in partnership with The University of the South Pacific’s newspaper and online Wansolwara News.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Wansolwara.

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    Pacific wants open discussion on AUKUS to keep region ‘nuclear free’ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/12/pacific-wants-open-discussion-on-aukus-to-keep-region-nuclear-free/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/12/pacific-wants-open-discussion-on-aukus-to-keep-region-nuclear-free/#respond Mon, 12 Feb 2024 05:09:32 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=96946 By Eleisha Foon, RNZ Pacific journalist

    Keeping the Pacific nuclear-free, in line with the Rarotonga Treaty, was a recurring theme from the leaders of Tonga, Cook Islands and Samoa to New Zealand last week.

    The New Zealand government’s Pacific mission wrapped up on Saturday with the final leg in Samoa.

    Over the course of the trip, defence and security in the region was discussed with the leaders of the three Polynesian nations.

    In Apia, Samoan Prime Minister Fiamē Naomi Mataʻafa addressed regional concerns about AUKUS.

    New Zealand is considering joining pillar two of the agreement, a non-nuclear option, but critics have said this could be seen as Aotearoa rubber stamping Australia acquiring nuclear-powered submarines.

    “We would hope that both administrations will ensure that the provisions under the maritime treaty are taken into consideration with these new arrangements,” Fiamē said.

    New Zealand’s previous Labour government was more cautious in its approach to joining AUKUS because it said pillar two had not been clearly defined, but the coalition government is looking to take action.

    Nuclear weapons opposed
    Prime Minister Fiamē said she did not want the Pacific to become a region affected by more nuclear weapons.

    She said the impact of nuclear weapons in the Pacific was still ongoing, especially in the North Pacific with the Marshall Islands, and a semblance of it still in the south with Tahiti.

    She said it was crucial to “present that voice in these international arrangements”.

    “We don’t want the Pacific to be seen as an area that people will take licence of nuclear arrangements.”

    The Treaty of Rarotonga prohibits signatories — which include Australia and New Zealand — from placing nuclear weapons within the South Pacific.

    Mark Brown, left, and Winston Peters in Rarotonga. 8 February 2024
    Cook Islands Prime Minister Mark Brown (left) and Winston Peters in Rarotonga last week. Image: RNZ Pacific/Eleisha Foon

    Cook Island’s Prime Minister Mark Brown said Pacific leaders were in agreement over security.

    “I think our stance mirrors that of all the Pacific Island countries. We want to keep the Pacific region nuclear weapons free, nuclear free and that hasn’t changed.”

    Timely move
    Reflecting on discussions during the Pacific Islands Forum in 2023, he said: “A review and revisit of the Rarotonga Treaty should take place with our partners such as New Zealand, Australia and others on these matters.”

    “It’s timely that we have them now moving forward,” he said.

    Last year, Fiji Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka proposed a Pacific peace zone which was discussed during the Forum leaders’ meeting in Rarotonga.

    This year, Tonga will be hosting the forum and matters of security and defence involving AUKUS are expected to be a key part of the agenda.

    Tongan Acting Prime Minister Samiu Vaipulu acknowledged New Zealand’s sovereignty and said dialogue was the way forward.

    “We do not interfere with what other countries do as it is their sovereignty. A talanoa process is best,” Vaipulu said.

    New Zealand Foreign Minister Winston Peters and Health and Pacific People Minister Dr Shane Reti reiterated that they cared and had listened to the needs outlined by the Pacific leaders.

    They said New Zealand would deliver on funding promises to support improvements in the areas of health, education and security of the region.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    Winston Peters and Tonga's Acting PM Samiuela Vaipulu. 7 February 2024
    Winston Peters and Tongan Acting Prime Minister Samiuela Vaipulu in Nuku’alofa last week. Image: RNZ Pacific/Eleisha Foon


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    UniFiji spreads journalism, media studies courses to Samabula https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/12/unifiji-spreads-journalism-media-studies-courses-to-samabula/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/12/unifiji-spreads-journalism-media-studies-courses-to-samabula/#respond Mon, 12 Feb 2024 03:36:18 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=96937 By Karishma Kumari in Suva

    The University of Fiji will be offering its journalism and media studies programme at its Samabula campus from this semester.

    UniFiji vice-chancellor Professor Shaista Shameem said the programme started at the Saweni campus in Lautoka in 2022 with only five students and had been growing since then.

    She said there would now be more students registering for the programme as it was positioned closer to the court and Parliament for better news coverage.

    Professor Shameem said the programme was drafted and written with the help of senior journalists and news media people in Fiji including Communications Fiji Limited chairman William Parkinson, Sitiveni Halofaki from Fiji TV, former Fiji Sun managing editor Nemani Delaibatiki, Matai Akauola, Anish Chand from The Fiji Times and Stanley Simpson of Mai TV.

    The vice-chancellor said the programme was different from the other universities and student journalists were sent for training in newsrooms during their first year of study so that they could become well known with their bylines.

    She said the university also has a newspaper, known as UniFiji Watch, and a radio station, Vox Populi, which had won an international award for college radio.

    Industry teachers
    The vice-chancellor said that most of the courses were taught by people in the journalism industry and veteran journalists, including Communications Fiji Limited news director Vijay Narayan, Vimal Madhavan and Matai Akoula.

    She said the university also wanted to add film and a documentary course to the programme.

    Head of department Dr Kamala Naiker said journalism students needed opportunities for innovation. The first lot of student journalists would be graduating next year.

    Republished with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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    At Northwestern U, Distributing a Parody Paper Gets You Threatened With Prison https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/09/at-northwestern-u-distributing-a-parody-paper-gets-you-threatened-with-prison/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/09/at-northwestern-u-distributing-a-parody-paper-gets-you-threatened-with-prison/#respond Fri, 09 Feb 2024 21:36:30 +0000 https://fair.org/?p=9037249 An exercise in culture jamming got two Northwestern students brought up on a charge that could have landed them in prison for a year.

    The post At Northwestern U, Distributing a Parody Paper Gets You Threatened With Prison appeared first on FAIR.

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    Students at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois, produced a parody edition of the school’s paper, the Daily Northwestern, to call out the school’s stance on Israel’s war on Gaza. Some folks wrapped the fake front pages around some 300 copies of the actual school paper.

    This exercise in culture jamming got two students brought up on a charge that could have landed them in prison for a year. After widespread protest on campus, and national coverage in the Intercept (2/5/24) and Responsible Statecraft (2/5/24), charges were dropped against the students.

    After the appearance of the look-alike Northwestern Daily—bearing the headline “Northwestern Complicit in Genocide of Palestinians”—the parent company of the school paper, Students Publishing Company, announced that it was engaging “law enforcement to investigate and find those responsible.”

    Northwestern Daily, parody newspaper

    The front page of the Northwestern Daily (10/23/23), a parody newspaper that could have landed two students in prison for a year (via the Intercept, 2/5/24).

    According to reporting from the Intercept (2/5/24) and Responsible Statecraft (2/5/24), local prosecutors then brought charges against two students. They invoked a little-known statute, originally passed to prevent the Ku Klux Klan from distributing recruitment materials in newspapers, that makes it illegal to insert an “unauthorized advertisement in a newspaper or periodical.” The students, both of whom are Black, faced up to a year in jail and a $2,500 fine.

    A representative of Northwestern’s law school clinic noted that SPC chose to go directly to the police rather than issuing a cease-and-desist letter to the students, indicating that they, university police and the state’s attorney’s office all used their discretion to opt for the harshest response.

    “The idea that multiple people in a chain of reaction to this incident repeatedly decided to not use any of the other tools of reproval available to them, but rather chose to pursue it as a criminal act,” said Stephanie Kollmann, “is frankly remarkable.”

    Reaction to the criminalization of a press-based protest was sharp. Over 70 student organizations pledged not to speak with the school’s official paper until the charges were dropped, and more than 7,000 people signed a student-led petition for the same.

    The Intercept quoted Evgeny Stolyarov, a Jewish Northwestern student, warning about the chilling effect, but adding that the incident also “reinvigorates the student body. Hopefully this ends up bringing activists on campus together.”

    Responding to the widespread condemnation, the SPC board issued an apology, saying that the prosecutions were “unintended consequences” of their reporting the wrapping of their paper to campus police, and later signing complaints against the individuals alleged to have taken part in the protest (Patch, 2/7/24). The board said it had formally asked the “Cook County state’s attorney’s office to pursue a resolution to this matter that results in nothing punitive or permanent.”

    Prosecutors subsequently dismissed the charges, saying that Northwestern was capable of dealing with the issue “in a manner that is both appropriate to the educational context and respectful of students’ rights.”

     

     

    The post At Northwestern U, Distributing a Parody Paper Gets You Threatened With Prison appeared first on FAIR.


    This content originally appeared on FAIR and was authored by Janine Jackson.

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    Idaho Legislature Takes Up Bill to Help School Districts Repair and Replace Buildings https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/09/idaho-legislature-takes-up-bill-to-help-school-districts-repair-and-replace-buildings/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/09/idaho-legislature-takes-up-bill-to-help-school-districts-repair-and-replace-buildings/#respond Fri, 09 Feb 2024 18:25:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/idaho-legislature-school-repair-funding-bill by Becca Savransky, Idaho Statesman

    This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with the Idaho Statesman. Sign up for Dispatches to get stories like this one as soon as they are published.

    Idaho Republican leaders introduced a bill Thursday that would provide $1.5 billion in new funding over 10 years for school districts to repair and replace their aging and overcrowded school buildings — a proposal they said would mark the largest investment in school facilities in state history.

    The bill would create the School Modernization Facilities Fund, which districts could use for construction and maintenance needs. It would also provide money through an existing fund to help school districts pay off their bonds and levies, which are used to finance school facilities and district operating costs.

    School districts across Idaho have for decades faced challenges to fixing or replacing their aging, deteriorating schools and to building new ones to accommodate growth. Last year, an Idaho Statesman and ProPublica series showed how the state’s restrictive school funding policies and the Legislature’s reluctance to make significant investments in school facilities have challenged teachers and affected student learning. Some students have had to learn in schools with leaky ceilings, discolored water, failing plumbing and freezing classrooms.

    During Gov. Brad Little’s State of the State address earlier this year, he announced he wanted to make funding for school facilities “priority No. 1.” He proposed putting $2 billion toward school facilities over 10 years, or $200 million per year.

    The new bill, which has about 40 co-sponsors and was crafted by the governor’s office and Republican lawmakers, would redirect $500 million from other programs in addition to providing new funding, bringing the total value to $2 billion over 10 years.

    The bill included compromises needed to get it introduced and passed through the heavily Republican Legislature.

    During his address, Little, a Republican, cited the two news organizations’ reporting and used photos from a recent article, in which students, teachers and administrators shared visuals and stories about the conditions they deal with on a daily basis. Idaho has long ranked last or near last among states in spending per pupil, and it spends the least on school infrastructure per student, according to the most recent state and national reports.

    Districts across the state struggle to pass bonds — one of the few ways they can get funds to repair and replace their buildings — because doing so in Idaho requires support from two-thirds of voters. Most other states require a simple majority or 60%. Many superintendents told the Statesman and ProPublica that reaching Idaho’s threshold has been nearly impossible in their communities, and some have given up trying.

    Idaho lawmakers have also discussed a proposal that would start the process to lower the two-thirds threshold for bonds. That proposal hasn’t been introduced yet this legislative session, but Republican Sen. Dave Lent said it is written and could be introduced next week.

    The bill introduced Thursday would provide the money from the School Modernization Facilities Fund to school districts based on average daily attendance, meaning larger school districts would get more funding.

    “If we’re going to spend money for buildings, that money needs to go to where those children are at,” Republican House Speaker Mike Moyle told the House Revenue and Taxation Committee Thursday.

    During a virtual public forum last week with the Statesman, Republican Rep. Stephanie Mickelsen said that basing the allocation on attendance was a concern for some legislators and smaller districts, but that it was “the only way they could get the bill across the finish line.” This could leave smaller, rural districts that have long struggled to pass bonds without enough money to build new schools.

    Assistant Majority Leader Jason Monks, R-Meridian, said it was the fairest way to distribute the funding.

    “We’re always worried about making sure that it’s fairly distributed to everybody. And I can’t think of a better way to do it than just by how many students you have,” Monks said. “If you have more students, you get more money.”

    The program would be funded with $125 million in state sales tax revenue each year over 10 years, which would be used to issue a bond for $1 billion. Each school district would have the option to get the funding via a lump sum now or get a portion of it annually.

    West Ada, the largest district in the state, could get over $100 million, while the Salmon School District in Central Idaho could get about $2.4 million. Salmon has tried around a dozen times to pass a bond over the past few decades but has never reached the two-thirds threshold. (Those sums don’t include money districts would get from the other portion of the bill to pay off existing bonds and levies.)

    The money is intended to be used for facilities “directly related to the school district’s core educational mission” and can’t be spent on athletic facilities that are not primarily used for gym class, lunch or other educational purposes, according to the bill.

    The bill also includes elements designed to appeal to more lawmakers in Idaho’s Legislature, which is dominated by conservatives.

    The second part of the proposal would redirect about $50 million from the state lottery and an estimated $25 million more per year into a reserve created last year that was intended to lower property taxes by helping districts pay off their bonds and levies. Districts with money remaining from this allocation could put that money toward construction, renovation and maintenance or save it for future needs.

    The state would phase out a different program that provides some state support for districts that have passed bonds.

    The bill would also lower the individual and corporate income tax rate from 5.8% to 5.695%, which the sponsors said would give residents more money so they could better support local bonds and levies. And it would eliminate the August election — one of the three dates on which school districts can run proposals for bonds and levies. Republican leaders say that given the new money, there will be less of a need for districts to ask their communities for funding.

    “I made it no secret. I would love for school districts never to have to bond because we provided the resources that they need,” Monks told the Statesman and ProPublica. “That’s the objective from me.”

    This bill doesn’t accomplish that, he said, but it gets closer.

    To be eligible for the modernization fund, school districts also must submit a 10-year facilities plan to the state Department of Education that includes their anticipated construction, renovation and maintenance needs.

    A spokesperson from the Idaho Education Association said this bill addresses a problem that has long been ignored and has the potential to create better learning environments for students. “Idaho is finally looking for a solution to this challenging problem, thanks to Gov. Little’s leadership,” the spokesperson, Mike Journee, said in a message to the Statesman.

    The bill will now need a public hearing before it heads to the House floor.


    This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Becca Savransky, Idaho Statesman.

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    Mounting criticism of Jokowi by academics – claims Indonesia near ‘failed state’ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/08/mounting-criticism-of-jokowi-by-academics-claims-indonesia-near-failed-state/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/08/mounting-criticism-of-jokowi-by-academics-claims-indonesia-near-failed-state/#respond Thu, 08 Feb 2024 04:21:52 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=96833 CNN Indonesia

    A wave of criticism by Indonesia’s academic community against the leadership of President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo continues to grow as the republic faces a presidential election next week.

    In the latest incident a council of professors, rectors and students at Yogyakarta Muhammadiyah University (UMY) in Bantul, Yogyakarta province, has issued a national message and moral appeal to “Safeguard Indonesian Democracy”.

    In a statement read by UMY’s Professor Akif Khilmiyah last Sunday, the academics and students stated that an escalation of constitutional violations and the loss of state ethics had continued over the past year.

    “Starting with the emasculation of the KPK [Corruption Eradication Commission], officials who are fond of corruption, the DPR [House of Representatives] which does not function to defend the country’s children and some MK [Constitutional Court] judges who do not have any ethics or self-respect,” she said.

    The culmination this, continued Professor Khilmiyah, was the “shackling” of the Constitutional Court judges by the “ambitions of the country’s rulers” and a loss of ethics in the political contest ahead of the 2024 elections on February 14 — Valentine’s Day.

    Instead of thinking about ordinary people who were “eliminated by the power of the oligarchy“, according to Professor Khilmiyah, the country’s rulers appeared ambitious and were busy pursuing and perpetuating their power.

    “The fragility of the state’s foundations is almost complete because the state’s administrators, the government, the DPR and the judiciary have failed to set a good example in maintaining their compliance with the principles of the constitution and the country’s ethics that should be obeyed wholeheartedly,” she said.

    Upholding principles
    As a democratic country and based on the constitution, state administrators should be the best examples of upholding the principles of the constitution and setting an example in upholding the country’s ethics for citizens.

    Without this, the professor said, the Republic of Indonesia was at risk of becoming a failed state.

    “Without exemplary state administrators, Indonesia will be on the verge of become a failed state,” she said.

    The ordinary people must be active in reminding all state administrators so they complied with the constitution and cared for Indonesian democracy.

    “[We] urge the President of the Republic of Indonesia to carry out his constitutional obligations as a state administrator to realise the implementation of the 2024 elections that are honest and fair,” Professor Khilmiyah said.

    “The use of state facilities with all the authority they possess represents a serious constitutional violation,” she said, reading out the demands of professors and the UMY academic community.

    The academics urged the political parties to stop the practice of money politics and abuse of power in the 2024 election contest, demanding that they prioritise political ideas and education to enlighten ordinary people.

    Independent judiciary
    They demanded that judicial institutions, namely the Supreme Court and the courts under its authority and the Constitutional Court, be independent and impartial in handling various disputes and violations during the 2024 elections.

    Appealing to all Indonesian people to jointly safeguard the implementation of the 2024 elections so that they were dignified, honest and fair to enable the election of a leader who was visionary and had the courage to uphold the principles of the constitution.

    The wave of criticism from campuses around Indonesia has continued to spread.

    Earlier, several campuses issued petitions addressed to President Widodo, starting with the Gajah Mada University (UGM) in Yogyakarta, Central Java, which released a “Bulaksumur Petition” (a long road hemmed in by rice fields where a well is found) because of their disappointment with one of the graduates of the university — President Widodo.

    Protests on campus by the academic community against the Widodo leadership then became more widespread such as at the State Islamic University (UII) in Yogyakarta which called for an “Indonesian Statesmanship Emergency”.

    Last Friday, on February 2, at least three more campuses issued statements criticising President Widodo. In a statement, the University of Indonesia (UI) claimed it had been called on to beat the drums of war to restore democracy.

    Meanwhile, several professors and academics from Hasanuddin University (Unhas) in the South Sulawesi provincial capital of Makassar warned President Widodo and all state officials, law enforcement officers and political actors in the cabinet to remain within the corridors of democracy, prioritising popular values and social justice and a sense of comfort in democracy.

    Lecturer coalition
    A coalition of lecturers from Mulawarman University (Unmul) in Samarinda, East Kalimantan, also joined in calling on people to take a stand to save democracy and asked President Widodo not to take sides in the 2024 elections.

    The palace itself has already responded to the wave of calls from Indonesian campuses. Presidential Special Staff Coordinator Ari Dwipayana responded by saying it was normal for a contest of opinions to emerge ahead of elections. He also touched on partisan political strategies.

    “We are paying close attention in this political year, ahead of elections a contest of opinion will definitely emerge, the herding of opinions,” said Dwipayana.

    “A contest of opinions in a political contestation is something that is also normal. Moreover it’s related to partisan political strategies for electoral politics.”

    Nevertheless, Dwipayana emphasised that the criticism by campus academics represented a form of free speech and was a citizen’s democratic right.

    Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “UMY Kritik Pemerintahan Jokowi: RI di Ambang Pintu Jadi Negara Gagal”.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Author and ghostwriter Sarah Tomlinson on finding a way to do what you love https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/06/author-and-ghostwriter-sarah-tomlinson-on-finding-a-way-to-do-what-you-love/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/06/author-and-ghostwriter-sarah-tomlinson-on-finding-a-way-to-do-what-you-love/#respond Tue, 06 Feb 2024 08:00:00 +0000 https://thecreativeindependent.com/people/author-and-ghostwriter-sarah-tomlinson-on-finding-a-way-to-do-what-you-love What did you learn about writing a novel or even about yourself when you were writing this?

    I’ll tell you one thing I learned about writing a novel and one thing I learned about myself. This is my fourth novel. It’s the only one that has been successfully published, assuming the trucks don’t crash on the way from the factory to the stores. They take so much work. I knew that, and I did work hard on the other ones, and I did all the things they tell you to do.

    I took not just fiction writing classes, but novel writing classes where you learned about the art of the novel. I had friends who were readers. I was very diligent about not just sharing my work, but reading the work of others so I always had a good community to go back and forth with. I did a ton of revisions. I wasn’t lazy about it, but the other books weren’t well realized enough. In some ways, I don’t think the ideas were quite good enough because that’s one of the hardest things of being an artist.

    Everyone talks so much about the craft. Of course, that’s important and you have to work on your craft and master it. But if you don’t have a good, undeniable idea, you’re just sort of circling the drain forever. I do think that Kirby, my agent, as someone who sells books and spends a lot of time thinking about what makes a book successful, was really smart in the idea of a thriller about a ghostwriter. He told me that people love learning about worlds they don’t know about.

    I think it was wise of me to take that advice. It was the right subject at the right time in my life. When I was working on it, I did at least 11 revisions. I got notes from friends who specialized in thrillers. I got notes from friends who specialized in music. I got notes from friends who were German. I got notes from friends who were British. I got Kirby and his assistant to read it. I just really worked so hard on it and did everything I could to make it as good as I could. And then when I sold it, we still did a ton more work on it. It still wasn’t even there.

    A fair chunk of your book involves your protagonist, Mari, interviewing people. You know quite a bit about the interview process from your work as a ghostwriter and in music journalism. But ghostwriting has an extra step: When you’re doing the writing, you have to inhabit the subject—and the result is subject to the interviewee’s approval. Can you talk about that process?

    There’re two answers to this, and one is the deeper answer, which we actually even talk about on the jacket of the book. Mari’s dad is a gambling addict and a narcissist, and I grew up with a gambling addict narcissist dad, and I’ve written about that in my memoir. It can be incredibly damaging to children to grow up with addict parents. It puts them in the position of trying to take care of that person and to intuit their emotions and their needs and to get there before the person.

    Weirdly, because I had that built into me, and I’ve been spending a lot of my adult life trying to undo that and just be a healthy adult human, it also became a superpower. I never set out to be a ghostwriter. I was very intentional about being a music journalist, and I loved it, and I just realized I was not going to have the career I wanted to make it worthwhile. I fell into ghostwriting, and coincidentally, I had just the superpower to do it.

    I’ve had so many people—especially other writers—ask me, “How can you stand to not get the credit?” Or, “How can you stand to work with someone who cancels meetings all the time?” But I just laugh because I was kind of wired that way from childhood. I also am very curious about people. I have a lot of compassion for my clients. I understand that when they’re behaving badly, a lot of times they’re under stress about revealing what they’re going to have to talk about in the memoir.

    Obviously, there needs to be respect in a professional relationship, so you can’t just let someone not show up to meetings. But I don’t take it personally. I think a lot of that does come from my childhood.

    That makes a lot of sense.

    It’s interesting. J.R. Moehringer, who wrote The Tender Bar, also wrote Prince Harry’s memoir. He just wrote this personal essay for The New Yorker about being a ghostwriter. He said he had an absent dad who was a radio DJ outside of Boston, and he was sort of obsessed with this fabulous dad, this sort of fantasy of the dad. In his personal essay, he talks a little bit about his path to becoming a ghostwriter. He’s much more masculine about it, and he tells Prince Harry what to do and stuff like that. I have a much more intuitive approach where I try not to have epiphanies for my clients. I really try to make sure that, especially if it’s a self-help book, that they’re only putting stuff in there that they can feel or realize themselves.

    It seems like Mari’s strategy is similar to yours in a way: Give them enough rope.

    I recently got a review of the book that was mostly positive, but then they said they thought it was a little slow. It’s interesting because I intentionally made the beginning slow. The first 100 pages is almost entirely Mari with her first client, Anka. I rewrote that so many times, more than anything else in the book. In the end, it still always needed to be that long because I wanted to get across that pace and the intimacy that develops. It’s sort of like dating: You have a really great time together, and then you kind of mess it up the next time by either going a little too fast or a little too slow, and then you have to kind of make it up. I wanted to really capture that. You interview people, so I think you totally get it.

    In that sense, I’m sort of the bullseye in the target audience for this book. But as your agent said, I think non-writers could be fascinated by the ghostwriting world.

    I’m going to say one other thing about ghostwriting. I only answered the deep, sad part about being a ghostwriter, as the child of an alcoholic and gambling addict. The other part that’s interesting about Mari is that she was based on me in 2011, which was when I had been ghostwriting for about three years, and I was trying to get my first bestseller. It’s hard, as she says in the book. You can’t get your first bestseller until you have your first bestseller, so you need a person to take a risk on you. I did, and it was incredible, and it was a bestseller, thank god.

    At that time, there weren’t all the transcription services. Also, the person I was working for was writing about very sensitive stuff. They were very paranoid about it getting out, probably rightly so. There was a major lawsuit possibility around the book, so it was really a risk for them to hire me because I hadn’t had a bestseller. Everyone on the team knew this would be a bestseller and I had to get it done. We had six weeks to do it, and they said, “You’re going to have to do all your own transcription,” not just because there wasn’t a reliable service at the time—they didn’t trust anyone else to do it.

    I will say, I’m so glad I don’t have to do that anymore. Mari talks about it in the book: When you have to listen to someone that closely for that many hours, it is an incredible lesson in their voice. It was really valuable. I probably did my own transcription for the first, I don’t know, maybe four or five books that I wrote.

    Earlier you mentioned the fact that ghostwriters don’t get credit. You’ve had a few New York Times bestsellers that your name isn’t on. That’s gotta be frustrating.

    I’ve had four uncredited New York Times Bestsellers and one [on which] I was a co-writer. So, I have seen my name on the New York Times Bestseller list once out of five. Is it frustrating? Yes and no. The first client, the one I told you about who was the first one to hire me, actually went to the place that does the gold and platinum record framing, and had a framed acknowledgement made. It had a copy of the hardcover and the paperback of the book. It said, “In acknowledgement of your contribution to the bestselling memoir,” and it had the name of the memoir. I didn’t get public acknowledgement, but I was very much acknowledged by the team. It was super classy of them to do. Once I have the grand office I will have someday, I’ll have it hung up. Right now, it’s in storage.

    Does the paycheck make up for the lack of public recognition?

    Partly. To be honest, that book was wonderful. I was super proud to do it. There have been some other books that I maybe wouldn’t have wanted to have my name on. No offense to anyone, but it just wasn’t my world. They were done very quickly. It was sort of meant to be a torn-from-the-headlines memoir. The one thing that would sometimes bother me was… I know from my own experience and my friends’ experiences who are writers, who are musicians, it’s so hard to get attention for your work.

    It’s funny: almost all of my clients go on Good Morning America. They get to have their face on the jumbotron in Times Square when it comes out. They just get that highest level of attention and accolade you can, and I probably won’t get that for my novel. It’s not even that I want to be in the spotlight. Of course, it’s gratifying when you’ve worked hard on something, but it’s just that you want your work to have a chance. In our culture, that’s what gives it a chance.

    I think that’s the only part I would get a little jealous of, but I understood it, too. They were already celebrities. They were incredibly charismatic. They could go on that show and do great and be charming and be totally natural. I’ve never been on Good Morning America. Hopefully I would be amazing and kill it, but it’s a different kind of promotion.

    You were a music journalist before you started ghostwriting. What did you get out of that experience?

    When I lived in Boston in the early aughts, I was a freelance music journalist, but I was known as a music journalist for the Boston Globe. People in the music world knew me nationally, and I loved writing about music. I loved my friends in the music world. I loved getting them into the Globe, where it actually helped them to sell records. I got some weird bands into the Globe, some weird indie art bands. I loved hanging out with bands. I loved going to their shows. I loved writing features on them, doing reviews. And then that started to go away. The reason I got out of the music industry was that it didn’t really exist anymore. Partly because I had never gone to magazines, but I think even if I had, it seemed like there was not the chance to be a byline anymore. But I know you went to magazines and had a different experience. I guess that’s sort of a long way of saying I’ve seen a diminishment in the value placed on journalists.

    Many people seem to respect journalism less and less with every passing day.

    I was lucky enough to be one of the last generation of journalists that actually went to journalism school. I was mentored at the Globe. I learned so much about writing, about deadlines. I actually had copy editors. The fact that my work was copy-edited is incredible. It was a privilege to write at that level. I didn’t really understand it at the time because I just thought that was what the world was. As I saw that going away, I moved out to Los Angeles in 2006. I was freelancing for the LA Times, again, because they knew me. They were like, “Oh, you’re Sarah Tomlinson from the Boston Globe. Sure.” I got to start doing concert reviews right away, which was kind of a big paper to do concert reviews for.

    That was when they declared bankruptcy and they cut what they were paying their freelancers, which hadn’t been very much to begin with. I was not getting as much work as I had at the Globe and I saw the writing on the wall. I’ve often joked that my career as a writer has been jumping from melting iceberg to melting iceberg, because I used to write for Monster.com when they started. I was writing for websites and doing content development, and then I went into music journalism, and then I went into ghostwriting.

    Thank god the ghostwriting has remained kind of stable, but a lot of the books that I ghost-wrote—I did some Real Housewives books, some sort-of Bachelor books, Dancing with the Stars. Those books don’t sell like they used to. I’ve seen the industry change as well in terms of what readers’ interests are. I feel incredibly lucky to have had a career. I think my expectations of recognition are pretty low at this point, because I realize how hard it is.

    You’ve told me you always wanted to be a novelist. Did you have a sudden epiphany?

    I decided when I was 16 that I was going to be a novelist. I sold my first book when I was 46, so I’ve been chasing this dream for a while. My mom was a librarian, and so we had a very book-friendly culture. My mom and I still do this when I go home to visit: One of us will put down a book and the other one will pick it up and start reading it. We’re just constantly reading books and talking about them—and giving each other books. I grew up in rural Maine, which at that point was very closed-minded. I got completely ostracized. If I had been a guy, I would’ve been beat up all throughout high school.

    My parents and I found this school called Simon’s Rock, which was an early college in the Berkshires. So, I got to drop out of high school when I was 15, and instead of going to my junior year of high school, I got to go to Simon’s Rock. They gave us college-level courses. When I was 16, I took my first fiction workshop, where we sat around a table and workshopped just like they do at regular mainstream universities. I loved it. And then I transferred to Bard. Simon’s Rock is under the umbrella of Bard, and Bard has a good creative writing program. I was able to get my undergraduate degree in fiction writing, which is very rare. I just knew that was what I was going to be.

    You have a journalism degree as well. Why did you get a second one?

    What happened was I moved out to Portland, Oregon, because I was only 19 when I got done with college, so I just wanted to live someplace cheap and try to write. I had gotten an offer for a job at the Hudson Valley Magazine in Poughkeepsie, New York, but that wasn’t what I wanted to do. I wanted to go to get an MFA. So, I called my favorite writing teacher from Bard and asked him if he’d write me a recommendation. And he goes, “Let me ask you a question: Do you write every day?” I said, “Oh, well, I mean, mostly…kind of.” He goes, “You need to not get an MFA right now. You need to get a job. You need to fall in love, and you need to write every day. When you do, call me and I’ll give you a recommendation for an MFA.”

    He knew I had just come out of a serious fiction program, and he knew you can only get taught so much. Eventually, you have to put it in your own hands. I had started waiting tables, and I knew I didn’t want to be a professional waitress. I wanted to have a job that supports my writing, and I realized that what I needed was a trade. So, instead of getting my MFA, which was very expensive unless you got a free ride—which was hard to do—I applied to journalism school, and that was great.

    I didn’t realize it at the time, but what journalism gave me, especially once I got into music writing, was I was so passionate about writing well about music. I cared that when I wrote about my friends’ bands or bands that I admired that it was good and that they saw something true in what I wrote. So, I really applied myself to it. But because it wasn’t my world—I was never a musician—I wasn’t too precious about it. I think it was that, too: You have to both really care and you have to give yourself permission to not be perfect and to mess up sometimes in order to really learn something. For a period when I was writing for the Globe, I had stuff due every day, sometimes multiple things due a day, and I just churned it out as best as I could.

    What do you see as the pros and cons of journalism school?

    The thing that’s really sad about it is I would never tell anyone to go to journalism school today. I managed to do it for $7,000. That was what I took out as a loan. And thank god, I managed to pay back that loan with journalism.

    As a person who’s interested in culture, I got to take a class on ethics where we read Supreme Court decisions that impact freedom of speech, and we read about ethics. Is it more ethical to drop the bomb on Hiroshima and kill that many people or to keep the war going and have even more people die in the trenches? Those are all incredible things to think about as a human. I don’t know that the majority of people who go into journalism these days are going to have the opportunity to write at that level.

    I’m sure people who write for the New York Times, some of the top newspapers and magazines, are thinking about ethics and morality, but does it help them to have that kind of foundation to do a listicle about the best places to get hot dogs by Dodger Stadium? I don’t think you need it. I think the best thing you can do, which is advice you hear all the time, but I think it’s completely true, is to just find a way to do it. Because the other part about being a journalist is you have to get comfortable talking to people and the only way to do it is to just have some low-stakes interviews.

    Absolutely.

    And you mess up and your recorder breaks, and you say something inappropriate and offend the person, and you have to take your knocks. I do totally believe in finding a community newspaper or starting your own blog. Probably a blog is a little different because I do think you need to not do it in an echo chamber. Anything you can do where you’re involved with other people, both in the interviewing and having someone edit you, is really helpful for your writing.

    Sarah Tomlinson Recommends:

    Too much writing, without getting out for a run, would make my brain explode. My current favorite soundtrack is the song “Hunter” by Jess Williamson.

    Like Mari, the character based on me in my novel, I drink a bonkers amount of tea. My favorite brand is August, for its bold blends and whimsical flavor descriptions.

    I also have a chocolate habit, and my mom keeps me stocked with goodies from Bixby, which is made in our home state of Maine. (Go ginger pecan!)

    My next novel is set in the Pacific Northwest, so I’ve been steeping myself in great prose from the region, including this deeply searching coming-of age-memoir: Red Paint: The Ancestral Autobiography of a Coast Salish Punk by Sasha Lapointe.

    I live in Los Angeles, and yes, I start my day by doing morning pages and pulling a card from the gorgeous Wild Unknown Spirit Animal deck.


    This content originally appeared on The Creative Independent and was authored by J. Bennett.

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    Private Schools, Public Money: School Leaders Are Pushing Parents to Exploit Voucher Programs https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/31/private-schools-public-money-school-leaders-are-pushing-parents-to-exploit-voucher-programs/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/31/private-schools-public-money-school-leaders-are-pushing-parents-to-exploit-voucher-programs/#respond Wed, 31 Jan 2024 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/private-schools-vouchers-parents-ohio-public-funds by Alec MacGillis

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    Tara Polansky and her husband were torn about where to enroll their daughter when they moved back to Columbus, Ohio, a year and a half ago. The couple, who work for a nonprofit organization and a foundation, respectively, were concerned about the quality of the city’s public schools and finally decided to send her to Columbus Jewish Day School. It was a long drive out to the suburbs every day, but they admired the school for its liberal-minded outlook.

    So Polansky was startled when, in September, the school wrote to families telling them to apply for taxpayer-funded vouchers to cover part of the $18,000 tuition. In June, the Republican-controlled state government had expanded the state’s private-school voucher program to increase the value of the vouchers — to a maximum of $8,407 a year for high school students and $6,165 for those in lower grades — and, crucially, to make them available to all families.

    For years the program, EdChoice, targeted mostly lower-income students in struggling school districts. Now it is an entitlement available to all, with its value decreasing for families with higher incomes but still providing more than $7,000 annually for high school students in solidly middle-class families and close to $1,000 for ones in the wealthiest families. Demand for EdChoice vouchers has nearly doubled this year, at a cost to Ohio taxpayers of several hundred million additional dollars, the final tally of which won’t be known for months.

    That surge has been propelled by private school leaders, who have an obvious interest: The more voucher money families receive, the less schools have to offer in financial aid. The voucher revenue also makes it easier to raise tuition.

    “The Board has voted to require all families receiving financial assistance … to apply for the EdChoice Program. We also encourage all families paying full tuition to apply for this funding,” read the email from the Columbus Jewish Day School board president. She continued: “I am looking forward to a great year — a year of learning, growing, and caring for each other. Let’s turn that caring into action by applying for the EdChoice Program.”

    Polansky bridled at the direction. She had long subscribed to the main argument against private school vouchers: that they draw resources away from public education. It was one thing for her family to have chosen a private school. But she did not want to be part of an effort that, as she saw it, would decrease funding for schools serving other Columbus children. Together with another parent, she wrote a letter objecting to the demand.

    “For this public money to go to kids to get a religious education is incredibly wrong,” she told ProPublica. “I absolutely don’t want to pull money out of an underfunded school district.”

    For decades, Republicans have pushed, with mixed success, for school voucher programs in the name of parental choice and encouraging free-market competition among schools. But in just the past couple of years, vouchers have expanded to become available to most or all children in 10 states: Arkansas, Arizona, Florida, Indiana, Iowa, North Carolina, Ohio, Oklahoma, Utah and West Virginia. The expansion has been spurred by growing Republican dominance in many state capitals, U.S. Supreme Court rulings loosening restrictions on taxpayer funding for religious schools, and parental frustration with progressive curricula and with public school closures during the coronavirus pandemic. Many of the expanded programs are experiencing high demand, which voucher advocates are taking as affirmation of their argument: that families would greatly prefer to send their children to private schools, if only they could afford them.

    But much of the demand for the expanded voucher programs is in fact coming from families, many quite affluent, whose children were already attending private schools. In Arizona, the first state to allow any family to receive public funding for private schools or homeschooling, the majority of families applying for the money, about $7,000 per student, were not recently enrolled in public school. In Florida, only 13% of the 123,000 students added to the state’s expanded school-choice program had switched from public school.

    In Ohio, the effects of the move toward looser eligibility in recent years was clear even prior to last summer’s big expansion: Whereas in 2018, fewer than a tenth of the students who were newly receiving vouchers that year had not attended a public school the year before, by 2022, more than half of students who were new to EdChoice were already in private schools.

    That ratio will climb much higher in Ohio, now that the vouchers are available for families at all income levels and private schools are explicitly telling parents to apply. The surge in applications this school year has been so dramatic that it’s nearing the total enrollment for all private schools in the entire state.

    At St. Brendan’s the Navigator, on the other side of the Columbus beltway from the Jewish Day School, the missive arrived on the last day of July. The letter, signed by the Rev. Bob Penhallurick, called the expanded vouchers a “tremendous boon to our school families and Catholic education across Ohio” and said that all families were “strongly encouraged to apply for and receive the EdChoice scholarship.” He noted that, depending on their income level, families could receive up to $6,165 for each child — nearly covering the $6,975 tuition. “Even a small scholarship is a major blessing for you, the school, and the parish,” he wrote.

    And then he added, in italics, that if a family did not apply for the vouchers, “we will respect that decision,” but that “supplemental financial aid from the parish in this case will require a meeting” with either himself or another pastor at the school.

    Asked about the directive and parents who might have been reluctant to comply, Columbus diocesan spokesperson Jason Mays said, “Parents are not required to apply for EdChoice.” Asked about the EdChoice expansion’s effect on enrollment, he said, “We expect to see continued growth and demand in the upcoming school year.”

    At Holy Family School near Youngstown, the directive arrived a few days later, on Aug. 3. “As you are aware, ALL students attending Holy Family School will be eligible for the EdChoice Scholarship. We are requesting that all families register their child/ren for this scholarship as soon as possible,” wrote the school’s leadership. And then it added in bold: “It is imperative that you register for EdChoice for each of your students. We are waiting to send invoices until your EdChoice Scholarship has been awarded.”

    In an interview at the school, Holy Family principal Laura Parise said the push to apply for EdChoice had succeeded. “One hundred percent of our students are on it,” she said. “We made it that way — we made our families fill out the form, and we’re going from there.”

    Parise said that some families had been reluctant to apply, but that the school told them that if they did not do so, they could not qualify for any of the school’s discounts from its $5,900 tuition, such as the ones Holy Family offers to second and third children from the same family. If parents still needed additional help beyond the vouchers, they could request it.

    She said the school was not yet planning to raise tuition beyond what was already scheduled. “We didn’t want to take advantage of the situation,” she said. For now, she said, the state revenue that replaces some financial aid costs will simply make it possible for the school to spend more on other things. “We might be able to allocate some funds for other things curriculum wise to raise academics,” she said.

    The expanded vouchers have not affected enrollment much yet, she said, since they had been made available after most families had already made school decisions for this year. “The true sign will come next year,” she said. “Our families from the previous year were coming anyway. We’ll see what happens next year, if we have an increase.”

    Since private-school vouchers launched in Ohio nearly three decades ago, there has been a debate over who their true beneficiaries are. Then-Gov. George Voinovich, a Republican who had been mayor of Cleveland, pushed for the creation of a voucher program in that city in 1995, selling it as an outlet for disadvantaged families seeking an alternative to the city’s troubled schools.

    But, within three years, while the program had grown to 4,000 students, private-school enrollment had grown by only 300, suggesting that most participating families were already enrolled in private schools. By 2001, the share of Black students among voucher recipients in Cleveland was 53%, below the 71% ratio of Black students in public school.

    The program was the first in the nation to provide public money for tuition at religious schools, and by 2000, virtually all Cleveland voucher recipients were using them at a religious private school (mostly Catholic) rather than secular ones. In 2002, the U.S. Supreme Court narrowly rejected a challenge to the Cleveland vouchers; the court ruled that because the vouchers could be used for religious or nonreligious schools, they did not violate the constitutional prohibition against a state favoring religion. In the years that followed, vouchers spread to more districts around the state, taking on the name EdChoice. Initially, they were targeted at families in other districts deemed to be failing, but a decade ago, the state legislature — whose Republican majorities are buttressed by highly gerrymandered districts — made them available to lower-income students across the state.

    Then came last year’s big expansion, eliminating income limits and raising the value of the vouchers. It offers major benefits even to many solidly middle-class families: A family of four at 451% of the poverty level, or $135,300 in household income, will receive $5,200 per year for a K-8 student and $7,050 per year for a high school student.

    In the 2022-23 school year, before the expansion, EdChoice cost $354 million, on top of the $46 million for the Cleveland program, according to the state education department. That was already more than quadruple what EdChoice had cost a decade earlier.

    The recent surge in applications will propel the price tag far higher. With the state still processing applications and accepting them until the end of June, it has not yet reported the total cost of the expansion, but in August legislative analysts projected that it would cost the state an additional $320 million for this school year. The EdChoice line item is folded within the state’s overall budget for K-12 education, which is roughly $13 billion, and the EdChoice line item is not capped: The more families apply, the more it will cost.

    The program’s expansion in recent years has prompted another lawsuit, filed in 2022, this one from a coalition of 250 school districts. The suit argues that the vouchers worsen segregation, since private schools can choose their students (an analysis found that as of November, 90% of the new voucher recipients were white, far above the statewide share of white students, which is about two-thirds); that they violate the state Constitution’s bars against religious control of public school funds (the vast majority of EdChoice funds go to Christian schools); and that the vouchers undermine the Ohio Constitution’s promise of an adequate education for all by leaching money from public schools. Last month, a judge denied the state’s motion to dismiss the case, rejecting the state’s claims that the plaintiffs lacked standing and that all the claims have previously been decided by the state and U.S. supreme courts.

    The leaching from public schools happens in two ways. Since public school funding formulas are based on enrollment, every student who uses a voucher to leave public schools means less money for them. But even if few students make that switch and most vouchers go to students already in private schools, the lawsuit’s supporters say, the soaring cost of the vouchers inevitably leaves less money in the state education budget for public schools.

    “It’s soon going to be a billion dollars annually, and it’s coming right out of the school funds,” said William Phillis, the director of the coalition that filed the lawsuit and a former assistant state school superintendent. “It’s just an egregious violation of the Constitution.”

    State Senate President Matt Huffman, a Republican from western Ohio who has led the push to expand vouchers, is blunt in his defense: Yes, the vouchers cost the state more money now, but they will save it money over time as families opt out of public schools, reducing the need to fund them. “In the long run, the taxpayer saves a lot of money," he said in an interview last fall. “I hope more people take advantage [of EdChoice] if they want to.”

    Aaron Churchill, the research director at the Ohio branch of the Thomas B. Fordham Institute, a conservative-leaning education-reform think tank, said that even if more vouchers are going to families already enrolled in private school, those vouchers are still supporting school choice. These families have been paying taxes for years and not availing themselves of the schools those taxes paid for, he said, and it’s only fair that at least some of that money go toward the education they chose for their children.

    “It does follow the basic principle that when we talk about funding education, we’re funding students, regardless of the choice their parents make,” he said. “These dollars are for the kids, regardless of whether it’s the public or private sector.”

    Polansky, the Columbus Jewish Day School mother, found an ally in Micah Berman, a fellow parent of a third grader. “One of the reasons we went to this school is because it does have a strong emphasis on teaching students about caring for the broader community and in particular caring for those that have more needs,” he said. “And the idea that you would be putting some pressure on families to accept these vouchers that in effect take money out of school districts that need it strikes me as problematic and in conflict with that.”

    Together, they penned a three-page letter to the school leadership. “We chose to send our children to CJDS in large part because of its commitment to tikkun olam, the Jewish obligation to build a better and more equitable world,” they wrote. “The Board’s policy: (1) puts pressure on CJDS families to betray their own values by requiring them to seek out vouchers that they may be morally and ethically opposed to in order to obtain any financial aid; and (2) sends a message to the parents, the public, and other private and public schools that CJDS endorses and is willing to benefit from the EdChoice program, even though the program runs counter to core Jewish values and basic tenets of social justice.”

    They added, “We recognize that the Board has a responsibility to ensure the financial sustainability of CJDS and that doing so is no easy task … . But CJDS needs to live its values in the course of doing so.’”

    Soon after they sent the letter, school leaders lifted the requirement that families on financial aid apply for the vouchers. But Polansky worried that the order had already had its desired effect in spurring applications. “Even though it was rescinded, my sense is that a lot of the damage was already done,” she said.

    Berman said that many parents still may miss the broader picture. “It’s easy not to think of the systemic impact when you’re thinking about individual families or individual schools,” he said. “My fear is that this is sort of the point: to make this as attractive as possible for families to take more of the money, because it increases the incentive to keep taking money from the schools that need it.”

    The school’s interim director, Rabbi Morris Allen, responded to inquiries with a brief statement: “We are aware of all Ohio educational guidelines. We work continually to ensure that our school can provide its unique pluralistic and accessible education to any student who desires to benefit from our Jewish vision and mission.”

    Visits to both CJDS and St. Brendan to ask other parents what they made of the voucher debate, in the parking lot during school drop-off and pickup, were unsuccessful: At both schools, administrators (and a heavily armed guard at CJDS) came outside to tell this reporter to vacate the premises. Regardless of how much public funding the schools receive, they are, after all, private.


    This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Alec MacGillis.

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    World’s ‘smallest university’, but Tuvalu campus has big local impact https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/28/worlds-smallest-university-but-tuvalu-campus-has-big-local-impact/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/28/worlds-smallest-university-but-tuvalu-campus-has-big-local-impact/#respond Sun, 28 Jan 2024 22:31:00 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=96317 By Kalinga Seneviratne

    The University of the South Pacific’s (USP) Tuvalu Campus, located in the capital Funafuti, is perhaps the smallest university in the world, but it offers a distinctive service.

    The nation of Tuvalu comprises nine small atoll islands which have a combined population of just 11,400. The Tuvalu Campus itself is restricted to one small building with three classrooms, a conference room, a couple of office spaces and several mobile teaching and learning units.

    Regardless of the size of the campus, USP Tuvalu’s campus director Dr Olikoni Tanaki from Tonga is positive about the university’s role and contribution.

    In a message on its website, he argues it is the people that “make this campus distinctive and we continuously strive to explore better ways to provide the best services to our communities, and that sustains our distinctiveness”.

    In an interview in Funafuti, Isikeli Naqaya, a student-learning specialist at USP Tuvalu, said: “Every semester, the university caters to about 330 students who come from all nine islands.”

    He added that some students were based in outer islands and study online, while the majority were based in Funafuti.

    The campus was first established as an extension centre in the early 1980s. It is referred to as USP Tuvalu because of the multi-campus nature of USP.

    USP is a single university with 11 branch campuses across the Pacific.

    It is one of two regional universities in the world — the other is in the Caribbean — and is owned by 12 Pacific Island countries, with Tuvalu being one of them.

    USP’s main campus is located in Suva, Fiji, and is known in the region as Laucala Campus, which is also the university’s administrative centre.

    The author, Kalinga Seneviratne
    The author, Kalinga Seneviratne, at the Tuvalu campus of The University of the South Pacific. Image: KS/APR

    Catering to local needs
    Tuvalu Campus is basically a regional centre of USP which helps to deliver courses that are designed at the Laucala Campus.

    Local students can take certificate, diploma or degree courses of USP via the Tuvalu Campus but they need to register through the central administration at Laucala. USP Tuvalu also offers short courses and workshops catering to local needs.

    “The majority of our students do the online mode, particularly those who are involved in degree courses,” Naqaya said. “A majority of those doing face-to-face [courses] are those who do foundation programmes”.

    The foundation programmes include the compulsory module, English language skills for tertiary studies, that is taught in-person by Naqaya.

    He explains that there are three delivery methods on campus: if there is a tutor available on campus to deliver the programme, it’s face to face. If there is no tutor, it is usually a blended mode or purely online.

    Many of the in-person courses are short courses offered as adult education programmes to improve the skills levels needed for the local economy.

    “We have just completed one on business communication with our Department of Fisheries here in Tuvalu. It went on for two weeks. These programmes are very popular here.

    “Different government ministries and even non-governmental organisations come to us for this type of programme,” said Naqaya. “We have also delivered a course in the small seafood business.”

    Fisheries staff
    Most of the students for the small business course were staff of the Tuvalu Fisheries Department. USP Tuvalu advertised the course and staff interested in it sent in their applications which went to Laucala campus for selection.

    The certificates for the graduates of the short courses are issued by USP in Fiji.

    Because it is a branch campus, for USP Tuvalu to deliver a programme, it has to undergo a process. First, the Fiji campus consults with their Tuvalu counterparts to see whether they have a suitable person to deliver the course.

    If there is one, Tuvalu receives the course material from Suva and the course is delivered in Tuvalu.

    “If we don’t have the specialised staff, like [for a subject such as] cybercrime, for example, we would have someone to come over and deliver it. We first advertise it locally and if there is someone qualified here to do it, they will come and deliver it,” said Naqaya.

    “Many of the small courses I have been delivering.”

    School leadership programme
    On November 27, USP Tuvalu officially launched the Graduate Certificate of School Leadership (GCSL) programme in Tuvalu, marking a crucial step towards empowering the country’s school leaders.

    This is a collaborative effort between the USP’s Institute of Education (IoE), the Tuvalu Ministry of Education, Youth, and Sports, and the Tuvalu Learning Project. The GCSL programme was developed in response to a request from Tuvalu, and emphasises the collaborative effort required for success.

    IoE director Dr Seu’ula Johansson-Fua, delivering the opening remarks at the launch of the GCSL programme, described it as an uncommon instance of a member country seeking university-designed programmes, and highlighted the institution’s commitment to tailoring education to meet the specific needs of member countries.

    The guest of honour for the launch ceremony, Director of the Tuvalu Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports Neaki Letia, highlighted the necessity of the GCSL programme and acknowledged the challenges faced by school leaders in the absence of proper leadership and management training.

    “In your role as school leaders we demand reports, we demand . . . attainments. At one point in time, we sit around the table and ask each other, ‘Have we provided proper training for the tools that we ask them to provide?’ and the answer is ‘No, we have not’,” he said.

    “So, this is why we requested USP, especially the Institute of Education, for support — to help us contribute ideas and instil knowledge to be a leader,” he explained.

    Local research capacity
    Another role of USP Tuvalu is to develop local research capacity, especially in local knowledge to tackle climatic change.

    Vasa Saitala, a Tuvaluan, was the community research officer at USP Tuvalu until recently. She told University World News that a campus like Tuvalu is important to unite communities as some Tuvaluans have never been to school.

    “There are changes due to climate change and through consultations with communities they would . . .  learn of what’s happening around us,” she said. “We have to do the studies about traditional knowledge and peoples’ awareness of climatic change, etcetera.”

    Saitala has conducted a research project on gathering traditional knowledge about local indicators for different seasons and has developed a curriculum for community training on how to use this knowledge to protect against cyclones, droughts and so on. She has also been involved in a regional project of USP that gathers information about community understandings of climatic change issues.

    “USP Laucala outsources the research to us. We do the research here and send the reports to Laucala,” she said.

    “For short-term fisheries training and also gender issues, people from USP Fiji come here and work with us.”

    Kalinga Seneviratne is a journalist, radio broadcaster, television documentary maker, media and international communications analyst. During 2023, he was a journalism programme consultant with The University of the South Pacific. This article was first published by University World News and is republished with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    The Crusade Against Harvard’s Claudine Gay: BIPOC Media on Anti-Zionism & Diversity in Education https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/26/the-crusade-against-harvards-claudine-gay-bipoc-media-on-anti-zionism-diversity-in-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/26/the-crusade-against-harvards-claudine-gay-bipoc-media-on-anti-zionism-diversity-in-education/#respond Fri, 26 Jan 2024 20:01:06 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=05b2af140c9c5e329001a9f43b0ef8ba
    This content originally appeared on Laura Flanders & Friends and was authored by The Laura Flanders Show.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/26/the-crusade-against-harvards-claudine-gay-bipoc-media-on-anti-zionism-diversity-in-education/feed/ 0 455081
    Promoting Respect for Gender Diversity Through Human Rights Education https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/23/promoting-respect-for-gender-diversity-through-human-rights-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/23/promoting-respect-for-gender-diversity-through-human-rights-education/#respond Tue, 23 Jan 2024 15:23:51 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=83f734eaba519471569bf896e5439ad1
    This content originally appeared on Amnesty International and was authored by Amnesty International.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/23/promoting-respect-for-gender-diversity-through-human-rights-education/feed/ 0 454253
    Rabuka stands firm on sacking decision – coalition at risk https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/22/rabuka-stands-firm-on-sacking-decision-coalition-at-risk/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/22/rabuka-stands-firm-on-sacking-decision-coalition-at-risk/#respond Mon, 22 Jan 2024 07:45:14 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=95941 By Temalesi Vono in Suva

    Fiji’s fired Education Minister Aseri Radrodro rebuffed three letters from the Prime Minister and legal advice from the Solicitor-General that led to his sacking as a cabinet minister, Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka revealed yesterday.

    Rabuka also said he wrote twice to the Social Democratic Liberal Party (SODELPA) leader Viliame Gavoka and met him once to discuss Radrodro’s non-compliance to his directives to reappoint members of the Fiji National University Council who he had sacked.

    “I requested honourable Gavoka to urge the SODELPA Management Board to consider taking action to ensure the unlawful decisions outlined above, are rescinded, as it could invite serious legal consequences for the Coalition Government,” said Rabuka.

    He added that Radrodro would cease to be minister from today.

    “Honourable Radrodro may attend his former office to remove his personal items and honourable Gavoka may request him for a handover-briefing on his return from official travel.”

    Rabuka had announced the sacking of Radrodro for “insubordination and disobedience” via social media platform Facebook.

    RNZ Pacific reports that Fiji’s three-party coalition government is at risk of collapse after just over 12 months in power following the dismissal of Radrodo, with calls for Rabuka to step down as prime minister.

    Radrodro — who is one of three MPs from the kingmaker party, Sodelpa — told local media the sacking came as a surprise, saying he only received a letter of his dismissal after it had been announced on social media.

    He told local media he was not sure if he remained an MP.

    However, the Cabinet and Parliament are two separate institutions independent of each other and Radrodro remains a parliamentarian.

    Aseri Radrodro
    Sodelpa’s Aseri Radrodro . . . dimissed for “insubordination and disobedience”. Image: Republic of Fiji Parliament/RNZ Pacific

    According to the Standing Orders, only Parliament can remove an MP either for disciplinary reasons through a process in Parliament as provided for in the Constitution or in any law or if an MP Member is expelled by his/her party, or he/she resigns from the party, under which the party formally informs the Speaker of such a resignation or expulsion.

    Temalesi Vono is a Fiji Times reporter. Republished with permission. This article is also republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Fiji’s Radrodro dismissed after ‘due process’, says Rabuka https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/21/fijis-radrodro-dismissed-after-due-process-says-rabuka/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/21/fijis-radrodro-dismissed-after-due-process-says-rabuka/#respond Sun, 21 Jan 2024 12:31:19 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=95895 By Timoci Vula

    Fiji’s Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka says the decision to dismiss Education Minister Aseri Radrodro from cabinet was taken after due process had been followed.

    Rabuka had issued a public statement to announce Radrodro’s dismissal on January 19 with effect from tomorrow (January 22), citing “insubordination and disobedience” to his directive.

    He said he had written three letters to Radrodro since September last year, and had also held discussions with SODELPA leader and Deputy PM Viliame Gavoka last October, which was followed up by another letter in early November.

    The Prime Minister said he was also advised that during his absence, then then-acting PM, Deputy PM and Minister for Trade Manoa Kamikamica, had also advised Radrodro to comply with the legal advice from the Solicitor-General regarding the reinstatement of members of the Fiji National University (FNU) Council whom he had terminated.

    “I wish to clarify that my public statement on the dismissal was published only after confirmation of the dispatch of letters to Hon. Radrodro and His Excellency the President and Honourable Speaker on Friday 19/1/24.”

    Background:

    • Radrodro had terminated the appointment of the chairperson and three members of the Fiji National University (FNU) Council in May 2023;
    • Thereafter, he was advised by the Solicitor-General’s Office that the decision was unlawful and must be withdrawn;
    • Members of the FNU Council can only be terminated in limited circumstances and with a two-thirds majority vote of the Council during their meeting and only after the members have been provided an opportunity to be heard;
    • The Solicitor-General also met with Radrodro to urge him to comply with the legal advice given;
    • Despite the PM’s “very clear” written directive and discussions with Deputy Prime Minister Manoa Kamikamica, Radrodro failed to comply with the PM’s directive.

    Timoci Vula is a Fiji Times reporter. Republished with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    A Tale of Two Federal Grants for Public Education https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/20/a-tale-of-two-federal-grants-for-public-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/20/a-tale-of-two-federal-grants-for-public-education/#respond Sat, 20 Jan 2024 12:00:00 +0000 https://progressive.org/public-schools-advocate/tale-two-federal-grants-for-public-education-bryant-240120/
    This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Jeff Bryant.

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    Israel blows up last university in Gaza as air strikes continue – call for full academic boycott https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/19/israel-blows-up-last-university-in-gaza-as-air-strikes-continue-call-for-full-academic-boycott/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/19/israel-blows-up-last-university-in-gaza-as-air-strikes-continue-call-for-full-academic-boycott/#respond Fri, 19 Jan 2024 04:57:32 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=95778 By Laura Pollock

    Gaza’s last standing university has been destroyed by the Israeli army as military continued to strike targets in areas of the besieged territory where it has told civilians to seek refuge.

    Al-Israa University — the University of Palestine — was blown up after Israeli soldiers occupied the campus and turned it into a base and military barracks over two months ago.

    A video shared on social media showed the moment the educational institute was completely destroyed, along with more than 3000 rare artefacts in a national museum near the university campus.

    It is understood that all four of Gaza’s universities as well as more than 350 schools and its public library have now been destroyed by Israeli strikes.

    Dr Nicola Perugini, an associate professor at the University of Edinburgh, shared the video and said: “The Israeli military just blew up the University of Palestine in Gaza City with 315 mines.

    “All the universities in Gaza have been damaged or destroyed. We need a full academic boycott.”

    ‘We need a full academic boycott’
    Birzeit University, an institute in Palestine, reacted to the bombing: “Birzeit University reaffirms the fact that this crime is part of the Israeli occupation’s onslaught against the Palestinians. It’s all a part of the Israeli occupation’s goal to make Gaza uninhabitable; a continuation of the genocide being carried out in Gaza Strip.”

    It comes as an Israeli airstrike on a home killed 16 people, half of them children, in the southern Gaza city of Rafah, medics said early on Thursday.

    There was, meanwhile, no word on whether medicines that entered the territory Wednesday as part of a deal brokered by France and Qatar had been distributed to dozens of hostages with chronic illnesses who are being held by Hamas.

    More than 100 days after Hamas triggered the war with its October 7 attack, Israel continues to wage one of the deadliest and most destructive military campaigns in recent history.

    More than 24,000 Palestinians have been killed, some 85 percent of the narrow coastal territory’s 2.3 million people have fled their homes, and the United Nations says a quarter of the population is starving.

    Hundreds of thousands have heeded Israeli evacuation orders and packed into southern Gaza, where shelters run by the United Nations are overflowing and massive tent camps have gone up.

    But Israel has continued to strike what it says are militant targets in all parts of Gaza, often killing women and children.

    Dozens more wounded
    Dr Talat Barhoum, at Rafah’s el-Najjar Hospital, confirmed the death toll from the strike in Rafah and said dozens more were wounded.

    Associated Press footage from the hospital showed relatives weeping over the bodies of loved ones.

    “They were suffering from hunger, they were dying from hunger, and now they have also been hit,” said Mahmoud Qassim, a relative of some of those who were killed.

    Internet and mobile services in Gaza have been down for five days, the longest of several outages during the war, according to internet access advocacy group NetBlocks.

    The outages complicate rescue efforts and make it difficult to obtain information about the latest strikes and casualties.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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    Life Under Taliban: Women In Afghanistan Talk About Education Ban https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/18/life-under-taliban-women-in-afghanistan-talk-about-education-ban/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/18/life-under-taliban-women-in-afghanistan-talk-about-education-ban/#respond Thu, 18 Jan 2024 15:54:32 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=4fc0ff41ddd64935bbbe38577bad5ea2
    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty and was authored by Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty.

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    Life Under Taliban: Women In Afghanistan Talk About Education Ban https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/18/afghan-women-say-what-its-like-to-be-banned-from-studying-by-the-taliban/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/18/afghan-women-say-what-its-like-to-be-banned-from-studying-by-the-taliban/#respond Thu, 18 Jan 2024 13:20:12 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=ec4496e349f37c69dd72c09c8a7eda19
    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty and was authored by Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty.

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    Marape tells PNG youth ‘I’m your father’ in bid to mobilise them https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/18/marape-tells-png-youth-im-your-father-in-bid-to-mobilise-them/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/18/marape-tells-png-youth-im-your-father-in-bid-to-mobilise-them/#respond Thu, 18 Jan 2024 10:25:40 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=95749

    In the wake of last week’s riots and looting across Papua New Guinea’s cities, the government has announced plans to get the country’s youth working.

    Prime Minister James Marape said efforts would be made to mobilise people aged 16 to 30, who were not in work or education.

    Some of the blame for the rioting and looting has been put on out-of-work youth.

    Under fire Prime Minister James Marape
    Prime Minister James Marape . . . “listen to this” message to the youth. Image: PNGPC

    The PNG Post-Courier quotes him saying the responsibility for doing this will be passed to provincial and district administrations, which will be expected to make use of the money from the intervention funds they receive.

    “I want to appeal to every young Papua New Guinean child out there, I’m your father. As Prime Minister, I’m your father, listen to this.

    ‘Talk to your church’
    “Go to your church somewhere, in your community, neighbourhood and you and tell them, I’m not in a class this year, or I have graduated in a college or university and have no employment,” Marape said.

    “The entire 97 districts throughout the country will be asked to mobilise the youth.”

    The prime minister urged the youth to make contact with their respective district education advisors and community development advisers, including district development authority chief executive officers.

    He said the churches would link the youth to these district governments.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    The Fiji Times: Drug bust a chilling wake-up call for Fiji https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/15/the-fiji-times-drug-bust-a-chilling-wake-up-call-for-fiji/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/15/the-fiji-times-drug-bust-a-chilling-wake-up-call-for-fiji/#respond Mon, 15 Jan 2024 09:24:43 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=95615 EDITORIAL: By Fred Wesley, editor-in-chief of The Fiji Times

    The revelation that police have carried out what is believed to be one of Fiji’s biggest drug busts after a surprise raid in Nadi at the weekend is a wake-up call for us all.

    Acting Police Commissioner Juki Fong Chew yesterday confirmed the raid and that substantial amounts of white drugs were seized.

    The tip off, he said, came from Nausori, subsequently allowing officers to conduct a raid at a warehouse in the West. It is arguably one of the biggest haul in Fiji. As investigations continue, one thing is certain.

    The Fiji Times
    THE FIJI TIMES

    This is a national issue, and it is big. It’s a chilling wake-up call, exposing something we have been seeing glimpses of over the years. It is difficult to shrug aside the fact that the drug trade is a major challenge for us as a nation.

    We have been talking about the consequences, which are far reaching, and threatening the very fabric of life as we know it.

    Addiction is a major challenge we face as well and given the fact that we do not have well equipped rehabilitation centres, we are staring at a blankwall, and that places us in a rather frightening situation.

    The impact of drug addiction on the family structure, on society and our country are not good at all.

    The minds of tourists
    The last thing we want is for our country to lose its shine on the minds of tourists because of a drug challenge. We look up to the powers that be to put in place measures that will assist in the fight against drugs, and addiction.

    That is why we have been pushing for rehabilitation centres and for people to be trained to work in these facilities. In saying that, we are encouraged by this latest revelation.

    There is a glimmer of hope when such events happen because they take a swipe at the illicit trade. While it is a testament to the efforts and the vigilance of the police, we are still reminded about the fact that we have a problem!

    In this instance, awareness is key. Educational campaigns targeted at youth, families, and communities must dispel the myths and expose the brutal reality of drugs.

    We also need to be talking, and assisting Fijians make informed choices.

    We need those rehabilitation centres set up urgently, and equipped by trained professional staff.

    Then there are the social challenges that range from poverty, and unemployment to consider.

    This is not just a matter for the police to deal with. It’s a fight we all must participate in. It is for our future!

    This editorial was published in The Fiji Times today under the title of “Drug challenge”.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Charter Schools Will Desert And Violate Thousands In 2024 https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/09/charter-schools-will-desert-and-violate-thousands-in-2024/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/09/charter-schools-will-desert-and-violate-thousands-in-2024/#respond Tue, 09 Jan 2024 18:16:39 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=147285 Privately-operated charter schools have been around for 32 years. They fail and close every week, abandoning and harming hundreds of parents, students, teachers, education support staff, and principals. Neoliberals cynically call this “free market accountability.” These closures, moreover, are often sudden and abrupt, revealing deep problems and instability in the charter school sector. Parents, students, […]

    The post Charter Schools Will Desert And Violate Thousands In 2024 first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
    Privately-operated charter schools have been around for 32 years. They fail and close every week, abandoning and harming hundreds of parents, students, teachers, education support staff, and principals. Neoliberals cynically call this “free market accountability.”

    These closures, moreover, are often sudden and abrupt, revealing deep problems and instability in the charter school sector. Parents, students, teachers, education support staff, and principals often report being blindsided by such closures and how they have to anxiously scramble to find new schools for students.

    Officially, 2,315 charter schools failed and closed between 2010-11 and 2021-22 alone (an 11-year period). On average, that is 210 privately-operated charter school failures and closures per year, or four charter school failures and closures per week. The real number is likely higher. Over the course of 30+ years more than 4,000 privately-operated charter schools have failed and closed. That is a high number given the fact that there are under 8,000 privately-operated charter schools in the country today.

    The top four reasons privately-operated charter schools fail and close every week include low enrollment, poor academic performance, financial malfeasance, and mismanagement. Thus, for example, every week the mainstream media is filled with articles on fraud, corruption, nepotism, and embezzlement in the charter school sector. Not surprisingly, arrests and indictments of charter school employees, trustees, and owners are common.

    While fraud, corruption, nepotism, embezzlement, and scandal pervade many institutions, sectors, and spheres in America, such problems are more common and intense in the charter school sector.

    Despite all this, a dishonest neoliberal narrative keeps insisting that these privately-operated schools are superior to the public schools that have been defunded and demonized by neoliberals for more than 40 years. The public is constantly under top-down pressure to ignore or trivialize persistent charter school failures and problems.

    In this context, the public should reject relentless neoliberal disinformation that public schools are a commodity or some sort of “free market” phenomenon. It should discard the idea that parents and students are consumers who should fend-for-themselves while “shopping” for a school. The law of the jungle has no place in a modern society. Such a ruthless survival-of-the-fittest approach to individuals, education, and society is outmoded, guarantees winners and losers, perpetuates inequality, and increases stress for everyone.

    The public should defend the principle that education in a modern society is a social human responsibility and a basic human right, not a commodity or consumer good that people have to compete for. A companion principle is that public funds belong only to public schools governed by a public authority worthy of the name.

    Charter schools are not public schools. They are privatized education arrangements, which means that they should not have access to any public funds that belong to public schools. Public funds should not be funneled to private interests. School privatization violates the right to education.

    Currently, about 3.7 million students are enrolled in roughly 7,800 privately-operated charter schools across the country. The U.S. public education system, on the other hand, has been around for more than 150 years and educates about 45 million students in nearly 100,000 schools.

    The post Charter Schools Will Desert And Violate Thousands In 2024 first appeared on Dissident Voice.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Shawgi Tell.

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    Idaho Governor Proposes $2 Billion in Funding for School Buildings Over Next 10 Years https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/09/idaho-governor-proposes-2-billion-in-funding-for-school-buildings-over-next-10-years/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/09/idaho-governor-proposes-2-billion-in-funding-for-school-buildings-over-next-10-years/#respond Tue, 09 Jan 2024 16:40:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/idaho-governor-proposes-2-billion-school-building-funding by Becca Savransky, Idaho Statesman

    This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with the Idaho Statesman. Sign up for Dispatches to get stories like this one as soon as they are published.

    Idaho Gov. Brad Little on Monday proposed spending $2 billion over 10 years to help school districts repair and replace their aging buildings. This would mark the largest investment in school facilities in state history, he said.

    The proposal, announced during the governor’s annual State of the State address, follows an Idaho Statesman and ProPublica investigation, which showed how Idaho’s restrictive school funding policies and the Legislature’s reluctance to make significant investments in school facilities have impacted students and teachers. Hundreds of students, teachers and administrators shared photos, videos and stories with the publications about the conditions they deal with on a daily basis.

    “We’ve all seen the pictures and the videos of some Idaho schools that are neglected — crumbling, leaking, falling apart,” Little said, standing before the Legislature in the Idaho Capitol. “In one school I visited, raw sewage is seeping into a space under the cafeteria. Folks, we can do better.”

    Showing photos of fallen ceiling tiles, cracked paint and damaged drains published by the Statesman and ProPublica, he added, “Let’s make this priority No. 1.”

    Idaho has long ranked last or near last among states in spending per pupil, and it spends the least on school infrastructure per student, according to the most recent state and national reports. Districts across the state struggle to pass bonds — one of the few ways they can get funds to repair and replace their buildings — because Idaho requires two-thirds of voters for a bond to pass. Most states require a simple majority or 60%. Many superintendents told the Statesman and ProPublica that reaching Idaho’s threshold has been nearly impossible in their communities, and some have given up trying altogether.

    As a result, students have had to learn in freezing classrooms and overcrowded schools, with leaky ceilings, failing plumbing and discolored drinking water. These conditions have made it difficult to learn, students and educators said, and have, at times, caused districts to temporarily close schools.

    “It’s just a continuous struggle,” Jan Bayer, superintendent of the Boundary County School District, told the Statesman and ProPublica. Boundary County, a rural district in North Idaho, has run two bond elections to try to replace one of its elementary schools plagued with disintegrating pipes, cracked walls and a roof that’s reaching the end of its lifespan. But while one bond had 54% of voter support, both elections failed to reach the two-thirds threshold.

    “It would be such a relief to be able to go to our local taxpayers and say our state’s going to invest in us too now,” Bayer said. “It would be a pretty joyful and hopeful moment for our teachers and for our community.”

    The governor said his proposal would help make schools more modern, address “unmet critical maintenance” and bring long-term property tax relief. The Legislature would need to determine how the money is distributed to school districts.

    The State of the State address often sets the tone for the legislative session, which began Monday, with the governor outlining his priorities for the budget and the coming year.

    Addressing Idaho’s school facilities is expected to be a key part of this year’s legislative session.

    Legislators have been discussing a series of proposals that would make it easier for school districts to get the money needed to repair and replace their buildings, including one that would start the process of lowering the supermajority required to pass bonds.

    “People are generally getting more and more dissatisfied with the fact that we’re not able to address our aging facilities in public education,” Sen. Dave Lent, the chairman of the Senate Education Committee, told the Statesman and ProPublica last month.

    Reducing the threshold would require a constitutional amendment, which needs support from two-thirds of legislators and a majority of voters. In the past, that proposal has failed to gain traction, and some lawmakers have argued the threshold needs to remain in place as a protection for taxpayers.

    Legislators have also talked about proposals to offer more state funding to reduce the burden that falls on property taxpayers.

    Misty Swanson, the executive director of the Idaho School Boards Association, said school board members have been advocating for decades for a “more strategic and effective approach to address the ongoing school facilities crisis.”

    “The governor’s approach is a huge step in ensuring Idaho students have access to safe school buildings for years to come,” she said in an email.

    Following the speech, education groups and state officials applauded the governor’s proposal on school facilities. Board of Education President Linda Clark called it a “game changer.” Idaho Education Association President Layne McInelly said the group is excited to work with legislators to make sure “a child’s ZIP code doesn’t determine whether their classrooms are up-to-date or crumbling, supportive or overcrowded, kept warm or freezing.”

    Superintendent of Public Instruction Debbie Critchfield said in a statement: “In recent years the state has focused on supporting educators by increasing salaries, improving their health insurance and adding money to school budgets for support staff. Now, the time is right to put that same emphasis on the buildings where our students learn. I appreciate that Governor Little recognizes the need and is making it a priority.”


    This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Becca Savransky, Idaho Statesman.

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    Writer and teacher Claire Donato on clarifying your creative work by clarifying yourself https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/09/writer-and-teacher-claire-donato-on-clarifying-your-creative-work-by-clarifying-yourself/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/09/writer-and-teacher-claire-donato-on-clarifying-your-creative-work-by-clarifying-yourself/#respond Tue, 09 Jan 2024 08:00:00 +0000 https://thecreativeindependent.com/people/writer-and-teacher-claire-donato-on-clarifying-your-creative-work-by-clarifying-yourself The first question I have about your book Kind Mirrors, Ugly Ghosts concerns your relationship to yourself through the vehicle of the text, but also through psychoanalysis as it runs through the collection. Would you say your writing practice is also a way of considering yourself through different means?

    When Archway Editions and I first started thinking about how to market Kind Mirrors, Ugly Ghosts, my editor Naomi Falk and I came up with this term, fauxtofiction, like autofiction, but fake autofiction. There’s various Claire avatars in the book. There’s also a voice that my colleague Christopher Rey Pérez generously characterized in an email as feeling “close to the self” that I think a lot of the stories maintain. But the stories, even when they contain actual memories, are fiction. Memory is always a form of rewriting, and therefore a combination of experience and fantasy.

    As I wrote Kind Mirrors, Ugly Ghosts, I was in a six-year psychoanalytic treatment. That treatment involves refining and sweeping my unconscious. Pretty early on in the treatment, I said to my psychoanalyst, “You’re going to write a book. It will be called: Kind Mirrors, Ugly Ghosts.” My psychoanalyst is also a writer. I posited that my book would be her book. And now six years later, her book is my book.

    Regardless as to what that Claire avatar does in the stories, my unconscious—the unthought known—guides the prose. I trust that my unconscious is more clarified than it was before I began the treatment, and that I’m more in touch with it—however in touch one can be with that unconscious wilderness. My namesake also means clear, and that etymology arises in some of the stories. I hope the clarity, or the claire-ity, of the work is autobiographical, if nothing else is.

    Please speak more to the emergence of clarity.

    Clarity doesn’t burgeon from knowledge for me, but from listening to the gymnastics of thought: the peculiar back flips and balances that thoughts do as I’m writing. As I’ve gotten to know myself more, I trust those impulses or those thought-gymnastics, and am less afraid to transcribe them to the page.

    When I began to write, there was so much unprocessed within me. A lot of my early work possessed a kind of opacity. Some of that opacity has, I hope, fallen away. Again, that’s come from sweeping the unconscious, really trying to re-narrativize and understand my life. It has also come from sitting with a lot of pain I hadn’t sat with when I wrote my first two books. I’ve been watering myself crying, becoming.

    Kind Mirrors, Ugly Ghosts is rare in its form insofar as it is composed of a series of short stories with a novella at the end. Could you speak to the overall shape of the collection?

    I didn’t begin writing Kind Mirrors, Ugly Ghosts with this shape—a series of short stories with a novella set during the COVID-19 pandemic (called Gravity and Grace, The Chicken and The Egg, or: How to Cook Everything Vegetarian) at the end—in mind. It was only late in the revision process that I realized what I thought were originally two separate books were one. Perhaps I was unconsciously influenced by my late peer Mark Baumer’s posthumous anthology, The One on Earth, which also takes the same shape, and for which I wrote a foreword.

    The novella is a maligned form, in ways, though of course there are people obsessed with the novella who devote their lives to the form and teach classes about it. And there’s presses that do a beautiful series of novella publications. But there is still a resistance on the part of the large corporate publishing machine to really risk publishing novellas, for the most part. Maybe they’re too feminine, too nebulous. I appreciate the Deleuze and Guattari essay called “Three Novellas, or ‘What Happened?’” wherein the theorists posit that novellas are consistently overshadowed by a question of what has happened, and therefore “[play] upon a fundamental forgetting” as a form—an amnesic form perfect for ruminations on the COVID-19 pandemic, a time I can barely recall.

    Short stories are also a kind of maligned form. Historically, they’re hard to sell. Putting together two forms that are hard sells, and trying to interlock them, trying to make them something that’s greater than the sum of their individual parts—that is one project of Kind Mirrors, Ugly Ghosts. I hope my maligned forms interlock into something novelistic. The Gravity and Grace novella builds so much on the preoccupations of the short stories: images crop up again and again within the short stories and the novella, as do themes, and there are set of selves and references to artworks that to run through that longer work. The novella is also the digital breakdown of the book. It feels a little bit like Claire is a glitching computer by the end of the book.

    My interest piqued when you were talking about maligned forms within prose, and I’m wondering, is there a desire to sort of flout the broader cultural rules about writing prose that directs you rebelliously towards the maligned?

    Perhaps not consciously, but maybe also consciously. At the time I was a student in Brown University’s MFA Literary Arts Program, from 2008 to 2010, the program was always referred to as “experimental,” a place where maligned work was often being made. I remember my work being referred to around that time by family and some friends as being weird or too difficult to understand. I was very young and insecure in my writing practice, and I internalized a lot of those descriptions. I don’t think my work is necessarily that difficult, whatever that means, but I think I just took some of that on and over-identified with it. Of late, my work has been more so described as deeply upsetting, chic, and somehow good-humored.

    You’re also a renowned teacher who won Pratt Institute’s 2020 Distinguished Teacher Award. How do you support students who have similar desires to find their own non-standard forms of art making in the classroom?

    In the Writing Department at Pratt, where I’ve taught since 2016 and where I currently serve as Acting Chairperson, we try to celebrate myriad successes and don’t emphasize one modality of what success might look like for a writer, which I think some programs do. As a teacher, I try to cultivate a space where students can experiment across forms and media. This means approaching the classroom as a kind of laboratory where we’re trying things out without the pressure of an end product.

    I place a lot of emphasis on generative making and process. Of course, institutions also give us rooms. A lot can happen in a room if we don’t let ourselves be limited by the expectations of what should happen in the room. A stanza, too, is a room.

    It’s one thing to have this space constructed for you as a student in a classroom. Is there departing advice you give to students when they exit school and enter the real world?

    Two pieces of advice come to mind. I try to impart that the communities my students form at school may be really, really, really important down the line, and to cherish those communities and to continue working together. Of course, that may not always be the right advice for every single student, but I think there’s resonance for many students who carry their undergrad communities forth into the world, lean on them, let them organically expand, et cetera.

    The other piece of advice is that to be a writer, you need to be really obsessed with what you’re making. And again, a book is not necessarily a measure of success that everybody desires or wants to achieve, but to write requires a level of obsession and dedication and devotion. You have to make the time to do it. Sometimes there will be deadlines, but for the most part, that work is going to be self-motivated.

    Finally, it’s okay to fail, to come up against rejection, to not publish, to want to keep things private. And it’s also okay to want to be seen. A lot of writing practice resembles doing nothing, or waiting for something. And some things that seem antithetical to formalized writing training are also important lessons.

    It strikes me that if, say, when Kind Mirrors, Ugly Ghosts is published, the United States government bans you from writing, you would not cease to be a writer.

    Let me explain. As I’ve observed you over the years, I notice you bring a writerly attention to everyday activities. You are highly skilled at creating connections between and illuminating events of daily life. How much of your self-identification as a writer means sitting down and typing on a computer, and how much does it mean an attentive approach to life?

    In a percentile breakdown?

    Yeah. Maybe you start off with the percentile.

    I think it’s maybe like eighty-twenty, wherein eighty is daily life, and twenty is actual writing. [laughs] That’s just off of the top of my head. I need to think more about it.

    In your own words, could you describe the eighty percent?

    Deeply inhabiting a day in such a way that I’m able to understand how my breakfast plate connects to something I see on the sidewalk as I am walking to the bus, to a conversation I overhear when I get off the bus and am looking at overpriced candles in a shop that I’ve decided to enter because it’s hot and I need access to a brief moment of air conditioning, to the dream I have at night wherein an image from the day recurs. I’m always looking to tie up these moments or looking for reverberations between moments that might braid into something greater, and that something greater doesn’t necessarily have to be something that gets taken to the page, though it may be. It can just be something that delights me or mystifies me or raises questions or raises questions that raise questions that I later take to the page.

    Were you always capable of drawing the thread? Is this something you’ve done since childhood as a coping mechanism, or is it something you’ve learned?

    It might be a deranged response to the pain of living in the world, or it might be a totally unproductive form of clinging to memory. I do think I’m writing when [my boyfriend] Nik and I make up goofy songs, which is all of the time. I regard it as a form of writing or when we make our troll dolls practice nonviolent communication with one another. There’s lots of ways to write, and for me, they always involve play.

    Your apartment comes up several times as a kind of character in the book, both as a miniature reproduced for “The Analyst,” but also in a variety of other ways as an environment. What do you think about the space in which you live as a kind of literary character within your own life?

    I’ve always liked the word apartment and the separation it denotes. In terms of the book, the apartment space is sometimes that which makes characters or selves feel lonely or distant—or maybe feel a healthy sense of solitude, on a bright day. So the apartment becomes a space of affective resonance, right?

    Describe that, what that means.

    It’s a space where the character can come a bit closer to herself. But also the apartment becomes this alienating thing by the very nature of it being an apartment. So it’s her apartment, but it’s its own entity, its own separate force from her, even though it’s hers. I don’t know that I particularly imagine or project my own apartment into any of the pieces in the book beyond Gravity and Grace, The Chicken and the Egg, or: How to Cook Everything Vegetarian, which concludes the book. That novella does feel distinctly set in my own apartment. And the existential apartment was, of course, the COVID-19 pandemic. And it so happens that the apartment in which I currently live is the apartment where I survived the pandemic in New York, so that’s imprinted here too.

    I’m thinking extemporaneously now. There’s so many valences in my own apartment, as there are for many of us. Several relationships that took place here are ghosts in the space. So much has happened. As with memory, and with writing, there are imprints atop imprints atop imprints.

    Claire Donato Recommends:

    Bootleg YouTube videos of Joanna Newsom’s unreleased songs, performed at The Belasco in Los Angeles circa March 22, 2023

    Jamieson Webster explaining Freud on Jesse Pearson’s Apology podcast

    Fortunes (Tivoli, NY)for the best dairy-free ice cream (and enchanting summertime patio dining experience) of all time

    Wine blends produced by the Sisters of the Cistercian Order at Monastero Suore Cistercensi in Vitorchiano, Italy

    @cyb3rf33lings


    This content originally appeared on The Creative Independent and was authored by Anastasios Karnazes.

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    John Pilger on Apartheid and Post-Apartheid Injustices: “South Africa is Where Much of My Political Education Took Place” https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/09/john-pilger-on-apartheid-and-post-apartheid-injustices-south-africa-is-where-much-of-my-political-education-took-place/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/09/john-pilger-on-apartheid-and-post-apartheid-injustices-south-africa-is-where-much-of-my-political-education-took-place/#respond Tue, 09 Jan 2024 07:03:23 +0000 https://www.counterpunch.org/?p=310205 John Pilger, who died in his hometown of Sydney aged 84 on December 30, was a unique journalist, equipped with the combination of moral outrage, relentless sleuthing and unparalleled interviewing skills required to understand South Africa’s deep structural injustices. Setting aside all the scoops and awards elsewhere, no one else could have periodically parachuted into More

    The post John Pilger on Apartheid and Post-Apartheid Injustices: “South Africa is Where Much of My Political Education Took Place” appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

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    Mandela and John Pilger in South Africa, 1995.

    John Pilger, who died in his hometown of Sydney aged 84 on December 30, was a unique journalist, equipped with the combination of moral outrage, relentless sleuthing and unparalleled interviewing skills required to understand South Africa’s deep structural injustices. Setting aside all the scoops and awards elsewhere, no one else could have periodically parachuted into this country – first in 1967 when he was banned by apartheid, and lastly in 2017 – and then fit that half-century of dramatic turmoil into a hard-hitting film, Apartheid Did Not Die, and a dozen influential articles and book chapters.

    Above all, John represented a chronicler of what can be considered the independent-left critique, one who connected the dots from imperialism to local power relations to suffering individuals with passion and eloquence. No one was spared his savage pen. He wrote in 2013,

    In 2001, George Soros told the Davos Economic Forum, ‘South Africa is in the hands of international capital’… This led directly to state crimes such as the massacre of 34 miners at Marikana in 2012, which evoked the infamous Sharpeville massacre more than half a century earlier. Both had been protests about injustice. Nelson Mandela, too, fostered crony relationships with wealthy whites from the corporate world, including those who had profited from apartheid.

    There were three distinct phases of his work here, resulting in scores of references to South African injustice peppering many of his other international observations – including about Israel’s version of apartheid in his 2002 film Palestine is Still the Issue.

    In the first phase, during apartheid, his book Heroes (1986) contains a long chapter covering the gritty realities he encountered in 1967, before he was banned by Pretoria from visiting again.

    In the second, after returning in 1995, Pilger was aghast at post-apartheid triumphalism, which meant his 1998 film Apartheid Did Not Die was received with outrage by old and new elite alike. Pilger asked Nelson Mandela what were probably the toughest ethical and practical questions about the new system the president ever received.

    Likewise, debating FW de Klerk, Pilger was forthright:

    “Didn’t you and your fellow white supremacists really win?”

    It was as if a secret truth had been put to him. Waving away the smoke of an ever-present cigarette, he said: “It is true that our lives have not fundamentally changed. We can still go to the cricket at Newlands and watch the rugby. We are doing okay.”

    “For the majority, the poverty has not changed, has it?” I said.

    Warming to this implied criticism of the ANC, he agreed that his most enduring achievement was to have handed on his regime’s economic policies, including the same corporate brotherhood… “You must understand, we’ve achieved a broad consensus on many things now.”

    Pilger’s mix of hectoring and charm compelled the likes of Anglo-American spokesperson Michael Spicer, real estate mogul Pam Golding and fashion trendsetter Edith Venter to reveal similar white-greed truths. Spicer’s team would later show the film to the firm’s management trainees, I’ve been reliably told, as providing the best example of what not to do in an interview.

    Famed liberal journalist Alister Sparks headed up the SABC’s current affairs division in 1998, and was incensed at what he saw as Pilger’s distortions due to “reliance mainly on fringe sources and disaffected people” (such as community activist Mzwanele Mayekiso and lawyer Richard Spoor).

    Rebutted Pilger in the Mail & Guardian, “The film’s primary source is Mandela himself, who reveals just how much he has changed his views.” The national broadcaster, he went on, “having bought the South African rights to my film, sought first to ban it, then to muffle it. Sparks’ explanation for this has a Kafkaesque tone similar to Cold War tracts denouncing journalists, writers and playwrights who begged to differ with the regime in the Eastern bloc. He describes me as ‘a man with an ideological mission.’”

    Pilger had previously written admiringly of Sparks’ bravery as a journalist reformer, but now complained, “Inexplicably, my ideological masters and the color of my party card are never identified, no doubt because it would be too truthful to point out that I have never allied myself with any political group. Indeed, I have always been intensely proud of my independence.”

    In a third phase of his engagement, Pilger continued to provoke the elite, especially when after his book Freedom Next Time was published in 2006 and excerpted here, Thabo Mbeki’s finance minister Trevor Manuel and minister in the presidency Joel Netshitenzhe were enraged. The Sunday Independent was the site of a fierce battle over whether progress was really being made.

    In his essay, “ANC government has yet to free citizens from the fear of poverty,” Pilger wrote of the “arrogance that comes from undisputed power, which is the conundrum of South African political life – that the vote has given the nation democracy in many ways, but the price has been effectively a one-party state.”

    Pilger’s last event here was the inaugural Saloojee Memorial Lecture just over six years ago: “South Africa: how a nation was misled and became a model for the world, and how the people can rise again.” He declared, “South Africa is where much of my political education took place,” and concluded, “what makes South Africa so interesting and so hopeful and probably unique because there are so many grassroots popular movements.”

     In 2008, poet Dennis Brutus, journalist Ferial Haffajee and I hosted John at the Time of the Writer conference in Durban, just after an epic Pilger film fest at the University of KwaZulu-Natal (all his works are online. Within 20 months, Dennis had passed on, leaving John to lament, “I was so honored to meet Dennis last year, finally. He was a giant of a human being who changed the world in so many ways. His tenacious humanity inspired so many to go on and not let the bastards win in the long run.”

    As can be testified by so many who met him here – or learned about our realities from him – Pilger deserves the same tribute, as his films and writing renew our sense of indignity and our instincts for justice.

    The post John Pilger on Apartheid and Post-Apartheid Injustices: “South Africa is Where Much of My Political Education Took Place” appeared first on CounterPunch.org.


    This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Patrick Bond.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/09/john-pilger-on-apartheid-and-post-apartheid-injustices-south-africa-is-where-much-of-my-political-education-took-place/feed/ 0 450486
    Skipping School: America’s Hidden Education Crisis https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/08/skipping-school-americas-hidden-education-crisis/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/08/skipping-school-americas-hidden-education-crisis/#respond Mon, 08 Jan 2024 11:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/school-absenteeism-truancy-education-students by Alec MacGillis

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    This story is exempt from our Creative Commons license until March 15.

    On a cold, clear weekday morning in early December, Shepria Johnson pulled up to a small house in Ecorse, Michigan, in an SUV with a decal on the driver’s door that read “Student Wholeness Team.” She looked at an app on her phone. It was her third of 10 visits that morning, and she was there to check on a girl and a boy, 11 and 9, who had missed enough days of school to put them on a list of “chronically absent” students at Grandport Academy, in Ecorse, an industrial suburb of Detroit.

    In case there was no one home, Johnson wrote the students’ names on a form letter and addressed the envelope to “the parent of Jisaiah and King.” She wrote “parent,” avoiding the plural as she had seen schools do. “If it’s a one-parent household, that might get touchy.”

    There was someone home. Kuanticka Prude opened the door; behind her were some of her eight children. Cats darted up and down the front steps, which were garlanded with Christmas decorations. Johnson introduced herself and said that she was concerned about Jisaiah’s and King’s attendance and wanted to see if there was anything the family needed to help them get to school.

    “This is King,” Prude said, gesturing to a slender boy with wary eyes, “and this is Jisaiah” — a girl with her hair in thick side buns. Prude, a friendly 32-year-old with multiple nose and lip studs, said she had woken the two up that morning, but they had gone back to bed, assuming she would be at her job, as a security guard at the Fillmore Detroit entertainment venue. By the time she discovered that they hadn’t left for school, it seemed too late to send them. She had set up a nanny cam to see what was going on at the house when she was away, she said, but the cats had chewed it up. She hadn’t been aware until recently how many days they had missed; she had noticed some attempted calls from their school but hadn’t realized what they were about.

    “I tell them, ‘Y’all are going to get me in trouble for this,’” she told ­Johnson.

    “This is not anything like truancy. We come from a place of support,” Johnson said, in her characteristically upbeat tone. “But, yes, it could lead to that, if they’re not in school, so we want to make sure they understand.”

    Back in the SUV, Johnson’s composure briefly fell away. “Wow, they are too little to be skipping,” she said under her breath.

    Johnson is part of an increasingly popular approach to combating truancy: She makes home visits to learn why children are missing school and then works with families and schools to get them back on track. She oversees a team of six people in southeastern Michigan who are employed by a Baltimore company called Concentric Educational Solutions, which has contracts with seven small school districts in the Detroit area. Since 2021, she has been driving back and forth across the Downriver towns southwest of the city, a vast expanse of dollar stores, pot dispensaries and manufacturing plants — some active, some abandoned. She passes the Marathon refinery, the Great Lakes Steel Works and the giant Ford Rouge Complex, where this fall she could see the picket line of the United Auto Workers strike.

    The strike ended. The crisis that Johnson was dealing with, on the other hand, seemed never-ending. Absenteeism has long been a problem in the Detroit area, as in other places with high poverty rates, but since the coronavirus pandemic it has worsened dramatically. Nationwide, the rate of chronic absenteeism — defined as missing at least 10% of school days, or 18 in a year — nearly doubled between 2018-19 and 2021-22, to 28% of students, according to data compiled for The Associated Press by Thomas Dee, a professor of education at Stanford. Michigan’s rate was 39%, the third highest among states. States that have reported data for the most recent school year showed only minimal improvement; some cities have rates of more than 40%.

    Absenteeism underlies much of what has beset young people in recent years, including falling school achievement, deteriorating mental health — exacerbated by social isolation — and elevated youth violence and car thefts, some occurring during school hours. But schools are using relatively little of the billions of dollars that they received in federal pandemic-recovery funds to address absenteeism. The issue has also attracted surprisingly little attention from leaders, elected or otherwise, and education coverage in the national media has focused heavily on culture-war fights.

    This void created an opportunity for a fledgling company like Concentric. Founded in 2010, by David Heiber, a former school administrator, the company grew slowly. It had only about 20 employees before COVID-19 ignited the business. Concentric now has more than 100 employees, and it recently received a $5 million investment from a social-venture-capital firm to fuel expansion.

    “Right place, right time, right pandemic,” Heiber told me sardonically.

    It takes help to build the habit of going to school, said Johnson, seen at Wayne Memorial High School in the suburbs of Detroit. “I don’t think just one person can do it alone. (Brittany Greeson for ProPublica)

    Kuanticka Prude had her first child when she was 13, so she finished her education at the city’s maternity academy. Before that, though, she’d liked going to school. “It was fun! Who wanted to be at home and listen to your mom complain all day?” she told me, when I spoke with her after Johnson’s visit. “But, then, we didn’t have COVID and cities being shut down.”

    During the pandemic, Detroit’s public schools, where her kids were enrolled at the time, remained closed to in-­person instruction for nearly a year. “They did school online. I hated it,” she said. “They took it as a joke most of the time, playing in class, because they felt like they were at home and they could do that.” After the family moved to Ecorse, last summer, the mindset lingered. “They got too comfortable at home,” she said.

    This is a dynamic that Johnson has repeatedly encountered. When classes were virtual, students would log on some days, and some days they wouldn’t. The world did not end. For parents, it might seem easier that way. No dragging kids out of bed before daybreak. No wrestling them into proper clothes. No getting them to the bus stop as one’s own work waited. “You were able to just do the things you needed to do,” Johnson said. “Everybody was comfortable. It was: ‘I can go to my computer, my baby is in my room on the computer. We’re good.’”

    After that hiatus, relearning old behaviors was hard. “If I were a child, and I could stay at home on my computer, in my room, and play with my little toys on the side, pick up the game for your break or lunchtime, how hard is it to sit in a school building for seven hours?” she said. “It takes us to help build those habits, and I don’t think just one person can do it alone.”

    Some parents, unimpressed by what instruction consisted of during remote learning, didn’t see missing school as that consequential. Some simply liked having their kids around. “You’re dealing with a different generation here. This is a parent generation that plays video games with their children,” Steven McGhee, the superintendent of the Harper Woods district, another Concentric client near Detroit, said. “When we were kids, we were out of the house and at school. There was no option. This became optional.”

    Even before COVID, some students in the Detroit area had been able to choose online-only learning as an offering from public or charter schools. Since the pandemic, many schools have made it easier for students to try to catch up from missed days with online material.

    The spectrum from in-person to virtual to nothing at all can get pretty fuzzy. One early afternoon, I saw an 8-year-old boy with headphones on standing outside a house in Ecorse, playing a video game on a tablet. His mother had died of a heroin overdose two years earlier, and his father said that he had enrolled his son in an online academy, because their housing situation was uncertain. Usually, there were three hours of instruction daily, he said, but the Wi-Fi hadn’t been working properly. “He’s done for the day,” his father said.

    Families faced other hurdles as well. One student’s father had died a month earlier, and in the previous six months two of his grandparents had also died; his mother was suffering from heart disease that prevented her from working, and she could no longer afford school clothes. Johnson alerted the student’s principal, who had a special fund for such needs.

    The mother of a middle school girl had been in a car crash; when a Concentric employee visited, the mother had trouble even coming to the door, and she explained that she couldn’t get her daughter to school anymore. A high school boy had moved in with his grandmother, but he was sleeping on the porch for lack of a bed; Concentric bought him one. A superintendent purchased a washer and dryer after hearing from Concentric that some students weren’t coming to school because they didn’t have any clean clothes. “Once you have these conversations, you know that there are real-­life events that happen, there are real-­life circumstances, where they’re just not able,” Johnson said.

    Still, there were circumstances in which negligence did seem to be an issue. Johnson, who is 34 and has three kids, could feel her natural sympathy being tested: “I’ve had a parent tell me, ‘Well, hey, she wasn’t there because of my life problems.’ I get it, but you can’t just leave a student out of school because you have issues.”

    Sometimes parents asked Johnson if she was a truant officer, and she would reply, “No, I’m a professional student advocate,” which was what Concentric called its outreach workers. “If you’re a truant officer, they’re defensive,” she told me. “They automatically assume you’re here to get them in trouble.”

    Within the U.S., the concept of mandatory schooling can be traced to the 17th century, when the Puritans of Massachusetts positioned it as fundamental to Christian society, but this tenet was challenged by the Industrial Revolution, as children went to work in the mills. After Massachusetts instituted compulsory schooling policies in the 1840s and ’50s, enforcement was spotty. But, in 1873, the state passed a law requiring attendance between the ages of 8 and 12, for at least 20 weeks a year. The law was enforced by agents of the school committee — truant officers — with fines of up to $5 per week. Sixteen years later, the age range was expanded to 14, and a year after that the required term became 30 weeks a year. W.E.B. Du Bois, reflecting on his upbringing in western Massachusetts in the 1870s and ’80s, emphasized his school routine. “I was brought up from earliest years with the idea of regular attendance at school,” he wrote. “This was partly because the schools of Great Barrington were near at hand, simple but good, well-taught, and truant laws were enforced.”

    By the 1890-91 school year, more than 200 of Massachusetts’s 351 towns had an average daily attendance of 90%, and only 11 were below 80%. During the following decades, mandatory schooling spread nationwide. William Reese, a professor of history at the University of Wisconsin, found that just 6% of adolescents were in high school in 1890 but that by 1930 half of them were. By 1950, attendance was so universal that those who weren’t in school were called dropouts. “By the early 20th century, the truth is that you’re supposed to be in school, and, in the long reach of history, that’s a remarkable fact,” Reese told me. “It became a universal norm. Other European nations sort of caught up eventually, but America was in the vanguard of this.”

    Cities often employed truant officers, who roamed the streets searching for children to corral, and repeat offenders risked being brought to juvenile court. But in recent decades many areas have moved away from legal remedies, following a general shift toward less punitive juvenile justice. In addition, experts — citing psychology literature and evidence from states that still meted out consequences — argued that threats were unlikely to be effective. “Punitive rather than positive is not the best approach,” Michael Gottfried, an economist at the University of Pennsylva­nia Graduate School of Education, said.

    Enforcement of state truancy laws has grown rarer. In August, Missouri’s highest court affirmed the sentencing of two parents to at least a week in jail for their young children’s absences, but most of the movement has been in the other direction. In 2019, for instance, New Mexico removed the role of district attorneys in enforcing attendance. (The state, which had some of the longest school closures, saw its chronic absenteeism rates more than double after the pandemic, to 40%, the second-highest rate among states, after Alaska.)

    The case of Kamala Harris is instructive. As the San Francisco district attorney in the mid-2000s, she made headlines for prosecuting parents of extremely truant students. “I believe that a child going without an education is tantamount to a crime,” Harris said, during her run for state attorney general, in 2010. “So, I decided I was going to start prosecuting parents for truancy.” During that campaign, she pushed for a statewide law that made it a misdemeanor for parents if their kids were chronically absent, punishable by a fine of up to $2,000 or a year in jail. In 2013, the state amended the law, giving school principals more leeway to excuse absences.

    When Harris ran for the 2020 Democratic nomination for president, she received heavy criticism for her efforts. She expressed contrition, saying that she had hoped the law would simply prod districts to offer more resources to aid truant students. “My regret is that I have now heard stories where, in some jurisdictions, DAs have criminalized the parents,” she said. “And I regret that that has happened.”

    In recent years, however, efforts to fight absenteeism have tended to involve nudges, not threats. In 2015, Todd Rogers, a behavioral scientist at Harvard, co-founded EveryDay Labs, which sent letters and text messages to families with reminders about the importance of school, and statistics about how their children’s attendance compared with classmates’. Parents could also respond to a chatbot about challenges that they were facing in getting their kids to school. The company was hired by some 50 school districts, but its approach was most effective with milder cases of absenteeism, less so with more severe ones.

    David Heiber, Concentric’s founder, is an advocate of direct intervention, perhaps because he wishes he had received it when he was young. Heiber, who is 47, was brought up in Delaware by his maternal grandparents. He had some contact with his mother, a white woman who suffered from alcoholism, but he did not know his father, who was Black, until he was an adult. His grandfather, whom he called Dad, was a truck driver, and he and Heiber’s grandmother — Mom — provided him with a stable middle-class upbringing. In high school, he was a track star who attracted scholarship offers.

    In his senior year, his grandfather had a fatal heart attack while Christmas shopping. Heiber went back to school just two days later and, receiving no social-­work support — although a gym teacher let him play Ping-Pong for hours on end — he “spun out of control,” he told me. He was expelled from school, convicted of burglary and sentenced to some five years in prison. While he was incarcerated, his grandmother died of cancer. “I just decided, Something has to happen,” he said. “I got to do something.”

    He earned his GED behind bars and a judge released him after 27 months, on the condition that he enroll in college. He attended Lincoln University, a historically Black institution in Pennsylvania, and got a job teaching high school in Baltimore, which he did for a year before taking an administrative position at a different local high school. But, in 2006, he faced one set of misdemeanor charges related to a breakup, which were later dropped, and another set, he told me, for his role interceding in a fight between students at a high school in Washington, D.C., which he had been visiting as an observer. That case resulted in four years of probation. “It was a rough period,” Heiber said. “Very few people go in a straight trajectory.”

    In 2007, he moved to Washington, D.C., to become the director of student services for a small group of charter schools. One day, Heiber and some colleagues were wondering what to do about truant students, and it occurred to him that one lived just across the street from the school. He suggested going to the student’s home. There, his grandmother said that he was attending a different school. For Heiber, it was an epiphany: To get the right information, you needed to go to students’ homes, both to show families that the system cared about them and to gain a better understanding of what was keeping the students away — unreliable transportation, depression, lack of clothes or myriad other factors. “There was a list of maybe 200 or so, and we just thought, Ask them questions,” he said.

    Heiber came to realize that there was an art to conducting visits in ways that didn’t make families feel judged. In one home, a cockroach fell onto his shoulder, and he managed to keep himself from recoiling, “because it would have made the whole conversation go different,” he said.

    In 2010, he was approached by the NewSchools Venture Fund, a philanthropy looking to invest in Black entrepreneurs. He received $150,000 to help create Concentric, with the initial aim of advising districts on how to improve home visits by teachers. But it became apparent that many districts were having trouble getting teachers to do home visits at all and, instead, were interested in having Concentric do them.

    Heiber embraced the new mission, becoming an evangelist for what he saw as an underappreciated aspect of the education system. Most school systems “pay the least amount of money for the most important job,” he said. “I’m not saying that teaching is not a very important job. But they got to be in school to be taught.”

    His initial contracts were primarily in Detroit. He met several administrators in the school system there, mostly Black men roughly his own age, who then left to lead districts in the city’s working-class inner suburbs. They hired Concentric and recommended it to others in the region.

    The frequent travel to Detroit was a strain on Heiber and his family, as was the scramble for new clients. He incurred bills for unpaid taxes and home improvements, leading to court proceedings in Prince George’s County, a Maryland suburb of Washington where he lived. Then came the post-pandemic boom, with new business in Maryland districts. Contracts ranged from $50,000 for home visits in a small district to several million dollars for home visits, plus mentoring and tutoring, in some large ones. In 2021 and 2022, Concentric hired dozens of employees, many of them young Black college graduates. It gave them two weeks of training, which included instruction as basic as how to knock on doors. “I tell everyone, ‘Knock a little harder, but don’t knock like the police,’” a Concentric manager said. The job mostly paid on an hourly basis, as much as $35 per hour. The “professional student advocates” dressed well, in black polo shirts with the company logo or, sometimes, in suits. “I didn’t want people to go into a building and not know that they were our PSAs,” Heiber said.

    The company’s rapid expansion, with revenue reaching $8 million last academic year, brought growing pains. Some employees went weeks without getting paid, as income from new contracts arrived too late for payroll, and the company had to turn to lenders, several of whom later filed suit for nonpayment. (Most of the legal actions against Concentric and Heiber have been settled.)

    Concentric’s growth only accelerated as the new school year began. For many districts, tracking down missing students was existential. Several million children had left public schools for private and parochial ones or for home-schooling; several hundred thousand were simply unaccounted for. With fewer students, some districts faced teacher layoffs and school closures.

    To bring more order to the expansion, Heiber hired experienced managers. In early October came an announcement that a firm called New Markets Venture Partners was investing $5 million in Concentric.

    One of the firm’s partners, who was in charge of the investment, told Heiber that Concentric was worth $15 million. The federal pandemic funding that some districts were using to pay Concentric would fade in 2024, but many districts were using state money, which would continue. “He thinks we could be a $150 million business in five to seven years,” Heiber said.

    Every few weeks, Concentric received a fresh list of absent kids from each district, often about 50 names. Shepria Johnson’s list brought her to tiny bungalows, ramshackle apartments and public-housing complexes. Sometimes she arrived at homes that appeared abandoned. “I pull up and am, like, No way, nobody lives here,” she said. “And I would knock on the door, and I see people peeking out, and I think, Oh, my God, someone does live here.”

    She was able to stave off demoralization by feeling a purpose far greater than she’d had at her previous jobs — she’d worked as a manager at a shoe store and at a Verizon store, while making efforts to complete her college degree. “You don’t know what you’ll go and see, but if you’re not doing it then you can’t help,” she said. “It doesn’t make me sad anymore, it’s just, ‘How can I help?’”

    She took pride in her ability to get parents to open up to her. “They go off of your energy. If you’re at the door, and you’re upset with me, I’m not going to get upset with you,” she said. “We should all consider the person on the other side of the door. We know what we’re trying to do — we’re trying to make a difference — but they don’t know that when we’re knocking at the door.”

    The conversation was only the first half of the job; next was relaying what information she had learned to school officials or to Concentric employees stationed at schools. A mother in a mobile-­home park said that her son, who was in high school, needed tutoring; another mother said that her son was always late to school because he hated algebra, his first period, and suggested changing his schedule. Even when Johnson found an address uninhabited, with nothing but a can of air freshener visible in the empty living room, she considered it useful, because it alerted the school that it needed updated contact information for a student.

    These sorts of home visits are so new that there has been little chance to assess them. A Johns Hopkins University evaluation of Concentric in the Baltimore school district — its largest contract — during the 2021-22 school year reported that a majority of home visits found nobody there. The evaluators struggled to judge the impact even of the visits that did reach family members, because there was no attendance data from the pandemic year of 2020-21 to compare the new numbers with.

    The Johns Hopkins study found, however, that school administrators praised the company’s efforts. Superintendents in Michigan echoed this praise. “The number of companies that pledge or promise to address inequities or def­icits that are experienced in urban schools — it’s exhausting,” Derrick Coleman, the superintendent of Michigan’s River Rouge school district, told me. But Concentric, he said, is “able to go into places that many educators are reluctant to go into, for safety reasons, and make families feel comfortable. They create psychological safety to share whatever those challenges are. And that then gives us data and information to make adjustments.”

    Connecticut, which has launched a home-visit initiative in 15 districts, has taken a slightly different approach: Outreach workers call ahead to schedule visits with families, which can last longer than an hour. A study found that the program — which is carried out by school employees or community members and which has cost $24 million — resulted in an increase in attendance of 15% to 20% among middle and high schoolers nine months after the first visit.

    But Johnson preferred arriving unscheduled, believing that it gave her a clearer picture of the household context. “When you’re on the spot, you have the pure parent,” she said. “If you schedule it, they’re prepared, they already know why you’re coming, they already know their story, but you’re not getting the raw reason.”

    “I’ve had a parent tell me, ‘Well, hey, she wasn’t there because of my life problems.’ I get it, but you can’t just leave a student out of school because you have issues,” said Johnson, at an apartment complex to check on a student. (Brittany Greeson for ProPublica)

    On a couple of occasions, visits by members of Michigan’s Concentric team uncovered situations so troubling that they prompted calls to child-­protective services. More often, the team found a different recourse. Michigan is one of the few states that still enforce legal repercussions for truancy: A school police officer or administrator or a Concentric PSA can send a JC 01 form to the prosecutor’s office for Wayne County, where most of the Concentric districts are.

    If the prosecutor’s office finds sufficient evidence, it typically offers students who are 10 or older a diversion program — the chance to improve attendance and have their records wiped clean. If that fails, students may be brought before a judge. (Cases of younger kids are referred to the adult division, and charges may be brought against their parents.)

    Johnson, her colleagues and the superintendents in the Concentric districts in Wayne County all said that the JC 01 forms have been a valuable tool in the most extreme cases — sometimes the court would even threaten to block parents’ welfare payments. “It was very powerful,” Josha Talison, the superintendent in Ecorse, said.

    But during the pandemic, the superintendents said, the process broke down — it took much longer to hear from the prosecutor’s office about forms that had been filed. “When the pandemic started, they just stopped doing it,” Talison told me. Stiles Simmons, his counterpart in the Westwood district, which is nearby, told me the same. “The courthouse pretty much shut down,” he said. “And then there was a backlog.”

    (Robert Heimbuch, the chief of the juvenile division at the prosecutor’s office, said that his team had continued to handle JC 01 forms, shifting meetings and hearings to Zoom, but that some steps in the process might have taken longer. He didn’t know if referrals for chronically absent students had fallen off, because JC 01s were filed for all manner of juvenile-delinquency cases, and his office did not keep a tally of how many were for truancy.)

    After a morning of home visits with Johnson, I met with Sarah Lenhoff, a professor of education policy at Wayne State University, who started studying absenteeism in 2016. She joined a coalition to tackle the problem in Detroit and became convinced that the crisis is now so severe that it requires a greater response. “We’re thinking about school attendance all wrong,” she said. “It’s societal.”

    Several of the Wayne County superintendents working with Concentric agreed. “The issue of chronic absenteeism is much broader than what the school and its partners can handle,” Simmons said. “There needs to be something else done.” It was a compelling argument: Throughout the country, local and state government officials, school boards and others had decided that it was in the public interest to close school buildings for a year or more, and now it was going to take a group effort to rebuild the norms. The issue couldn’t be left to individual schools or districts — or to a single company.

    Society, as a whole, needed to reinforce — as it had in Massachusetts more than a century ago — the importance of school. It was where children awakened to the world’s opportunities, where they learned how to be productive citizens and, for some, where they found a daily routine and regular meals.

    Instead, as Lenhoff noted, families often got the opposite message. Inadequate infrastructure had led Detroit to cancel school for several days last year because of excessive heat. Schools had also closed in the face of forecasts of snow that brought no actual snow. Districts get penalized by the state’s funding formula if attendance drops below 75% on any day, and so they may close schools when they fear that too few kids will show up. “If you have that happen often enough, it does erode your feeling that the system is there for us, and not just when it’s convenient for them,” Lenhoff said.

    One day, shortly after noon, I encountered several 15- and 16-year-old boys who had recently arrived from Latin America and were walking a dog in the quiet streets of River Rouge. But they weren’t playing hooky. School had been closed that day, owing to plumbing problems.

    A short drive away, a middle school girl was playing in a front yard, while her older sister and some of her friends, in their late teens and early 20s, were hanging out in a nearby car, one with a baby on her lap. The younger sister was also not missing school: It had been only a half day in her district, to allow for professional-development courses.

    Asked why absenteeism had increased, the young women didn’t hesitate. “That’s what the corona did,” Serenity, who is 21, told me. Now “they’re sending the kids back to school, and they don’t want to no more. They want to stay home and play on their computers.”

    When December arrived, the weather became another obstacle: Leaving home was even less appealing when it was dark and cold out. One mother told Johnson that her son had been missing school because she hadn’t been able to buy him a winter jacket.

    Another mother told Johnson that she had just been crying on the toilet: Her rent had doubled, so she wasn’t going to be able to afford Christmas presents for her kids. The rent increase had forced her to pick up a second job, at a fast-food restaurant, which had disrupted her school drop-off and pickup routines. Johnson alerted the children’s school and suggested that it put the family on its list for gift donations.

    In Ecorse, Kuanticka Prude was worried about money, too. She had less coming in now than a year earlier, when she had been working a second job, at a Wendy’s. The reason her nanny cam wasn’t working, she told me, was not the cats, as she had said to Johnson, but because she couldn’t afford the monthly ­payments.

    But she told me that she might quit her security job, too, to better ­monitor the schooling of her kids, who also included a girl in ninth grade, twin girls about to turn 8 (who were in special-­education programs) and a 4-year-old girl in preschool. “I’m going to get it together,” she said. With Jisaiah and King, “it’s going to take me to sit them down and talk to them really good and let them know, to understand what they’re doing and causing. Because this is not a game or a joke. Not only can you get people in trouble but you need an education.”

    The next morning, it was just getting light as Jisaiah and King were scheduled to bring their little sister two blocks away for her preschool bus. A cat pawed at the front door, as if to remind them. And then they emerged. They were a few minutes late, which meant that King needed to wave at the bus as Jisaiah hustled her sister down the sidewalk, a hand on her shoulder. Then Prude’s mother emerged to load the two of them and their older sister into her car. On this day, they were going to make it.

    Kirsten Berg contributed research.


    This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Alec MacGillis.

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    The Education Department is a Loan Sharking Operation https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/22/the-education-department-is-a-loan-sharking-operation/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/22/the-education-department-is-a-loan-sharking-operation/#respond Fri, 22 Dec 2023 06:58:53 +0000 https://www.counterpunch.org/?p=308339 Just because loan sharks in the White House don’t look like sleazy mafiosi doesn’t invalidate concluding that they are. Federal Student Aid is the largest provider of student loans in the nation. It is part of the Ed Department. Many of its borrowers, up to their eyeballs in debt, would have done better taking out a Pay Day loan or patronizing an underworld shark. That a borrower can end up owing so much more than the original sum due to shamelessly eye-popping interest should be a scandal. That it isn’t just proves how comfy we Americans are with the tidier, media-approved whitewashing of crime families running our government. More

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    Photo by Alice Pasqual

    President Joe “What’s a Campaign Promise?” Biden seems less interested in student debt forgiveness with each passing day. Indeed, his latest proposal has become, in the words of the Debt Collective December 7, the incredible shrinking debt cancellation plan, with his Department of Education providing the magic and malign elixir that constricts debt relief more each passing month. In November the idea was scrapping interest to reset people’s balances to the original amount. But then came December and, according to the Debt Collective, a new proposal “that would leave most deeper in debt than the day they left school.” Fittingly, on December 15 came the news that 40 percent of student loan borrowers skipped their October payment.  That’s a lot of people sinking even deeper into the debt quagmire.

    If you doubt that usurious education lending is the respectable version of loan sharking, you have your head in the sand. The Debt Collective cites a librarian “who originally borrowed $60,000, has paid back $40,000, but still owes $110,000.” Under the November proposal, she would have received $70,000 of cancellation. “But under the new December plan, Kat would get only $10,000 of cancellation and President Biden would expect her to repay another $100,000.”

    Alternatively, I suppose Biden could establish a federal workhouse for student debtors, where they could toil unpaid till they die. Why not? His chief GOP rival for the presidency wants concentration, ahem…detention camps for the homeless, to remove this unsightly human blight from city centers so they can serve their proper purpose as playgrounds for the rich, and Biden, ever tacking to the right of his opponents, will want to outdo this idea of concentration camps for the destitute. I’m sure he could weave workhouses nicely into his 2024 campaign tapestry of promised deceptions.

    The ed department’s most recent “Proposed Regulatory Text Student Debt Relief Negotiated Rulemaking” contains several chimerically anodyne eye-openers. For instance, the education secretary may “(3) charge interest on the debt…; (4) Impose upon a debtor a charge based on the cost of collection…; (5) Impose upon a debtor a penalty for failure to pay a debt when due…;” Fun times for student borrowers. If this sounds like debt relief to you, I don’t want to hear your version of debt punishment.

    In the section on how a debtor can inspect and copy records relating to a debt, the explanation is utterly opaque. It’s a little clearer how one may obtain an oral hearing, but not much. On when the Ed Secretary foregoes interest, administrative costs or penalties, luckless debtors, who have already paid many times more than they originally borrowed thanks to extortionist interest, well, they may throw themselves upon the mercy of a bureaucrat who can decide that charges are “(i) against equity and good conscience: or (ii) Not in the best interests of the United States.” That anyone in the ed department has the faintest idea of equity and good conscience is almost as hilarious as the notion that most of our foreign policy makers could ever, under any circumstances, find their way out of a paper bag.

    Just because loan sharks in the White House don’t look like sleazy mafiosi doesn’t invalidate concluding that they are. Federal Student Aid is the largest provider of student loans in the nation. It is part of the Ed Department. Many of its borrowers, up to their eyeballs in debt, would have done better taking out a Pay Day loan or patronizing an underworld shark. That a borrower can end up owing so much more than the original sum due to shamelessly eye-popping interest should be a scandal. That it isn’t just proves how comfy we Americans are with the tidier, media-approved whitewashing of crime families running our government.

    To outdo Trump, Biden can easily be imagined promoting workhouses for students in debt to white house loan sharks all while crowing that he created the best economy ever and relieved more students of debt than any other president in history. You doubt he lacks the shame to avoid such bold-faced lies? Well, look no further than the so-called Climate President’s fibs about his environmental accomplishments. Biden’s task has been to talk a good game while whittling away proposals for debt relief. This conforms completely in its duplicity and odiousness with his congressional record as bagman for the financial corporations headquartered in Delaware. Anyone who thought Biden would ride to the rescue of the unfairly indebted was delusional.

    “Debtors have been telling the Department of Education that their plan is not enough, and the Department’s response has been to make it even worse,” said the Debt Collective’s policy director December 7. But Biden barrels on, “making people pay back debt the President promised to cancel.” It’s almost as if Biden wants to lose Black and young voters – two groups inordinately impacted by the barbaric U.S. system of educational debt-dispossession.

    Perhaps with those voters in mind, the Biden gang resorted to shameless spin on December 6, announcing “nearly $5 billion in additional student debt relief.” The ed department’s press release boasted that “another 80,000 borrowers will receive forgiveness thanks to Administration actions,” for a total to date of debt cancellation of “nearly $132 billion for more than 3.6 million Americans.” So why, according to Politico December 11, do progressives in Congress think this unprecedented, super-duper Biden proposal is too skimpy?

    Because it is. When even that wild-eyed, leftwing radical, senate majority leader Chuck “Wall Street Over Main Street” Schumer thinks a debt cancellation program is insufficient, well then, Houston, we gotta problem. Schumer along with other legislators wrote to Education Secretary Miguel Cardona that the latest plan revealed Scrooges to be running the white house. It “would fall far short of providing the full scale of debt relief that low- and middle-income Americans urgently need.” Never expected to say this: I stand with Chuck.

    Biden’s latest so-called debt jubilee comes in response to an earlier program that the skinflints on the Supreme Court deemed illegal last June. They, like much of Congress, complacently countenance an unfortunate student borrowing a few thousand dollars and later, due to ballooning interest, owing ten times the original amount. The fact that the Ed Department supervises loan sharking doesn’t bother them. That education has become the hunting ground for such predation strikes nobody in power as bizarre and outrageous. It takes a group like the Debt Collective to observe the obvious: the U.S. tolerates criminal interest on loans that would make organized crime blush. Indeed, according to the Debt Collective citing ProPublica December 18, Justice Clarence Thomas ruled against debt forgiveness, considering it unfair to everybody else, while “the GOP helped him erase his debts so they could buy his allegiance.” And Thomas is all in with the Dem loan sharks in the ed department.

    So once again, the Democrats have succeeded in wrapping the proles in a bind. The only way to join the middle or upper middle management class over which Dems gush ecstatically is through education. Yet the confiscatory cost lies way beyond the means of the average worker’s child. Enter White House loan sharks, offering these helpless students debt servitude until they retire on social security – good luck with that – only to have those government checks garnished by the, dum da dum dum, government! Thus the Dems, with GOP approval of course, created a new class of serfs. That, I guess, is the grim story of life under the enemy occupation of the corporate uni-party.

    The post The Education Department is a Loan Sharking Operation appeared first on CounterPunch.org.


    This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Eve Ottenberg.

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    Campus Free Speech https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/16/campus-free-speech/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/16/campus-free-speech/#respond Sat, 16 Dec 2023 21:40:25 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=146619 Some violent expressions against Jews occurred during the campus demonstrations that criticized U.S. policy of fortifying Israel’s post-October 7 attacks in Gaza. These expressions came from obvious identification of Jews with Israel’s violent attacks; after all, Israel claims to be a Jewish state and a great number of Jews in the United States support what […]

    The post Campus Free Speech first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>

    Some violent expressions against Jews occurred during the campus demonstrations that criticized U.S. policy of fortifying Israel’s post-October 7 attacks in Gaza. These expressions came from obvious identification of Jews with Israel’s violent attacks; after all, Israel claims to be a Jewish state and a great number of Jews in the United States support what credible observers consider genocide of the Palestinian people. Compared to the numbers protesting U.S. policy, the few people who originated violent messages against Jews did not determine the nature of the protests and their activities were not related to the protests.

    The impact of the protests ─ increased sympathy with the Palestinian cause ─ propelled pro-Israel groups to solicit the U.S. Congress to skew the debate from the reality of U.S. support of genocide of the Palestinian people to specious campus activity of anti-Semitism ─ diminish the importance that several hundred innocent Palestinians are murdered each day by Israeli forces; more important is that reckless persons voiced severely hostile opinions of Jewish students.

    Posters that appeared on a Cornell University message board with a prompt to the school’s president to alert the FBI. “If you see a Jewish ‘person’ on campus follow them home and slit their throats,” and another that threatened to “bring an assault rifle to campus and shoot all you pig Jews,” exhibited hatred that needs investigation. More to it. Flying under the radar are other serious charges that also need investigation.

    Demanding an end to U.S. foreign policy that militarily and morally aids Israel in its destruction of the Palestinian people was the issue of the campus protest. The protests of U.S. foreign policy proceeded from a logical view that the U.S. has no reason to be involved in the battle between Israel and Hamas and gains no benefit from aiding and abetting an Israeli response that many certify as an excuse for genocide. Just the opposite is requested — a democratic U.S. that claims to be the protector of human rights should be prominent in obtaining a cease-fire and protecting Gazan civilians.

    The counter-protestors, who wrapped themselves in Israeli flags and walked around colleges while tagging posts with #standwithIsrael, exhibited a serious lack of citizenship and a convoluted attitude toward genocide. They did not contend the protestors’ arguments with U.S. foreign policy, which defies contention; they supported a foreign nation before the interests of their nation and defended genocide. They were not attacked because they were Jews; they were attacked as dubious Americans who had an uncalled-for presence in the campus protests. This is not different than if the U.S. aided and abetted the Myanmar government in its genocide of the Rohingya people and a group of Americans walked around with the Myanmar flag and placed posters that say #standwithMyanmmar as a counter to those who protested against a U.S. policy of helping Myanmar in its genocide.

    The campus protestors had one mission ─ change a U.S. foreign policy that credible commentators observe as aiding and abetting Israel in its destruction of the Palestinian people. The counter-protestors, who acted more by formula than thought, created an intra-campus debate between those who want to prevent genocide and those who support it. Israel’s supporters steered the debate to have the protests become an example of anti-Semitism and, for that reason, should be stifled. This led to wealthy alumni, who recognized they owed much to their university education and made huge donations to the universities, showing they learned that when you have financial power, use it for your personal interests, even if it harms those who helped you gain it. As one example, a Penn University donor threatened to rescind a $100 million gift if the university did not discharge the current president whose testimony before a congressional committee he did not approve.

    The congressional inquiry into campus anti-Semitism, which never depicted any instances of anti-Semitism (Oh yes, Congresswoman, Elise Stefanik, mentioned that conspirators were urging another Intifada, implying that Intifada meant extermination of all Jews), got what it wanted with one loaded question, “Would calls on campus for the genocide of Jews violate the school’s conduct policy?”

    Indeed, the university presidents did not answer the question properly. However, it is not believable they would condone the words and not seek action. Never having faced the violation, each was unaware of the procedures. Perfectly logical. Why torment them for an acceptable confusion? All those watching and participating should have been asking, “Why is there a congressional committee investigating a hypothetical; why aren’t there congressional committees investigating the actual?

    From my knowledge, and I invite correction, the actual is that no serious physical violence against Jews in America has occurred after October 7. There may have been unplanned altercations between demonstrators but no Jewish person has suffered a planned physical violence. In contrast, several Muslims have been deliberately attacked and two have been killed. Why is there no congressional committee investigating the severe attacks on the Muslim community?

    As mentioned previously, the campus protests highlighted the appearance of a group favoring genocide, not genocide of Jews but genocide of the Palestinians. Why didn’t the congressional committee ask the university presidents if they were taking action against that group?

    Conclusions

    The campus protests have been a good example of university education put into action. Israel’s supporters tie every attack on Israel to being an attack on Jews. Why are they complaining when others equate Israel with Jews and use the word Jew instead of Israel in the same manner that Zionists normally do? The few examples of anti-Jewish sentiment that occurred during the protests were superfluous to the protests and should be investigated. They should not lead to curbs on the protests, which arose from purposeful misinformation and are unwarranted.

    Those against the protests did not exhibit valid reasons for their attitude. They placed themselves in the category of supporting genocide of the Palestinian people, a position that has no place in normal discourse and deserves investigation. That investigation should not be influenced by wealthy donors who use their wealth to dictate university policy. Universities should listen to alumni and trustees and reject threats that tie donations to steering policies.

    The post Campus Free Speech first appeared on Dissident Voice.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Dan Lieberman.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/16/campus-free-speech/feed/ 0 446284
    Why Are Intellectuals Divorced from Working People? https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/14/why-are-intellectuals-divorced-from-working-people/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/14/why-are-intellectuals-divorced-from-working-people/#respond Thu, 14 Dec 2023 22:07:38 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=146586 This article is a transcript of a presentation for a panel on the subject, hosted by the International Manifesto Group, the Critical Theory Workshop, and the Midwestern Marx Institute, with other presentations from Gabriel Rockhill, Radhika Desai, Glenn Diesen, and Noah Khrachvik. ​The question we are exploring today, concerning the divorce of intellectuals and the […]

    The post Why Are Intellectuals Divorced from Working People? first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
    Picture

    This article is a transcript of a presentation for a panel on the subject, hosted by the International Manifesto Group, the Critical Theory Workshop, and the Midwestern Marx Institute, with other presentations from Gabriel Rockhill, Radhika Desai, Glenn Diesen, and Noah Khrachvik.

    ​The question we are exploring today, concerning the divorce of intellectuals and the working class, is fundamental for assessing the crisis we face in the subjective conditions for revolution. The first thing I think must be interrogated is what is presupposed in the formulation of the problem in such manner. When we say that there has been a split, a schism, between intellectuals and the working class, there is a specific type of intellectual that we have in mind.

    The grand majority of intellectuals, especially within the capitalist mode of life, have had their lots tied to the dominant social system. They have functioned as a necessary component of the dominant order, those who take the ideals of the bourgeoisie – the class enemy of most of humanity – and embellish them in language which opens the narrow interests of the ruling class to the consenting approval of contending classes. In the same manner Marx describes the bourgeoisie as the personified agents of capital, the intellectuals have been the personified agents of capitalist ideology. They are tasked, as Gramsci taught us, with making these dispersed and unpopular bourgeois assumptions into a coherent and appealing outlook – one people are socialized into accepting as reality itself. Intellectuals have always, in a certain sense, been those groups of people that light the fire and move the statues which the slaves in the cave see as cave shadows embodying reality itself.

    These intellectuals – the traditional intellectuals – are of course not the ones we have in mind when we speak of a schism between intellectuals and workers. We are speaking, instead, of those who have been historically able to see the movement of history, to make slits within bourgeois worldviews, and who have subsequently thrown their lot in with the proletariat and popular classes – those forces which present the kernel for the next, more human and democratic, mode of life. Marx and Engels had already noted that there is always a section of “bourgeois ideologists” that raise “themselves to the level of comprehending theoretically the historical movement as a whole” and “cut [themselves] adrift [to] join the revolutionary class, the class that holds the future in its hands.” We are talking about the Duboises, the Apthekers, the Marinellos, the Parentis and others who, while coming out of the institutions of the bourgeois academy, would align their interests with working and oppressed peoples. They would become the theoreticians, historians, and poets which gave the working-class movement various forms of clarity in their struggle for power.

    What has happened to this section of intellectuals and its relationship with working people? Have they lost their thirst for freedom? Has their capacity for trembling with indignation at the injustices waged on working and oppressed people dissipated?

    It is important to note that any attempt to answer this question in this short timespan will always, by necessity, leave important aspects of the conversation out. I would love here to speak at length about the campaigns of the Congress for Cultural Freedom, the formation of a fake anti-communist left, and the role imperialist state departments, bourgeois foundations, and other such outfits had in creating a left intelligentsia divorced from the real movements of working people, both within the imperial core and in the periphery. I know my colleagues here will be paying due attention to such monumental components of answering the question we have before us.

    However, I’d like to instead focus on the practice of intellectuals; on the expectations and requirements set by the academy itself, which have already baked into its very structure the divorce of radical intellectuals from the struggles and movements of working and oppressed peoples. The first thing that must be noted is the following: We cannot simply treat this problem as one rooted in the intellectuals as a class, nor as one rooted in the subjective deficiencies of particular intellectuals. The Marxist worldview requires us to examine the system, the social totality, that produces such a split. We are tasked with exploring the political economy of knowledge production, if you will, which structures the relations of its mental workers through forms which insularize them to the structures and needs of the academy. As Gabriel Rockhill would say, it is a political economy of knowledge that systematically reproduces radical recuperators, compatible lefts, and pseudo-radical purity fetish outlooks that play an indispensable role in the reproduction of our moribund capitalist-imperialist system.

    From the moment prospective radical scholars enter graduate school they are integrated into this system. Their lofty hopes of being active participants as intellectuals in a class struggle are castrated by the demands the academy makes upon them qua scholars. They’re told that their writing should take a distinctively academic tone, that popular vernacular is frowned upon, that hyper-referentiality, the practice of citing all the intellectual gods in the cosmos who have commented on a topic, is a sign of good work, of proper scholarship.

    Truth and the struggle for human freedom are at best given a backseat, and that’s if they’re in the vehicle at all. Young scholars in the incubators of their careers are already indoctrinated in the aristocratic dogmas of writing for a select group of elite scholars, worshipping journal impact factors, and condescendingly dismissing those who use their intellectual capacities to work for the people, to actually, in proper Socratic fashion, engage in the radical quest for truth – those who seek to properly understand the world in order to work with the masses of humanity to change it.

    Young scholars, burdened by tens of thousands of dollars accumulated in undergraduate studies debts, are told that even with a PhD they will have an extremely difficult time finding a job – at least one suitable for continued academic work that pays sufficiently enough to payback the accumulated debt. They are told – specifically those with radical sensibilities – that they should focus on joining academic associations, network with people in their fields, familiarize themselves with the work published in leading journals so that they too, one day, can join the publication hamster wheel aimed at advancing these slaves through the tenure ladder. They are told they must not waste their time writing for popular audiences, that doing broadcasts and media work that reaches infinitely more people than the readers of ridiculously pay-walled journals or university editorial books is a waste of time. Every attempt at rooting their scholarship in the people, in the real movements of our day, is shot down.

    The gurus mediating their initiation into the academic capitalist cult ask: “do you know how this sort of work on your resume would look to hiring committees?” “Do you think the scholars in charge of your tenure advancement will appreciate your popular articles for Countercurrents, your books from Monthly Review, your articles in low impact factor, or impact factor-less, journals?”

    At every turn, your attempts to commit yourself to the Socratic pursuit of truth, to playing a role in changing the world, is condemned as sinful to the Gods of resume evaluations. “Do you not want to finish your degree with the potential of obtaining gainful employment? Do you want to be condemned to adjunct professorialship, to teaching 7 classes for half the pay of the full professors who teach 3? Do you want to condemn your family to debt-slavery for the decades to come simply because you did not want to join our very special and elite hamster wheel? After all, who wouldn’t want to spend months writing an article to send it in to a journal that will reply in a year telling you, if you’re amongst the lucky ones, that it has been accepted with revisions rooted in the specific biases of the arbitrary reviewers? Doesn’t that sound fun? Isn’t this what philosophy, and the humanities in general, is all about?”

    Eventually, material pressures themselves break the spirit of young visionary scholars. Reproletarianized and unable to survive on teaching assistantships, they resign themselves to the hamster wheel, with hopes of one day living the comfortable lives of their professors.

    Their radical sensibilities, however, are still there. They need an outlet. They look around and find that the academic hamster wheel has a pocket of ‘radicals’ writing edgy things for decently rated journals. They quickly find their kin, those who reduce radical politics to social transgressiveness, those who are concerned more with dissecting concepts like epistemic violence than with the violence of imperialism.

    Here it is! The young scholar thinks. A place where I can pad my resume and absolve myself of the guilt weighing down on my shoulders – a guilt rooted in the recognition, deep down, that one has betrayed the struggles of humanity, that one has become an agent of the forces they originally desired to fight against.

    Their existence, their lives, will always be rooted in what Sartre called bad faith. Self-deception becomes their norm. They are now the radical ones, the ones enlightened in issues of language. The working class becomes a backwards rabble they must educate – and that’s if they come near them at all. What hope could there ever be in the deplorables? Sure, American capitalism could be criticized, but at least we’re enlightened, ‘woke’ to lgbtq and other issues. Those Russians, Chinese, Venezuelans, Iranians, etc. etc., aren’t they backwards? What are their thoughts on trans issues? Should we not, in the interests of our enlightened civilization, support our government’s efforts to civilize them? Let’s go take them some of our valued democracy and human rights. I’m sure their people will appreciate it very much.

    I have presented the stories which are all-too familiar to those of us still working within the academy. It is evident, in my view at least, that the divorce of radical intellectuals from working class people and their movements has been an institutionalized effort of the capitalist elite. This division is embedded, it is implied, in the process of intellectuals becoming what the system requires of them for their survival. The relations they occupy in the process of knowledge production presupposes their split with working people.

    This rigidity of academic life has intensified over the last century. Yes, we do have plenty of past cases of radical academics, those who have sided with the people, being kicked to the curb by their academic institutions. But where have they landed and why? Doesn’t a blackballed Dubois get to teach at the Communist Party’s Jefferson School? Doesn’t Herbert Aptheker, following his expulsion from the academy, obtain a position as the full-time editor-in-chief of the Communist Party’s theoretical journal, Political Affairs? Besides the aforementioned, what other factors make our day different from, say, 1950s US?

    The answer is simple: what counter-hegemonic popular institutions we had were destroyed, in part by the efforts of our government, in part by the collapse, or overthrow, of the Soviet bloc. Although some, like ourselves, are currently in the process of attempting to construct them, today we have nowhere near the material and financial conditions we had in the past. The funding and aid the Soviets provided American communists is, unfortunately, not something provided for us by the dominant socialist states of our era.

    Ideology does not exist in a transcendental realm; it is embodied materially through people and institutions. Without the institutions that can ensure that radical scholars are not forced to tiptoe the line of the bourgeois academy, the material conditions for this split will be sustained.

    If I may, I would like to end with the following point. It is very easy to condemn the so-called radical academics we find in the bourgeois hamster wheel divorced from the people and their struggles. While condemnation might sometimes be justified, I think pity is the correct reaction.

    They are the subjects of a tragedy. As Hegel notes, the essence of a tragedy is found in the contradictions at play between the various roles an individual occupies. Sophocles’ Antigone is perhaps the best example. Here a sister (Antigone) is torn between the duty she has to bury her brother (Polyneices), and the duty she has as a citizen to follow King Creon’s decry, which considers Polyneices a traitor undeserving of a formal burial. This contradiction is depicted nicely in Hegel, who says that “both are in the wrong because they are one-sided, but both are also in the right.”

    Our so-called radical intelligentsia is, likewise, caught in the contradiction of the two roles they wish to occupy – one as revolutionary and the other as academic. Within the confines of the existing institutions, there can be no consistent reconciliation of the duties implied in each role. This is the set up of a classical tragedy, one which takes various forms with each individual scholar. It is also, as Socrates reminds Aristophanes and Agathon at the end of Plato’s Symposium, a comedy, since “the true artist in tragedy is an artist in comedy also.”

    The tragic and simultaneously comedic position occupied by the radical intelligentsia can only be overcome with the development of popular counterhegemonic institutions, such as parties and educational institutions akin to those sponsoring today’s panel. It is only here where scholars can embed themselves in the people. However, scholars are humans living under capitalism. They need, just like everyone else, to have the capacity to pay for their basic subsistence. These institutions, therefore, must work to develop the capacity of financially supporting both the intellectual traitors to the traditional bourgeois academy, and the organic intellectuals emerging from the working class itself. That is, I think, one of the central tasks facing those attempting to bridge the divide we have convened to examine today.

  • First published at Midwestern Marx.
  • The post Why Are Intellectuals Divorced from Working People? first appeared on Dissident Voice.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Carlos L. Garrido.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/14/why-are-intellectuals-divorced-from-working-people/feed/ 0 445829
    Why Are Intellectuals Divorced from Working People? https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/14/why-are-intellectuals-divorced-from-working-people/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/14/why-are-intellectuals-divorced-from-working-people/#respond Thu, 14 Dec 2023 22:07:38 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=146586 This article is a transcript of a presentation for a panel on the subject, hosted by the International Manifesto Group, the Critical Theory Workshop, and the Midwestern Marx Institute, with other presentations from Gabriel Rockhill, Radhika Desai, Glenn Diesen, and Noah Khrachvik. ​The question we are exploring today, concerning the divorce of intellectuals and the […]

    The post Why Are Intellectuals Divorced from Working People? first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
    Picture

    This article is a transcript of a presentation for a panel on the subject, hosted by the International Manifesto Group, the Critical Theory Workshop, and the Midwestern Marx Institute, with other presentations from Gabriel Rockhill, Radhika Desai, Glenn Diesen, and Noah Khrachvik.

    ​The question we are exploring today, concerning the divorce of intellectuals and the working class, is fundamental for assessing the crisis we face in the subjective conditions for revolution. The first thing I think must be interrogated is what is presupposed in the formulation of the problem in such manner. When we say that there has been a split, a schism, between intellectuals and the working class, there is a specific type of intellectual that we have in mind.

    The grand majority of intellectuals, especially within the capitalist mode of life, have had their lots tied to the dominant social system. They have functioned as a necessary component of the dominant order, those who take the ideals of the bourgeoisie – the class enemy of most of humanity – and embellish them in language which opens the narrow interests of the ruling class to the consenting approval of contending classes. In the same manner Marx describes the bourgeoisie as the personified agents of capital, the intellectuals have been the personified agents of capitalist ideology. They are tasked, as Gramsci taught us, with making these dispersed and unpopular bourgeois assumptions into a coherent and appealing outlook – one people are socialized into accepting as reality itself. Intellectuals have always, in a certain sense, been those groups of people that light the fire and move the statues which the slaves in the cave see as cave shadows embodying reality itself.

    These intellectuals – the traditional intellectuals – are of course not the ones we have in mind when we speak of a schism between intellectuals and workers. We are speaking, instead, of those who have been historically able to see the movement of history, to make slits within bourgeois worldviews, and who have subsequently thrown their lot in with the proletariat and popular classes – those forces which present the kernel for the next, more human and democratic, mode of life. Marx and Engels had already noted that there is always a section of “bourgeois ideologists” that raise “themselves to the level of comprehending theoretically the historical movement as a whole” and “cut [themselves] adrift [to] join the revolutionary class, the class that holds the future in its hands.” We are talking about the Duboises, the Apthekers, the Marinellos, the Parentis and others who, while coming out of the institutions of the bourgeois academy, would align their interests with working and oppressed peoples. They would become the theoreticians, historians, and poets which gave the working-class movement various forms of clarity in their struggle for power.

    What has happened to this section of intellectuals and its relationship with working people? Have they lost their thirst for freedom? Has their capacity for trembling with indignation at the injustices waged on working and oppressed people dissipated?

    It is important to note that any attempt to answer this question in this short timespan will always, by necessity, leave important aspects of the conversation out. I would love here to speak at length about the campaigns of the Congress for Cultural Freedom, the formation of a fake anti-communist left, and the role imperialist state departments, bourgeois foundations, and other such outfits had in creating a left intelligentsia divorced from the real movements of working people, both within the imperial core and in the periphery. I know my colleagues here will be paying due attention to such monumental components of answering the question we have before us.

    However, I’d like to instead focus on the practice of intellectuals; on the expectations and requirements set by the academy itself, which have already baked into its very structure the divorce of radical intellectuals from the struggles and movements of working and oppressed peoples. The first thing that must be noted is the following: We cannot simply treat this problem as one rooted in the intellectuals as a class, nor as one rooted in the subjective deficiencies of particular intellectuals. The Marxist worldview requires us to examine the system, the social totality, that produces such a split. We are tasked with exploring the political economy of knowledge production, if you will, which structures the relations of its mental workers through forms which insularize them to the structures and needs of the academy. As Gabriel Rockhill would say, it is a political economy of knowledge that systematically reproduces radical recuperators, compatible lefts, and pseudo-radical purity fetish outlooks that play an indispensable role in the reproduction of our moribund capitalist-imperialist system.

    From the moment prospective radical scholars enter graduate school they are integrated into this system. Their lofty hopes of being active participants as intellectuals in a class struggle are castrated by the demands the academy makes upon them qua scholars. They’re told that their writing should take a distinctively academic tone, that popular vernacular is frowned upon, that hyper-referentiality, the practice of citing all the intellectual gods in the cosmos who have commented on a topic, is a sign of good work, of proper scholarship.

    Truth and the struggle for human freedom are at best given a backseat, and that’s if they’re in the vehicle at all. Young scholars in the incubators of their careers are already indoctrinated in the aristocratic dogmas of writing for a select group of elite scholars, worshipping journal impact factors, and condescendingly dismissing those who use their intellectual capacities to work for the people, to actually, in proper Socratic fashion, engage in the radical quest for truth – those who seek to properly understand the world in order to work with the masses of humanity to change it.

    Young scholars, burdened by tens of thousands of dollars accumulated in undergraduate studies debts, are told that even with a PhD they will have an extremely difficult time finding a job – at least one suitable for continued academic work that pays sufficiently enough to payback the accumulated debt. They are told – specifically those with radical sensibilities – that they should focus on joining academic associations, network with people in their fields, familiarize themselves with the work published in leading journals so that they too, one day, can join the publication hamster wheel aimed at advancing these slaves through the tenure ladder. They are told they must not waste their time writing for popular audiences, that doing broadcasts and media work that reaches infinitely more people than the readers of ridiculously pay-walled journals or university editorial books is a waste of time. Every attempt at rooting their scholarship in the people, in the real movements of our day, is shot down.

    The gurus mediating their initiation into the academic capitalist cult ask: “do you know how this sort of work on your resume would look to hiring committees?” “Do you think the scholars in charge of your tenure advancement will appreciate your popular articles for Countercurrents, your books from Monthly Review, your articles in low impact factor, or impact factor-less, journals?”

    At every turn, your attempts to commit yourself to the Socratic pursuit of truth, to playing a role in changing the world, is condemned as sinful to the Gods of resume evaluations. “Do you not want to finish your degree with the potential of obtaining gainful employment? Do you want to be condemned to adjunct professorialship, to teaching 7 classes for half the pay of the full professors who teach 3? Do you want to condemn your family to debt-slavery for the decades to come simply because you did not want to join our very special and elite hamster wheel? After all, who wouldn’t want to spend months writing an article to send it in to a journal that will reply in a year telling you, if you’re amongst the lucky ones, that it has been accepted with revisions rooted in the specific biases of the arbitrary reviewers? Doesn’t that sound fun? Isn’t this what philosophy, and the humanities in general, is all about?”

    Eventually, material pressures themselves break the spirit of young visionary scholars. Reproletarianized and unable to survive on teaching assistantships, they resign themselves to the hamster wheel, with hopes of one day living the comfortable lives of their professors.

    Their radical sensibilities, however, are still there. They need an outlet. They look around and find that the academic hamster wheel has a pocket of ‘radicals’ writing edgy things for decently rated journals. They quickly find their kin, those who reduce radical politics to social transgressiveness, those who are concerned more with dissecting concepts like epistemic violence than with the violence of imperialism.

    Here it is! The young scholar thinks. A place where I can pad my resume and absolve myself of the guilt weighing down on my shoulders – a guilt rooted in the recognition, deep down, that one has betrayed the struggles of humanity, that one has become an agent of the forces they originally desired to fight against.

    Their existence, their lives, will always be rooted in what Sartre called bad faith. Self-deception becomes their norm. They are now the radical ones, the ones enlightened in issues of language. The working class becomes a backwards rabble they must educate – and that’s if they come near them at all. What hope could there ever be in the deplorables? Sure, American capitalism could be criticized, but at least we’re enlightened, ‘woke’ to lgbtq and other issues. Those Russians, Chinese, Venezuelans, Iranians, etc. etc., aren’t they backwards? What are their thoughts on trans issues? Should we not, in the interests of our enlightened civilization, support our government’s efforts to civilize them? Let’s go take them some of our valued democracy and human rights. I’m sure their people will appreciate it very much.

    I have presented the stories which are all-too familiar to those of us still working within the academy. It is evident, in my view at least, that the divorce of radical intellectuals from working class people and their movements has been an institutionalized effort of the capitalist elite. This division is embedded, it is implied, in the process of intellectuals becoming what the system requires of them for their survival. The relations they occupy in the process of knowledge production presupposes their split with working people.

    This rigidity of academic life has intensified over the last century. Yes, we do have plenty of past cases of radical academics, those who have sided with the people, being kicked to the curb by their academic institutions. But where have they landed and why? Doesn’t a blackballed Dubois get to teach at the Communist Party’s Jefferson School? Doesn’t Herbert Aptheker, following his expulsion from the academy, obtain a position as the full-time editor-in-chief of the Communist Party’s theoretical journal, Political Affairs? Besides the aforementioned, what other factors make our day different from, say, 1950s US?

    The answer is simple: what counter-hegemonic popular institutions we had were destroyed, in part by the efforts of our government, in part by the collapse, or overthrow, of the Soviet bloc. Although some, like ourselves, are currently in the process of attempting to construct them, today we have nowhere near the material and financial conditions we had in the past. The funding and aid the Soviets provided American communists is, unfortunately, not something provided for us by the dominant socialist states of our era.

    Ideology does not exist in a transcendental realm; it is embodied materially through people and institutions. Without the institutions that can ensure that radical scholars are not forced to tiptoe the line of the bourgeois academy, the material conditions for this split will be sustained.

    If I may, I would like to end with the following point. It is very easy to condemn the so-called radical academics we find in the bourgeois hamster wheel divorced from the people and their struggles. While condemnation might sometimes be justified, I think pity is the correct reaction.

    They are the subjects of a tragedy. As Hegel notes, the essence of a tragedy is found in the contradictions at play between the various roles an individual occupies. Sophocles’ Antigone is perhaps the best example. Here a sister (Antigone) is torn between the duty she has to bury her brother (Polyneices), and the duty she has as a citizen to follow King Creon’s decry, which considers Polyneices a traitor undeserving of a formal burial. This contradiction is depicted nicely in Hegel, who says that “both are in the wrong because they are one-sided, but both are also in the right.”

    Our so-called radical intelligentsia is, likewise, caught in the contradiction of the two roles they wish to occupy – one as revolutionary and the other as academic. Within the confines of the existing institutions, there can be no consistent reconciliation of the duties implied in each role. This is the set up of a classical tragedy, one which takes various forms with each individual scholar. It is also, as Socrates reminds Aristophanes and Agathon at the end of Plato’s Symposium, a comedy, since “the true artist in tragedy is an artist in comedy also.”

    The tragic and simultaneously comedic position occupied by the radical intelligentsia can only be overcome with the development of popular counterhegemonic institutions, such as parties and educational institutions akin to those sponsoring today’s panel. It is only here where scholars can embed themselves in the people. However, scholars are humans living under capitalism. They need, just like everyone else, to have the capacity to pay for their basic subsistence. These institutions, therefore, must work to develop the capacity of financially supporting both the intellectual traitors to the traditional bourgeois academy, and the organic intellectuals emerging from the working class itself. That is, I think, one of the central tasks facing those attempting to bridge the divide we have convened to examine today.

  • First published at Midwestern Marx.
  • The post Why Are Intellectuals Divorced from Working People? first appeared on Dissident Voice.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Carlos L. Garrido.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/14/why-are-intellectuals-divorced-from-working-people/feed/ 0 445830
    Idaho Lawmakers Are Discussing a Proposal That Would Make It Easier to Repair Schools https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/14/idaho-lawmakers-are-discussing-a-proposal-that-would-make-it-easier-to-repair-schools/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/14/idaho-lawmakers-are-discussing-a-proposal-that-would-make-it-easier-to-repair-schools/#respond Thu, 14 Dec 2023 14:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/idaho-lawmakers-discuss-proposal-that-would-make-it-easier-to-repair-schools by Becca Savransky and Bryan Clark, Idaho Statesman

    This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with the Idaho Statesman. Sign up for Dispatches to get stories like this one as soon as they are published.

    Idaho lawmakers are discussing a proposal that would make it easier for school districts across the state to repair and replace their aging buildings.

    Idaho is one of two states that require two-thirds of voters to approve a bond, which is one of the few ways a district can secure funding to build new school facilities. The Idaho Statesman and ProPublica have reported this year how this threshold has stymied districts from fixing or replacing antiquated boilers, leaking roofs, failing plumbing, overcrowding and inadequate building security.

    As lawmakers head into the legislative session in January, prominent Republicans say they’re now considering ways to change the Idaho Constitution and the two-thirds supermajority requirement.

    Drafts of a potential resolution are still in the early stages, and the effort is being headed by Rep. Rod Furniss, a Rigby Republican who represents the legislative district encompassing Salmon, where the school district tried and failed to pass a bond six times in seven years.

    Lowering the threshold would require support from two-thirds of legislators, and a ​majority of voters would need to approve the constitutional amendment on the ballot.

    Hundreds of students, educators and school administrators have told the Statesman and ProPublica about the ways school building conditions impact their daily lives. Some have argued it’s nearly impossible for school districts to reach two-thirds support in communities that are low-income or have older households with no kids in school, and it’s creating inequity among districts.

    Since 2006, fewer than half of all school bonds have passed. Had a simple majority been required, as is the case in most other states, around 80% of them would have been approved, an analysis by the Statesman and ProPublica found.

    Legislators have done little to address the problem despite an Idaho Supreme Court ruling in 2005 that declared the state’s funding system for school infrastructure unconstitutional and tasked lawmakers with making sure facilities were properly funded.

    “People are generally getting more and more dissatisfied with the fact that we’re not able to address our aging facilities in public education,” Sen. Dave Lent told the Statesman.

    Lent and Rep. Wendy Horman, both Republicans, discussed the proposal during a town hall meeting in Idaho Falls last week. Lent, who chairs the Senate Education Committee and determines the bills introduced by the panel, told the Statesman he plans to co-sponsor the resolution. Horman co-chairs the influential Joint Finance-Appropriations Committee, which sets the budgets for all state agencies every year.

    In the past, proposals to lower the supermajority have failed to gain traction.

    In 2017, a resolution that would have started the process to lower the threshold to 60% never made it out of a legislative committee. Lawmakers who oppose changing the supermajority have said there should be a high threshold to impose taxes on a community.

    “Unless an existing school actually falls to the ground and becomes unusable, I don’t perceive them ever passing a bond,” Josh Tolman, a former Salmon school board member, previously told the news organizations in an interview.

    Furniss said in an interview that ​lawmakers are discussing ways to reduce the vote threshold in elections when turnout is high. That way, ​bond measures wouldn’t fail with 65% support in high-turnout years — what would be a blowout election in any other race.

    On the whole, Furniss expects that “quite a few more bonds might pass,” but only in situations where the election adequately gauges the “will of the people.”

    Furniss said lawmakers have looked at systems used in other states, including Montana and Alaska. Montana requires a smaller majority in high-turnout elections and a larger majority in low-turnout elections. But if turnout is low enough, a bond automatically fails, which is one reason Furniss said some lawmakers in favor of reform are leaning against the idea.

    Furniss said a different option he favors is to lower the threshold districts would need to meet in years that have historically high turnout. For example, bond measures on the ballot during presidential election years might require a simple majority while those in midterm years could require 60%.

    Lent and Furniss acknowledged that lowering the threshold for bonds would be a heavy lift, given that it would need support from two-thirds of lawmakers in Idaho’s conservative Legislature. But Lent said lawmakers are committed to finding ways to help school districts upgrade aging facilities and address maintenance problems.

    Lawmakers plan to “take the temperature” once the session starts to determine the proposals that will get the most traction, Lent said. Legislators are also looking at other options to help school districts with their aging facilities, including offering more state funding.

    “Our first priority is to figure out a way to have greater state participation and relieve the pressure on local property taxes for facilities,” he said. “We definitely want to have lots of options to see what we can get done.”


    This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Becca Savransky and Bryan Clark, Idaho Statesman.

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    California’s Groundbreaking Investment in Education for Incarcerated Youth https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/13/californias-groundbreaking-investment-in-education-for-incarcerated-youth/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/13/californias-groundbreaking-investment-in-education-for-incarcerated-youth/#respond Wed, 13 Dec 2023 17:27:57 +0000 https://www.projectcensored.org/?p=36212 In an article for The Imprint News, Jeremy Loudenback and Sara Tiano dive into the details of California’s June 30, 2023, signed budget, which incorporates investments in higher education for…

    The post California’s Groundbreaking Investment in Education for Incarcerated Youth appeared first on Project Censored.


    This content originally appeared on Project Censored and was authored by Shealeigh.

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    NYT Amplifies Outrage Over Imaginary Calls for Genocide https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/12/nyt-amplifies-outrage-over-imaginary-calls-for-genocide/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/12/nyt-amplifies-outrage-over-imaginary-calls-for-genocide/#respond Tue, 12 Dec 2023 22:34:31 +0000 https://fair.org/?p=9036481 Amidst a concocted outrage that has nothing to do with safeguarding Jewish students, the New York Times is going along for the ride.

    The post NYT Amplifies Outrage Over Imaginary Calls for Genocide appeared first on FAIR.

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    University presidents are under fire from politicians and the media over what is being framed as their waffling over allowing antisemitic speech on their campuses. But it is a concocted outrage that has nothing to do with safeguarding Jewish students, and the New York Times is going along for the ride.

    The uproar concerns an appearance by the presidents of Harvard, MIT and the University of Pennsylvania before the House Education committee, in which Rep. Elise Stefanik (R–NY) grilled them about antisemitism on campus and whether “calling for the genocide of Jews” violates university codes of conduct.

    NYT: College Presidents Under Fire After Dodging Questions About Antisemitism

    New York Times sources (12/6/23) almost entirely criticized university presidents for giving “lawyerly responses to a tricky question involving free speech.”

    The Times (12/6/23) reported the story under the headline, “College Presidents Under Fire After Dodging Questions About Antisemitism,” with the subhead: “The leaders of Harvard, MIT and Penn appeared to evade questions about whether students should be disciplined if they call for the genocide of Jews.” Reporters Stephanie Saul and Anemona Hartocollis began:

    Support for the presidents of Harvard, the University of Pennsylvania and MIT eroded quickly on Wednesday, after they seemed to evade what seemed like a rather simple question during a contentious congressional hearing: Would they discipline students calling for the genocide of Jews?

    Specifically, the reporters wrote, the presidents’ “lawyerly replies”—that it depends on the context of the speech—drew criticism from Jewish leaders as well as Democratic bigwigs, thus framing the ire not as partisan positioning against liberal academia, but a categorical defense of Jewish students against uncaring administrators.

    But there are two big problems with the Times‘ framing: The calls for genocide were imaginary, and the presidents’ answers were not evasive, they were accurate reflections of the constitutional protections of free speech and the scope of university policies on harassment and bullying.

    ‘From the river to the sea’

    As a subsequent Times report explained (12/7/23), Stefanik

    repeatedly tried and failed to get them to agree with her that calls for “intifada” and use of slogans such as “from the river to the sea” were appeals for genocide against Jews that should not be tolerated on campuses.

    First, let’s be clear: Calls for “intifada” or a free Palestine “from the river to the sea” are not the same as calls for genocide. Merriam-Webster defines the Arabic word “intifada” in the context of Palestine to mean “an armed uprising of Palestinians against Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip.”

    Conversation: ‘From the river to the sea’ – a Palestinian historian explores the meaning and intent of scrutinized slogan

    Maha Nassar (Conversation, 11/16/23): “The majority of people using the phrase [‘from the river to the sea’] see it as a principled vision of freedom and coexistence.”

    “From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free” is a slogan that’s long been used by Palestinians to “represent the vision of a secular democratic state with equality for all,” as University of Arizona Mideast studies professor Maha Nassar (Conversation, 11/16/23) noted.

    The American Jewish Committee describes the phase as “a rallying cry for terrorist groups and their sympathizers,” saying it calls for the “establishment of a state of Palestine from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea, erasing the state of Israel and its people.” But as Nimer Sultany of London’s School of Oriental and African Studies told Al Jazeera (11/2/23), the word “free” in the slogan refers to “the need for equality for all inhabitants of historic Palestine.”

    As US corporate media outlets seldom remind their audiences, Israel is currently deemed an apartheid state by leading human rights groups like Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and Israel’s B’Tselem (FAIR.org, 2/3/22).

    Pro-Palestinian protesters on campuses do talk about genocide, however (Ha’aretz, 10/25/23)—to argue that Israel is carrying one out in its assault on Gaza, which has so far killed at least 17,000 people, 70% of them women and children, according to Gazan health officials (Reuters, 12/7/23).

    Announcing the “second stage” of the war against Gaza (Common Dreams, 10/30/23), Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared, “You must remember what Amalek has done to you, says our Holy Bible”—a reference to 1 Samuel 15:3: “Now go and smite Amalek, and utterly destroy all that they have, and spare them not; but slay both man and woman, infant and suckling.”

    A gotcha question

    NYT: The Invention of Elise Stefanik

    Nicholas Confessore (New York Times, 12/31/22): In “one of the most brazen political transformations of the Trump era…Ms. Stefanik remade herself into a fervent Trump apologist…and embraced the conspiracy theories that animate his base.”

    But Stefanik—the chair of the Republican Conference, whom Times reporting by Nicholas Confessore (12/31/22) had earlier depicted as a vacuous opportunist with no real ideology beyond her own advancement—wasn’t asking good-faith questions about antisemitism on campus. She was asking a gotcha question to force the presidents to answer “yes” or “no” about legal and policy matters that in fact required more context. The paper quoted at length her exchange with UPenn president Mary Elizabeth Magill, who has since resigned:

    Ms. Stefanik asked Ms. Magill, “Does calling for the genocide of Jews violate Penn’s rules or code of conduct, yes or no?”

    Ms. Magill replied, “If the speech turns into conduct, it can be harassment.”

    Ms. Stefanik pressed the issue: “I am asking, specifically: Calling for the genocide of Jews, does that constitute bullying or harassment?”

    Ms. Magill, a lawyer who joined Penn last year with a pledge to promote campus free speech, replied, “If it is directed and severe, pervasive, it is harassment.”

    Ms. Stefanik responded: “So the answer is yes.”

    Ms. Magill said, “It is a context-dependent decision, congresswoman.”

    Ms. Stefanik exclaimed: “That’s your testimony today? Calling for the genocide of Jews is depending upon the context?”

    Stefanik was smugly triumphant, and the exchange led to pressure against Magill from the state’s governor (Chronicle of Higher Education, 12/6/23) and calls to resign from the board of UPenn’s business school (Axios, 12/7/23). The school lost a $100 million donation (BBC, 12/8/23).

    After issuing an apology (Wall Street Journal, 12/7/23), Magill resigned (New York Times, 12/9/23). Falling just short of openly declaring a witch hunt against university administrators, Stefanik (Fox News, 12/9/23) replied to the resignation: “One down. Two to go.”

    The New York Post (12/10/23) wasn’t so shy, saying that in response to the supposed leftward nature of higher education society should “starve these schools of funds (alumni giving, government largesse, tuition money) until they have boards and administrations dedicated to righting things.” So much for right-wing opposition to “cancel culture.”

    Context matters

    Daily Beast: Elise Stefanik’s Calculated Demagoguery on Antisemitism and Free Speech

    The Daily Beast‘s Jay Michaelson (12/6/23) sees “the spectacle of a demagogue urging a mob to punish an intellectual for articulately and accurately distinguishing between political speech and bullying.”

    But Magill was correct. Speech is protected; Penn’s policies are about bullying and harassment. So if someone simply uses the phrase “from the river to the sea” or “intifada,” it doesn’t fall under Penn’s policies unless it is accompanied by conduct that can be interpreted as bullying or harassment. As the Daily Beast‘s Jay Michaelson (12/6/23) wrote:

    What about when someone makes a statement in a classroom or a college lecture? If someone insists, in a classroom discussion, that Israel as a country is an illegitimate colonial outpost and should be “wiped off the map”?

    That sounds like a political statement to me, not an act of bullying or intimidation.

    But if a mob marches into a Shabbat service and shouts the same slogan, then that’s clearly harassment and in violation of the policy. Context matters.

    In the Times‘ letters section (12/7/23), one writer said:

    Free speech doesn’t exist only for speech with which you agree, and if it doesn’t cross the bright legal line into literally targeting individuals or inciting violence, punishing it is problematic.

    So yes, as Harvard’s president, Claudine Gay, rightly said, context matters as it relates to discipline. But that doesn’t mean there is any ambiguity, any argument, that calls for genocide against Jews aren’t both bigoted and deeply disturbing. They surely are.

    ‘Legally correct’

    It wasn’t until the eighth paragraph that the Times said the university presidents “tried to give lawyerly responses to a tricky question involving free speech, which supporters of academic freedom said were legally correct.”

    This is a sneaky way to hide the reality that, yes, free speech means, hypothetically speaking, defending people’s rights to make atrocious and offensive statements. If Republican lawmakers believe that such a reality is unacceptable, then they should come out and say they are against free speech.

    But the next paragraph is far worse:

    But to many Jewish students, alumni and donors, who had watched campus pro-Palestinian protests with trepidation and fear, the statements by the university presidents failed to meet the political moment by not speaking clearly and forcefully against antisemitism.

    The Times had just noted that all three presidents “said they were appalled by antisemitism and taking action against it on campus. When asked whether they supported the right of Israel to exist, they answered yes, without equivocation.” So the problem is not their clearly stated opposition to antisemitism or support for Israel. It’s their unwillingness to say they’ll discipline those whose speech some find abhorrent.

    Just because people don’t like a protest—even with good reason—doesn’t mean that the protesters should be punished for their speech. Many women might find anti-abortion tabling to be sexist; that doesn’t mean it is outside the bounds of free speech. Would the Zionist version of “from the river to sea”—where Israel includes the Occupied Territories  (Times of Israel, 9/22/23)—be considered so offensive to Palestinian students that students who make them should be punished? Would the Times also have us believe that it should be illegal for pro-police students to have rallies in defense of cops accused of brutality and murder of unarmed Black people?

    ‘Free speech scruples’

    After quoting no fewer than six critics of the presidents, the Times finally found someone to offer a defense of their answers—sort of. Saul and Hartocollis turned to Will Creeley, legal director at the Foundation of Individual Rights and Expression, a group more often associated with libertarian pearl-clutching over “cancel culture” (1/31/22). He grudgingly accepted that the administrators were right: “It does depend on context,” he told the Times.

    But Creeley added that he was sad “to see them discover free speech scruples while under fire at a congressional hearing,” and hadn’t come out as advocates for his version of free speech more generally, which sees decisions by publishing companies to not publish certain (right-wing) authors as “book banning.”

    After Creeley’s brief and half-hearted defense, the Times returned to more critics, one of whom demanded that the presidents “resign in disgrace,” and another who was “appalled by the need to state the obvious: Calls for genocide against Jews do not depend on the context.”

    Boosted by conspiracy theories

    Albany Times Union: How Low Ms. Stefanik?

    The Albany Times Union (9/17/21) accused Stefanik of “stoking racial, ethnic, and religious tribalism among voters” by adopting the grievance of the Charlottesville marchers who chanted “Jews will not replace us.”

    Perhaps the Times could have glanced at Stefanik’s own record; she has come under fire for engaging in white nationalist conspiracy theories like the “great replacement” theory (Washington Post, 5/15/22, 5/16/22; NBC, 5/19/22). In fact, Albany’s Times-Union editorial board (9/17/21) blasted her embrace of the far-right theory:

    If there’s anything that needs replacing in this country—and in the Republican party—it’s the hateful rhetoric that Ms. Stefanik and far too many of her colleagues so shamelessly spew.

    This was in response to her ads that said, “President Biden and fellow Democrats are seeking a ‘permanent election insurrection’ by expanding pathways to citizenship for undocumented immigrants” (Washington Post, 9/16/21).

    In perhaps her weirdest outburst, Stefanik “denounced Democrats who disagreed with her proposals to ease baby formula shortage as ‘usual pedo grifters’” (Daily News, 5/13/22), a nod to the antisemitic QAnon conspiracy theory that fuels the Trumpian right (Guardian, 8/25/20). Once an obscure backbencher, Stefanik has risen in conservative fame while latching onto conspiracy theories about the 2020 presidential election being rigged, to the point the point of aligning herself with an anti-Muslim leader of the “stop the steal” movement (WAMC, 8/23/21).

    The Times missed this important context, which would have led a reporter to question if Stefanik’s pointed questioning toward the university presidents was genuinely motivated by a concern for antisemitism or, instead, a kind of projection of her own record.

    A right-wing PR vehicle

    NYT: Questioning University Presidents on Antisemitism, Stefanik Goes Viral

    Annie Karni (New York Times, 2/7/23): “That Ms. Stefanik emerged as the voice of reason in the hearing was a sobering thought for many of her detractors.”

    The whole affair has boosted Stefanik’s currency in right-wing media, especially Fox News (12/6/23, 12/6/23, 12/8/23). In fact, the New York Times (12/7/23) wrote a followup article reporting that the exchange with the three university presidents “went viral, racking up tens of millions of views on social media (the Israeli government even reposted a clip of the hearing).” While Stefanik has had support from the right, Times congressional correspondent Annie Karni wrote that her grilling achieved the “unthinkable” by

    prompting many Democrats and detractors of Mr. Trump to concede that an ideological culture warrior with whom they agree on nothing else was, in this case, right.

    In yet another follow-up piece, the Times (12/10/23) accepted Republican concern about campus antisemitism as fact, without questioning whether mere criticism of Israel was being wrongly branded as antisemitic, or acknowledging that it has actually been the left that has blown the whistle on the rise of white nationalism, antisemitism and xenophobia in conjunction with the political rise of Donald Trump (Washington Post, 10/17/22; Haaretz, 11/8/22). The “potency” of the recent Republican inquisition into free speech on campuses, the TimesNicholas Confessore said, “was underscored by how many Democrats joined the attack.” It was lost on the Times that it was its own misframing of the exchange that lent liberal validation to a far-right GOP leader like Stefanik.

    Of course, Stefanik took to the Wall Street Journal’s opinion page (12/7/23) to rebroadcast her congressional spectacle, calling the presidents’ testimony “pathetic” and displaying a “lack of moral clarity.” But it makes sense for a conservative opinion space to act as a right-wing PR vehicle.

    Reporters for an ostensibly liberal paper, meanwhile, should be looking at what is actually being said and what is actually happening. Instead, the Times is fanning the flames of a fake outrage, and it’s already having a dire impact on free speech.


    ACTION ALERT: You can send a message to the New York Times at letters@nytimes.com. Please remember that respectful communication is the most effective. Feel free to leave a copy of your communication in the comments thread.

    The post NYT Amplifies Outrage Over Imaginary Calls for Genocide appeared first on FAIR.


    This content originally appeared on FAIR and was authored by Ari Paul.

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    What Sort of “Caring” Do Zionist Medical Faculty at U of T Teach? https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/11/what-sort-of-caring-do-zionist-medical-faculty-at-u-of-t-teach/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/11/what-sort-of-caring-do-zionist-medical-faculty-at-u-of-t-teach/#respond Mon, 11 Dec 2023 15:01:03 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=146512 An exaggerated sense of self-importance and entitlement, hubris, chutzpah, racism while claiming victimhood and massively flawed thinking are the descriptors that come to mind when considering the 555 doctors at the U of T who signed an Open Statement to the University of Toronto Faculty of Medicine (TFOM) from Jewish Physician Faculty. The statement is […]

    The post What Sort of “Caring” Do Zionist Medical Faculty at U of T Teach? first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
    An exaggerated sense of self-importance and entitlement, hubris, chutzpah, racism while claiming victimhood and massively flawed thinking are the descriptors that come to mind when considering the 555 doctors at the U of T who signed an Open Statement to the University of Toronto Faculty of Medicine (TFOM) from Jewish Physician Faculty.

    The statement is an endorsement of Israel’s genocidal war against Palestinians in Gaza, which has been “catastrophic”, according to the WHO, for its healthcare system and killed 200 medical workers.

    The opening declaration is: “We affirm the right of TFOM faculty to be openly Zionist and to support the right of Israel to exist and defend itself as a Jewish state and for those faculty to be free of public ostracism, recrimination, exclusion, and discrimination in the TFOM.”

    In plain language, the doctors want to promote Israel’s slaughter in Gaza and not be challenged by (disproportionately) racialized and younger students and colleagues.

    The statement effectively brands all criticism of Israel as antisemitic. It declares “that accusations against Israel as ‘apartheid’, ‘colonialist’, or ‘white supremacist’ or committing genocide are mendacious and aim to promote the argument that Israel should be dismantled as a Jewish state, making such accusations themselves antisemitic.” Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Al Haq, B’tselem and the UN Special Rapporteur on Palestinians have all labeled Israel an apartheid state. Many Zionist pioneers described their aims as “colonial” and hundreds of experts in the field believe Israel is currently committing genocide in Gaza.

    While framing themselves as victims, the letter threatens colleagues. “We believe that academic freedom is not absolute. In particular, leaders in academic medicine with power over learners and faculty, who in some cases are the sole leader responsible for thousands of learners and faculty, should not be issuing statements which collide with equity, diversity and inclusion for Jews or which make Jews feel unsafe and unwelcome in the TFOM and which are unrelated or unessential to their core academic role, research, and publishing of results.”

    But it’s the many openly racist signatories who have authority over students, as Ghada Sasa’s followers showed on X. The new medical collective Combat Online Harassment concluded, “1 in 5 signatories to the University of Toronto medical school’s proud Zionist letter with active Twitter accounts have posted racist, hateful, or harmful materials!”

    This includes Sandy Buchman justifying massacres against Palestinians since Gaza is a “sociopathic society full of murderers”. Another Zionist letter signatory Gideon Hirschfield liked a tweet threatening all Palestinians in Gaza with “immediate and complete destruction” and Dr. Leslie Shulman called for deporting darker skinned teenagers who protested against genocide in Toronto. “Expel. Them. Now. Reason…failure to show evidence of being human.”

    Combat Online Harassment, a group of North American healthcare workers, says it was formed in response to “increasing amounts of racist anti-Palestinian, anti-Arab, and Islamophobic behavior from our colleagues. Simultaneously, we’ve observed an unsettling trend where physicians expressing pro-Palestinian views find themselves unjustly targeted with baseless accusations of antisemitism, resulting in detrimental consequences for their careers. Our work aims to highlight the double standard in the policing of voices; clearly racist and hateful views (ones we post), if coming from Zionists, face little to no repercussions.”

    Jewish Zionist doctors have succeeded in punishing anti-genocide voices for making them “feel” uncomfortable. The most high-profile and egregious case is University of Ottawa doctor Yoni Freedhoff who targeted resident Yipeng Ge, leading to his suspension. Over 95,000 people have signed a petition calling for Ge to be reinstated. Toronto Star columnist Shree Paradkar noted, “Several Ontario doctors tell me they are being hauled up for supporting Palestinian rights including for signing a ‘don’t bomb hospitals’ petition. Higher-ups have told them there were complaints and accused them of making Jewish colleagues feel unsafe.”

    The Zionist letter highlights the power dynamic in medicine and TFOM. A year ago I wrote about a big Israel lobby and media brouhaha over a ‘report’ on purported antisemitism at TFOM. It concluded: “As Black and Indigenous — and to a lesser extent Latin American, South Asian and Arab — communities struggle for positions within the elite institution, many Jewish and politically Zionist faculty members complain that expressing solidarity with Palestinians discriminates against them. Their pressure led to the appointment of a Special Adviser on Anti-Semitism who published a spurious ‘report’, which outside groups amplified and the dominant media covered widely. This reflects power, not oppression.”

    When 555 Jewish doctors openly support Israel’s killing of 17,000 Palestinians this confirms that analysis.

    And it makes one wonder what sort of education the ‘caring professions’ at U of T are receiving.

    The post What Sort of “Caring” Do Zionist Medical Faculty at U of T Teach? first appeared on Dissident Voice.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Yves Engler.

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    Musician and writer Thurston Moore on the practice of not practicing https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/07/musician-and-writer-thurston-moore-on-the-practice-of-not-practicing/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/07/musician-and-writer-thurston-moore-on-the-practice-of-not-practicing/#respond Thu, 07 Dec 2023 08:00:00 +0000 https://thecreativeindependent.com/people/musician-and-writer-thurston-moore-on-the-practice-of-not-practicing You play music, you’ve edited fan zines, you teach, and now you’ve written a memoir. Do you have an overall creative philosophy that you bring to all these disciplines?

    I always subscribe to the idea that there’s equal value in these disciplines that relate to each other, in whatever field it is. For me, the people who write about music in any journalistic way, especially when I was coming of age in the mid-’70s—writers like Lester Bangs and Patti Smith and Richard Meltzer—who I talk about in the book as having a really informative and intriguing energy, as much as the people they’re writing about. If Lester Bangs is writing on Lou Reed or Iggy Pop, I’m as interested in who Lester Bangs is as am in Iggy Pop or Lou Reed. So, that was really important to me growing up, realizing that there was this kind of equal value in these disciplines of people who were involved with the world of underground music, doing fan zines, people who were making films and videos eventually, people who were involved with running an independent record label, or even somebody on college radio promoting the music.

    Everybody did different things, and it wasn’t always just about the musician per se, who was the driver. It was like everybody was in the same boat. I liked that, and I always had an interest in working in all respects to that. So, of course I wanted to be in a band. Of course, I wanted to be a songwriter. I liked performing, but I also wanted to write, and I really loved writing. And I eventually got really involved with the world of poetry and its history—particularly post-war poetry and the more experimental nature of it—and publishing it and writing it and studying it and becoming intimate with a lot of the people who devoted their lives to it. So, anybody could call themselves anything. I’m a poet, a writer, a musician. I liked the fact that you could have all these descriptors for what you were doing.

    There’s that famous saying, “Jack of all trades, master of none.” Was that something you were wary of?

    There certainly was a line of thought to not stretch yourself too thin, to focus on one aspect or focus on one discipline. I never agreed with that. I thought the creative impulse could lend itself to any medium, to any discipline, and you could work in any which way. Of course, you might be more interesting to others as a guitar player or as a singer or as just a composer than you are as a writer. You have to be aware of where your strengths are.

    Punk obviously had a lifelong effect on you. Other than helping propel you into music and becoming a touring musician and running a record label, how do you think it affected your overall approach to life?

    Well, it certainly was an identity that I felt attuned to in my late teens as that whole world was coming together. There was some realization that there was this series of micro communities around the world happening at the same time that dealt with kicking against the idea of having to attain a traditional technique to express yourself, and to break that down and to agree on this idea that working from the ground up and creating your own personal voice, with some regard to the traditions of the art form. It was necessary because in some ways it was really restricted by 1975 or ’76. I mean, the idea that you had to play keyboards on the level of somebody like Rick Wakeman or Keith Emerson or play guitar with the agility of Jimmy Page or Eric Clapton—all of whom you could adore and honor and be amazed at and try to even have the ambition towards or learn from.

    In some ways it was really important to create a new forum in which to share expression and to push against the complacency that late ’60s hippie culture had sort of established. There was this idea of rebelling against the standards of society by growing your hair out and moving out to a farm or a commune. But in some ways, that escapism, I think, was not completely rewarding to an entire generation coming of age in the ’70s. Instead, it was this wanting to come to terms with the energy of the urban, of the city. So, when you started seeing pictures of Patti Smith, who looked androgynous standing on a subway platform in New York, or Iggy Pop in Detroit, that inner city energy was not what Rolling Stone newspaper wanted to promote. They wanted to promote the hippie, James Taylor, Crosby, Stills, Nash & Young on the back porch with the dogs and the fringe jackets. But there was something that rang a bit false about that because you knew they were successful musicians, and they probably had pretty judicious bank accounts.

    Punk essentially called bullshit on that.

    Yeah. There was something about embracing poverty with the ripped jeans and torn leather jackets that the Ramones were wearing over T-shirts. Or even Johnny Lydon and the Sex Pistols, just kind of extolling what they saw as the virtue of their reality as working-class lads. That was really important. There wasn’t anything like that happening in the rock world. And the songwriting was consistently magnificent, which doesn’t get written about a lot. I really wanted to write about that a lot in my book—about how punk actually proved itself by producing work that was startling. I mean, “Anarchy in the UK,” “God Save the Queen,” they’re incredible rock and roll songs. That whole album, Never Mind the Bollocks, by the Sex Pistols, is impeccable. It’s a rock masterpiece on par with anything in the 20th century. The first Ramones album, as monotonous as it is, is astounding in what it’s presenting as a really singular statement of minimalism and everything. So, the goods were delivered. Patti Smith delivered the goods on Horses. I think if that wasn’t the case, we probably wouldn’t be talking about the hows and whys of punk rock having the everlasting effect that it has had culturally.

    Jonathan Lethem wrote a blurb for your book saying that Sonic Youth made music from the standpoint of the “permanent novice.” What’s your take on that? It seems to tie in with the punk aesthetic and certainly what you just mentioned about not having the dexterity of a Rick Wakeman or Jimmy Page.

    I think it was the acceptance of always thinking of yourself as being an apprentice to the culture, even if it’s a subculture, which I always feel anyway. I feel more as if I’m still a student of my interests than I do some kind of professor or purveyor of it.

    When Jonathan sent that in, I thought it was an interesting perspective. It was all about this idea of constantly being enthralled by the work that informs you, so, I like that. I’m not quite sure if he actually looks at himself that way. I think a lot of fiction writers like Jonathan or even Colson [Whitehead] or Jonathan Franzen or Mary Gaitskill—talking to writers like that, I think the idea is that they’re trying to better what they have already done. And I always felt like with Sonic Youth and whatever work I do as a solo artist, it’s always about doing work that is genuine to you at that time. And in that time, you hopefully feel that you’re doing work that has progressed from what you did before. Not necessarily more sophisticated, but just something that you feel generally that’s changing as you change as a person. And that could be for better or worse.

    The jazz pianist Bill Evans once said that you have to practice your craft and be diligent in that, but when you sit down to write, you have to have an almost childlike approach. What do you think about that idea?

    Yeah—make it new, make it fresh. Allow yourself to be open to that. You have this great history of what you have learned already in practice. My whole thing with practice is two ideas. I mean, the idea of practicing every day, whatever you do as a discipline, is a very instructive thing. You hear that from painters: “Paint every day.” Keep your craft growing and paint every day, and that’s how you become a better painter.

    I’ve had other musicians saying it’s good to rehearse every day. But I remember not rehearsing every day and then coming to band practice. In the book, I talk a lot about the first band I was in, called The Coachmen. The older guitar player in the band would just be amazed. He’d say, “You seem to still get better even though you don’t practice.” I felt like in some ways I decoded what was necessary as far as what I needed to know about playing guitar. But I guess if I really studied more music theory and traditional guitar technique, I could be that much better a guitarist per se, but I didn’t really think of myself or want myself to be this kind of guitar player who can shred in a certain kind of way.

    I totally appreciate it when I hear other people play that way who are contemporaries of mine—somebody like J Mascis, who picks up the guitar and just shreds nonchalantly. But I never really wanted to be that kind of musician. And I did realize that if I stepped away from playing the guitar or thinking about the music that I want to make in any which way for two weeks or a month or two months when you’re not on tour and you have this downtime to not go near the instrument, I find that really rewarding. Because when I do reintroduce myself to the world of composition and sitting down with a guitar, it’s that much more flowing and explosive, and all these ideas that have just been germinating in your meditations come out. I don’t know if that would be the same if you’re playing every day. If you play every day, you start coming up with these tropes and ideas that go from day to day, and you keep returning to them. Like, “Oh, what about that thing I played yesterday?” And there’s this continuance that can be really great and interesting, but I find also that not playing can be really, really important.

    You’ve published poetry and essays and other short pieces, but Sonic Life is by far the longest thing you’ve written. What did you learn about yourself as a writer as you were working on it?

    One thing I learned is that I completely loved it. I learned that if I could just stay still, get out of the van and stop touring at 65 years old, stop beating myself up physically, and just stay home and write, I would be more than happy. I learned that I loved waking up at the crack of dawn and opening up the laptop and getting back into the paragraphs and moving forward. And then knowing that I was going to have to edit with an editor, and just getting involved with that for almost a year and really loving that process of cutting it down and refining it. And then producing the book itself, down to what it aesthetically feels like in your hands. Everything about it was great. I learned that it’s something that I’m kind of raring to jump back into.

    Did you hit any patches of writer’s block?

    No. I mean, there’s always the anxiety that you might have writer’s block, but I feel like as soon as I sat down and started writing, it went away. And I learned a long time ago, even with writing songs, that all I had to do was pick up the guitar. If I didn’t pick up the guitar, I wouldn’t write a song. So, I realized that if I didn’t touch the keys of the keyboard, nothing’s going to get written. I can just sit down and start writing a sentence or something or reread a previous chapter or a few paragraphs and refine them a little bit and then move forward. There’s all kinds of strategies, but I found that I never felt like there was a dead end. I guess maybe someday I could, but I don’t know.

    You teach writing at Naropa University. What do you like about it?

    I got asked about seven or eight years ago by Anne Waldman, who was a director of the summer writing workshop at Naropa, to come and teach a class. I was really nervous about doing it, even though my father was a teacher and he taught art appreciation and philosophy. And there were other teachers in my family, so I felt like, well, it is a familial thing. But my whole thing with school was like, “I never want to go back to school.” The idea of waking up in the early morning and going to class gave me the heebie-jeebies.

    That said, it immediately became apparent that classrooms are generally filled with people who are very open to any information you impart. I teach writing that’s conducive to my experience, though. I could talk about the relationship between Allen Ginsburg and the music world, or William Burroughs in the music world, or I can talk about the writing of certain poets that have some kind of engagement with underground music, like The Fugs and Ed Sanders and or D.A. Levy, or just talk about somebody like Lou Reed or Nico or John Cale and their songwriting, their lyric writing, how distinct it is from each other—let alone the entire pantheon of lyric writing. I figured if I go into a class and want to use the Velvet Underground as a syllabus, well, everybody knows the Velvet Underground. This is going to be redundant to a lot of these people in the classroom. But I realized the classroom doesn’t really know what you know. They haven’t been investigating the way you have. To find this out is really rewarding. I enjoy it. But I don’t really see myself as someone with a future in academics.

    Thurston Moore recommends:

    Saint Omer: This is a wonderful French film about a female journalist investigating a court case where a woman was being accused of matricide. It has this very interesting dialogue between these two women because one of them is very university educated and the other is not. I was really struck by the intelligence of this film.

    Boooook: This book deals with the life and work of a British publisher named Bob Cobbing. Through the ’60s and ’70s, he published a judicious amount of poetry, small editions of little stapled pieces of ephemera that, in some ways, captured the ideal of the underground community of just sharing ideas through the discipline of your choice. For him it was poetry, but I’ve talked to people in London who said that what he was doing presaged a lot of what happened with punk rock in England, especially the idea of a stapled fanzine.

    Zoom R8: “This is a more technical recommendation. As somebody who’s a bit of a Luddite in the studio—I barely know how to turn the lights on when I walk into a studio—I recommend the R8 recorder. It’s no bigger than a laptop and it has faders. For me, working digitally, punching in numbers, my brain does not want to go there. Faders do the same thing as pressing numbers, but for some reason it’s much easier for me. As an addendum to this, I was able to find a manual for the R8 that’s for dummies.”

    Eat Your Mind: This is a biography of the writer Kathy Acker. She was somebody I’ve always been interested in. I met her fleetingly in the early ’80s because she was involved with a lot of downtown New York people. She was a singular and wild literary figure, somebody who was so obsessed with the art of writing and the art of being a writer, that her work just took on this otherworldly quality. And you don’t have to be an enthusiast of her writing to enjoy this, because I don’t think I am. She was a very intense personality.

    Lo Becat: It’s these two women who play bagpipe drone music. They’re from Belgium. They put out a few cassettes and CD-Rs through the years. They draw inspiration from ancient French and Belgian traditional music and more academic takes on the essence of what drone music delivers, which is this otherworldly, almost body-shifting sound world. It’s not for everybody. Sometimes I put it on, and people are like, “Can you take this off?” But for other people, it’s really beautiful rainbow noise music.


    This content originally appeared on The Creative Independent and was authored by J. Bennett.

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    2,315 Charter Schools Failed And Closed In 11 Years https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/05/2315-charter-schools-failed-and-closed-in-11-years/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/05/2315-charter-schools-failed-and-closed-in-11-years/#respond Tue, 05 Dec 2023 22:34:19 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=146336 Although they have been around for more than 30 years, and although they are frequently touted as being superior to public schools, the U.S Department of Education reports that between 2010-11 and 2021-22, an 11-year period, 2,315 charter schools failed and closed in the U.S. That is a huge number of school closures in a […]

    The post 2,315 Charter Schools Failed And Closed In 11 Years first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
    Although they have been around for more than 30 years, and although they are frequently touted as being superior to public schools, the U.S Department of Education reports that between 2010-11 and 2021-22, an 11-year period, 2,315 charter schools failed and closed in the U.S.

    That is a huge number of school closures in a short time frame. By any measure, it is hard to call such a phenomenon “successful.”

    And this figure probably does not capture the real number of charter schools that have failed and closed over the years, leaving thousands of parents, students, teachers, education support staff, and principals violated and out in the cold.

    In 2024, hundreds more charter schools will fail and close, leaving many more people feeling angry and disillusioned. The same will happen in 2025 as well, further tarnishing the reputation of charter schools.

    Charter school promoters casually assert that such failure and closure are great and fantastic. “Free market” failure is supposedly an unassailable timeless virtue even if it effectively disrupts, violates, and harms thousands of people every year for completely avoidable reasons. What’s more, there is apparently no alternative to this outdated set-up. Disorder, volatility, and leaving people high and dry are considered inevitable and the “best of all worlds.”

    In this obsolete outlook, instability and chaos are misequated with “innovation” and “improvement.” “Failure” becomes “success” and disruption and anarchy become “progress.” Reality is turned upside down in this view which renders everything in a detached and abstract way, as if real people and real injury are not involved when charter schools close every week (often abruptly and mid-year), forcing many to scramble stressfully to find a new school. Such a perspective has no conception of an education system that is stable, dependable, continuous, and consciously directed by a public authority worthy of the name.

    In 2023, proponents of “free market” education still see everything from the lens of a dog-eat-dog world. They maintain that everyone has to fend-for-themselves like an animal even though it is possible to easily meet the needs of all humans many times over without disruption and chaos. Social Darwinism is prioritized over everything else in this scheme. A society fit for all is avoided at all costs, while a society based on outdated hierarchies, inequalities, and privileges is perpetuated.

    Today, approximately 3.7 million youth are enrolled in about 7,800 charter schools across the country while 45 million students attend the nation’s 100,000 public schools, which have been around for more than 150 years.

    The post 2,315 Charter Schools Failed And Closed In 11 Years first appeared on Dissident Voice.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Shawgi Tell.

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    Handmaid Tells https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/04/handmaid-tells/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/04/handmaid-tells/#respond Mon, 04 Dec 2023 17:57:13 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=146309 Those who know, know. Those who don’t know, need to be told I am infected. I am a carrier. I am contagious. I didn’t realize it myself, at first. And then, when I became aware, I was afraid. It made me different. I wanted to hide it. I tried to hide it. I wasn’t sure […]

    The post Handmaid Tells first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
    Those who know, know.

    Those who don’t know, need to be told

    I am infected. I am a carrier.

    I am contagious.

    I didn’t realize it myself, at first. And then, when I became aware, I was afraid. It made me different. I wanted to hide it. I tried to hide it. I wasn’t sure I wanted anyone else to know. I didn’t know what they would think.

    It wasn’t my fault, really. I was exposed at a very young age.

    I had no idea what I had contracted. And by the time I understood, it was too late. I never completely recovered. It spread through my existence like a wildfire, and I was horrified by the implications.

    Early on, I averted my eyes and tried to conceal the truth. I wanted to be normal and fit in. But I couldn’t. And I didn’t know it then, but I never would.

    I was sick and that was the end of it, and certainly the end of any real, normal beginning. A normal life. Commonality with most of those around me. Even some that I loved. As I grew older, my condition grew worse, but it became more manageable. I was more realistic. I learned to accept the presence of the contagion. I had to accept the finality of my condition, and I eventually did. And I’m glad I did. Even now when people like me are being quarantined.

    I was reading a book called If It Bleeds. I was no longer looking for answers or a cure for my condition. Or even an articulation of my affliction. The malaise that defined my existence, practically for as long as I could remember. It affected me in unexpected ways and changed the trajectory of my life. It was a sentence to be served.

    I was reading If It Bleeds, and a line jumped out. It surprised me and I read it again. And then I read it out loud.

    “A reader is a carrier, not a creator.”

    A reader is a carrier, not a creator.

    I had been and still was a carrier.

    I was exposed to multiple strains of the contagion very early. I couldn’t list them all. I remember The Great Brain series by John D. Fitzgerald. I remember The Count of Monte Cristo by Alexander Dumas. Bob Dylan. Edgar Rice Burroughs. Frankenstein by Mary Shelley. Joseph Conrad. Franza Kafka. Herman Melville. Hemingway. F. Scott Fitzgerald. Tolkien. Henry Miller, Shakespeare. Poe. H.G. Wells. Joseph Heller. National Defense by James Fallows. Albert Camus, Nietzsche. 1984—George Orwell. The Heart is a Lonely Hunter by Carson McCullers. Flannery O’Connor. Spinoza. Plato. Steinbeck.

    Steinbeck.

    In 1987, I remember sitting in a Texas State University honors course called something like “Science Fiction and the Novel.” We were assigned a book to read before each class and the whole course was just meeting once a week to discuss each reading. No lecture. No exams. No papers. I can’t remember the professor’s name. Maybe Deduck. Patricia Deduck. She had been afflicted as well. When she was young, she and a friend had snuck over F. Scott Fitzgerald’s fence and knocked on his door to meet him. Maybe it was Salinger’s wall.

    Yes, Deduck had been the professor.

    I remember reading Ursula K. Leguin’s The Left Hand of Darkness. Maybe Arthur C. Clarke’s Childhood’s End. And Frank Herbert’s Dune—which has never left me. None of them have ever left me. But, mostly, I remember The Handmaid’s Tale, by Margaret Atwood.

    It wasn’t my favorite, really. It still isn’t.

    It’s embarrassing to admit, now, but I thought Handmaid’s Tale was a little reactionary and maybe even paranoid. It was the 1980s and abortions were legal, people were prochoice. And women were free to choose their partners and procreate or not. And have sex and abort the procreation process if they needed or wanted to. It was their body in the civilized world, and it seemed to me that people—even here in Texas—were mostly civil.

    So, we read The Handmaid’s Tale and went to discuss it in class. But we had a visitor.

    Our custom was to sit in a circle as we discussed the assigned book, knowledge shared, ideas debated.

    Our visitor was an attractive, somewhat older lady. Not showy, but sharp. Her hair was longer then, and dark brown. Professor Deduck introduced her.

    It was Atwood. Margaret Atwood.

    I don’t remember what I said. She wasn’t famous yet, but Atwood was the first serious writer I’d ever met face to face. I had a tendency to play contrarian (even then), but I don’t think I did that day. I hope I didn’t.

    I doubt Atwood gave me a second thought. She was articulate and mildly daunting. But she wasn’t arrogant or condescending. She answered questions. My female classmates asked several. I was nonplussed.

    I’d built up a tolerance. Cognitively speaking, my immune system was stronger by then. My early exposure had prepared me for deeper, prolonged exposures. I could be introduced to new ideas and different perspectives. I wasn’t susceptible to most strains of close-mindedness. I could process new ideas, views and opinions constructively, and allow them to challenge my weaker positions, my naivete, and even my own ignorance. I could also utilize them to fortify my better-informed perspectives, tweak them and articulate them more cogently. It happened more than once. It’s still happening.

    I was a carrier, and the more strains and contagions I was exposed to, the stronger I got.

    Gabriel Garcia Marquez, Kurt Vonnegut. Alex Haley. Pablo Neruda. Camille Paglia. T.S. Elliott. Rainer Maria Rilke. Anne Sexton. E.E. Cummings. Charles Bukoski. Sharon Olds (she also appeared at my university—I still have signed, dedicated copies of her work). John Gardner. Jack Kerouac. Emily Dickinson. Toni Morrison.

    I didn’t shelter in place or turn away from my own inadequacies. I exposed myself more and more.

    All Quiet on the Western Front by Erich Maria Remarque. Man’s Search for Meaning by Viktor Frankl.

    The Last Picture Show by Larry McMurtry. The Razor’s Edge by W. Somerset Maugham. The Unbearable Lightness of Being, by Milan Kundera. Things Fall Apart by Chinua Achebe. Goodbye to a River by Jon Graves. Yukio Mishima. Che Guevara. Don DeLillo. Anton Chekov. Confederacy of Dunces by John Kennedy Toole. My Ishmael by Daniel Quinn. Hunter S. Thompson. Harold Pinter. Sam Shephard. Mark Medoff. Anthony Burgess. Dalton Trumbo. Randolph Bourne.

    Frankenstein, again. Heart of Darkness, again. Grapes of Wrath, again. So many other contagions. So many additional infections, and, dissections. Inflections, really. Even vivisection.

    Atwood had been prescient.

    The Handmaid’s Tale is practically Texas by decree, now.

    McCullers saw it all at twenty-three. Real human beings, with open minds and daring hearts, are lonely hunters. Steinbeck got ahead of himself, or maybe just us. In the souls of the people the grapes of wrath may have been filling and growing heavy—growing heavy for the vintage—but they were never harvested. We let them rot on the vine.

    That’s why we are where we are today.

    I was a carrier for years, but my infection eventually spread. I am now a creator.

    And here in Texas—where creators are the cure and more carriers are our only hope, an asinine, government-mandated inoculation to make Texans immune to intellectual development has become a commercial requirement—to preserve the status quo, ignorance—which is the most dangerous pandemic of them all.

    There are fewer and fewer Margaret Atwoods every year, and less of the population is introduced to books like The Handmaid’s Tale. The cable/streaming cough drop version is weak and less effective. The most constructive, evocative exposure is the book, the written word—the ineradicable imprint, the inimitable consumption of meaning—the most profound interaction with her mindfulness and her art.

    Mary Shelley’s husband Percy was right. Poets are the unacknowledged legislators of the world. And that’s why what they have to say is being mitigated on every social platform and censored in libraries. The spoon-fed, toddler gruel on Iphones or television is bland and contain less intellectual fiber.

    As much as conservatives complained and protested about vaccinations and quarantines to protect against Covid 19, they love them, recommend them, and demand them to protect the ignorant against reason, logic and empathy.

    Empathy is a form of telepathy.

    A serious investigation can lead to mass germination.

    An insightful anecdote can be the antidote.

    Conservatives consider serious creators anathema. Politicians want to limit the number of carriers and are committed to dumbing down members of their own constituencies to preserve general complacence.

    It’s despicable and dangerous. It’s diabolical and dire. It spells our collective doom.

    There is no plague like ignorance, and the Texas Legislature is vaccinating us against the only cure.

    The post Handmaid Tells first appeared on Dissident Voice.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by E.R. Bills.

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    A Washington Special Education School Accused of Abusing Students Is Closing Amid Scrutiny https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/04/a-washington-special-education-school-accused-of-abusing-students-is-closing-amid-scrutiny/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/04/a-washington-special-education-school-accused-of-abusing-students-is-closing-amid-scrutiny/#respond Mon, 04 Dec 2023 14:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/washington-school-northwest-soil-closes-amid-scrutiny by Mike Reicher and Lulu Ramadan, The Seattle Times

    This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with The Seattle Times. Sign up for Dispatches to get stories like this one as soon as they are published.

    Northwest School of Innovative Learning, until recently Washington's largest publicly funded private school for children with disabilities, announced plans to close amid a state investigation and a ban on accepting new students.

    The school drew state scrutiny after a 2022 Seattle Times and ProPublica series revealed accusations that staff injured vulnerable students and failed to provide a basic education. The school’s enrollment has since plummeted as public school districts across western Washington withdrew students.

    Special education advocates and experts applauded the closure of the Northwest SOIL but said it also highlights the need for better special education options.

    “I think this is a victory for children with complex behavioral disorders in Washington state,” said Vanessa Tucker, professor of special education at Pacific Lutheran University. “On the other hand, our school districts are going to need a lot of support because these kids aren’t easy.”

    The school’s owners have defended its record but said it has ceased to be viable in the wake of the state’s hold on new admissions.

    Reporting by The Times and ProPublica late last year brought to light allegations of abuse, misuse of isolation rooms and unqualified staffing. The reporting triggered the state probe into Northwest SOIL, which collected millions of tax dollars a year to take in students from public school districts across western Washington on the promise of individualized instruction and specialized staff. In years past, the school took in more than 100 students a year.

    The Office of Superintendent of Public Instruction, Washington’s education department, temporarily banned Northwest SOIL from enrolling new students in June, citing an “unacceptably high” number of incidents in which it restrained and isolated students.

    Last week, the school’s owner, Fairfax Behavioral Health, which runs the largest for-profit psychiatric facility in the state, said it could no longer operate the school under the state admissions ban. Fairfax plans to close the school in January and lay off staff, according to a company statement. School districts will decide where to transfer Northwest SOIL’s remaining 37 students.

    “The low student number is not sustainable for the school or rewarding for our teachers,” according to a statement provided by Fairfax CEO Christopher West. Students need more diverse interactions with peers for social development, the statement said.

    Northwest SOIL said it had requested that the state allow it to gradually admit new students while it complied with a corrective action plan but that regulators with the superintendent’s office decided not to lift the ban.

    “While NW SOIL continues to make adequate initial progress, not enough time has passed for OSPI to see sustained implementation of the plan in order to release the enrollment hold,” state superintendent spokesperson Katy Payne told The Times and ProPublica.

    Years of Complaints

    The news organizations’ investigation into Northwest SOIL revealed how the state superintendent’s office failed to take meaningful actions on years of serious complaints about the school’s discipline and academics. In response, lawmakers passed a bill in April strengthening oversight and regulatory power.

    And the superintendent’s office began to more aggressively use its existing power, launching the inquiry that looked at a range of issues, including allegations against staff of “mistreatment and abuse” of students, calls to law enforcement on students, and complaints that the school failed to deliver special education services.

    As part of that investigation, Northwest SOIL provided records to the state showing it restrained students 476 times in 2022 and isolated students 447 times across its three campuses. It had roughly 119 students at the time, according to state reports.

    By comparison, Seattle Public Schools, the largest district in the state with more than 6,000 students in special education, reported 16 incidents of isolation and 249 incidents of restraint in the 2021-22 school year. Seattle Public Schools banned isolation at the beginning of that school year.

    Northwest SOIL “has been restraining its students at an astronomical rate,” a lawyer for the state superintendent told a judge in September.

    During the investigation, the superintendent’s office zeroed in on concerning reports to police and Child Protective Services that hadn’t been reported to state education officials, as required by state law. Among them was a July 2022 incident when a teacher at the Tacoma campus was fired after placing a student in a “chokehold” and “running his head into the door,” as described by the school.

    Northwest SOIL wrote that its risk management team reviewed several incidents and found them to be either accidental or justified and that they happened while students were behaving aggressively.

    “We believe our staff members act appropriately during incidents or restraint and isolation,” the school wrote to state regulators in June, when the ban on admissions was imposed.

    Northwest SOIL and its parent company, Fairfax Behavioral Health, tried to get the admissions ban overturned, suing the state in Thurston County Superior Court and separately appealing the ban through an administrative hearing. The lawsuit was dismissed in October, and the administrative appeal remains active.

    West, the CEO of Kirkland-based Fairfax Behavioral Health, blasted the state’s admissions hold in a letter to regulators in early November.

    “It is unwarranted and egregious to continue withholding the services we offer from students,” West wrote. He said the school was cooperating with the state’s investigation.

    Northwest SOIL was previously financially sound, he continued, but because of the admissions ban, “NWSOIL simply cannot operate indefinitely with ongoing financial losses.”

    West gave the state an ultimatum: Lift the hold by Nov. 10 or Northwest SOIL would close. The state declined.

    Fallout

    The news of the closure has sent parents scrambling. For some families that remained at the school, Northwest SOIL has been a positive influence in their students’ lives.

    Heidi Sapp’s 16-year-old son, Brendan, has attended Northwest SOIL for three years. She contacted reporters at the suggestion of Northwest SOIL and previously provided an affidavit in support of the school’s lawsuit against the state.

    Sapp’s son, who has autism, has behavioral challenges and suffered setbacks in public schools but flourished at Northwest SOIL, she said. She now worries the closure will disrupt his education.

    “I don’t feel like I have any options left,” Sapp said.

    The closure of Northwest SOIL renews an ongoing debate within the special education community about the role of private programs serving public school students. Washington has one of the nation’s highest dropout rates for students in special education, according to the latest federal data.

    Some advocates say private programs are needed because public schools routinely fail students with severe and complex disabilities. Others say public school districts need to invest more in integrated programs that keep students in local public schools.

    Karen Pillar, director of policy and advocacy at TeamChild, a nonprofit law firm for Washington at-risk youth, sees Northwest SOIL’s closure as an opportunity for school districts to explore in-house alternatives. In December, Pillar and two special education attorneys wrote an opinion column for The Times calling on the state to immediately shut down Northwest SOIL.

    As public school districts decide where to transfer Northwest SOIL’s students, districts should hire trained staff and create programs that would keep students in neighborhood schools, Pillar said.

    Her fear is that districts will fall back on “harmful practices” such as shortened school days or the use of restraint and isolation of students with disabilities.

    “There are systems and strategies to keep students, including high-needs students, in public school classrooms safely,” Pillar said. “The districts have to invest in that.”

    Tucker, the Pacific Lutheran University professor, said school districts will go through a period of adjustment as they either develop plans to serve students themselves or work with other private programs.

    “They’re all having to create models for these kids that are truly complex. It’s not like we’re saying, ‘Let’s put them back in the school and everything will be fine,’” Tucker said. “These are kids with complex neurological impairments, some with trauma, some with mental health needs. It is a very complicated puzzle to put together.”


    This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Mike Reicher and Lulu Ramadan, The Seattle Times.

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    USP prepares Pacific communities to respond to climate change https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/03/usp-prepares-pacific-communities-to-respond-to-climate-change/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/03/usp-prepares-pacific-communities-to-respond-to-climate-change/#respond Sun, 03 Dec 2023 19:52:45 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=95230 By Kalinga Seneviratne in Suva

    Right across the South Pacific region, communities are no longer living on idyllic islands — they are facing serious problems due to climate change, such as cyclones, rising sea levels, floods, landslides and soil erosion.

    The University of the South Pacific (USP) is responding to the challenge. It is becoming a shining example of how, through education for sustainable development, research and scientific knowledge can be transmitted to island communities, by mobilising local alliances to assist people across the region.

    Pacific Adaptation to Climate Change and Resilience Building (PACRES) is one such programme. Spearheaded by USP, it is connecting grassroots people to university research, and applying that knowledge in communities on a sustainable basis.

    The main goal of the PACRES programme is to strengthen the abilities of Pacific Island countries to deal with climatic change challenges in various areas, including operations on the ground, institution building and sustainable financing.

    “We normally deal with the people who are there because we want them to learn, and to use it,” the university’s PACRES project team leader Rahul Prasad told University World News. The initiative makes sure that education and training can be sustainable, “that it can be used over and over”.

    Funded mainly by the European Union, the University of the South Pacific component of the project is implemented in partnership with three other regional partners — the Secretariat of the Pacific Regional Environment Programme (SPREP), the Pacific Community and the Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat.

    Key result areas
    The university plays a vital role in supporting three key result areas of the project, through training of youth for the Conference of the Parties (COP) negotiation process, developing curricula for training officials and community leaders on climate change issues, and focusing on ecosystem-based solutions that have been tested and implemented.

    In the training of youth for the COP process, the university has over the past three years organised a number of workshops along with SPREP to educate young Pacific islanders on the science of climate change.

    They are mainly postgraduate students working on climatic change areas who are given training before attending COP meetings and also post-COP sessions to find out the lessons learned.

    “We collect the lessons learned so that when it comes to the next year we can use those lessons,” explained Prasad.

    Student involvement in COP
    Salote Nasalo, an indigenous Fijian, is a postgraduate student who was trained to take part in the COP process.

    “I was able to be a back-stopper for COP25,” she told University World News.

    “Back-stoppers are the ones who do research work to support the delegation between [daily] sessions.” As a Fijian citizen, she was part of the Fiji official delegation to the COP meetings.

    Because of the pandemic restrictions, she also provided support online from Fiji to the delegation at the Glasgow COP26 meeting in 2021. She went to Egypt for COP27. Before going, the PACRES project trained the youth delegates, along with delegations from the Pacific, for a week.

    “The COP has a lot of thematic areas — loss and damage, climate finance, adaptations and mitigation and coronavirus research. So the freedom of choice was given to students of their area of interest,” said Nasalo.

    “We are postgraduate climate change students. We are well versed in the science, and we know what it is to be in our area of expertise, to be inputting to the negotiations” via delegates, said Nasalo.

    Online programmes on climate change
    The PACRES programme has also developed short online certificate programmes on various aspects of climatic change.

    Prasad explained: “What we do is we design, we plan, we spread, we scale up implementation of adaptation. We normally focus on an ecosystem-based solution or nature-based solution, something that can be easily implemented within the five countries we have been working with.

    “We go to the selected communities and then we conduct participatory needs analysis so that we understand what the needs are of the communities. Once we know the needs, it allows us to better plan the activities that suit their needs.”

    Prasad added: “And then we also get the change agents that can represent that particular community.”

    The change agents are trained, and are able to vocalise issues and information to communities. “Then we also determine needs for additional resilience competency models,” Prasad explained.

    The five countries are Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Timor Leste and Vanuatu.

    Island examples
    In Timor-Leste, for example, a PACRES programme incorporated a rights-based approach that centred on gender and social inclusion training, to empower marginalised groups to adapt to climatic change. The National Directorate for Climate Change was co-opted to carry this approach forward.

    In Vanuatu, which has faced many cyclone-triggered climatic crises in recent years, PACRES worked closely with three key stakeholders, the Climate Change Department, Forestry Department and Department of Agriculture.

    As Ruben Markward, campus director of the Emalus Campus of the USP in Vanuatu, noted: “We play a vital role in empowering and training our local stakeholders and community representatives.

    “Our successful delivery, in collaboration with climatic change departments and partners, is critical for the long-term sustainability of projects.”

    In the Solomon Islands, the PACRES team has established a proposal writing group within the Solomon Islands Conservation Advocacy Network, which is expected to play a vital role in assisting community-based organisations to secure funding to propel their projects forward and make the process sustainable.

    A primary focus of the project has been to empower communities to take ownership of the project and its activities. The €12 million (US$13.2 million) funding for the project, from the European Union over four years, has come to an end and will be wound up by the end of December 2023.

    Strengthened climate change curriculum
    Prasad said the USP had also been able to strengthen its curriculum as part of PACRES project — in resilience, climate change, disaster risk management reporting, and the development of two online courses to support climate action.

    “This was done through stakeholder consultation,” he pointed out. They have also funded four masters and one PhD scholarship. Prasad and Nasalo are two recipients of these.

    Nasalo said that when she took up the scholarship, all she wanted to do was “finish the exams and earn the degree”. But being involved with PACRES has taken her beyond academic success. “This particular project contributed to the practical aspects of being a climatic change student,” she noted.

    Prasad said: “All these activities that we have conducted, we make sure that it’s aligned to their country’s individual adaptation plan or mitigation plan or development plan. So the relevant ministries or the climate change units will take care of this in terms of sustainability.”

    Meanwhile, Nasalo is now a full-time research assistant for the Pacific Ocean and Climatic Crisis Assessment research project at the USP, going around the region documenting Pacific community perspectives on climatic change for a major Pacific report to be launched by USP before the COP meeting in 2024.

    Dr Kalinga Seneviratne is a Sri Lankan-born journalist, media analyst and international communications specialist based in Sydney. He has been a consultant with the University of the South Pacific regional journalism programme for the past year. This article was first published by University World News and is republished with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    ‘Up in arms’ USP staff challenge vice-chancellor’s stay in Samoa https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/29/up-in-arms-usp-staff-challenge-vice-chancellors-stay-in-samoa/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/29/up-in-arms-usp-staff-challenge-vice-chancellors-stay-in-samoa/#respond Wed, 29 Nov 2023 20:47:09 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=95123 By Alexander Rheeney in Apia

    Disgruntled staff at the University of South Pacific (USP) are demanding the USP Council make a decision on the relocation of the vice-chancellor, Professor Pal Ahluwalia, to Fiji from Samoa.

    The demands from the USP staff coincide with the university’s two-day 96th council meeting at the Laucala campus’s Japan ICT Building earlier this week.

    In an email that was sent to regional media last Friday, including the Samoa Observer, the staff said they were “up in arms” over the decision by the university’s pro-chancellor to block a submission from the staff to the agenda of the council’s meeting.

    “The paper is in response to the decision of the May 2023 USP Council (C95) meeting where its attention was drawn to the many unresolved issues faced by the staff over the period 2021 to May 2023 and some earlier, despite meetings of the staff policy committee and SMT/union quarterly meetings which are chaired by VCP [vice-chancellor and president],” read the statement issued by the university staff.

    “University management only found it necessary to respond to issues when the Association of USP Staff (AUSPS) filed a log of claims in October 2023. The VCP then appointed the chief operating officer and the executive director people and workforce strategy to engage with the union.”

    According to the USP staff, two meetings were held to respond to the decision of the May Council for the university management and the unions to work together to address the issues and to report and update the November (C96) council.

    A paper was then submitted for the November 2023 council agenda containing updates on resolved and unresolved issues in response to the council’s decision and new issues that have come to light since C95.

    Paper ‘cannot be tabled’
    However, the staff said that on November 20 the secretary to the council informed the council staff representative that the pro-chancellor and chair of the council had directed him to inform her that after reviewing the paper, “it cannot be tabled at the 96th council meeting” because “the issues raised therein are not for council to deliberate on”.

    University of the South Pacific protesting in black
    University of the South Pacific staff protesting in black with placards calling for “fair pay” and for vice-chancellor Professor Ahluwalia to resign. Image: Association of USP Staff (AUSPS)

    They added that the pro-chancellor had directed that these be worked on with the USP management!

    “She failed to acknowledge that the paper contained responses to May council decision and that there are issues such as the salary adjustment that the management has refused to discuss or negotiate on.

    “PC [pro-chancellor] then proceeded to state that the council does not deal with matters of salary adjustment. Precedent has been set where the council has approved salary adjustments.”

    Fiji’s national broadcaster FBC on Tuesday reported that the president of AUSPS, Elizabeth Read Fong, had questioned why Professor Ahluwalia continued to live in Samoa despite the Fiji government lifting the ban that the former Fijian government had placed on him.

    Fong reportedly said that the logical choice would be for the university’s vice-chancellor and president to return to his office at the main headquarters of the USP in Laucala Bay, Suva, and appealed to the Samoa government to facilitate the release of the vice-chancellor.

    She said the regional university continued to spend a lot on Professor Ahluwalia’s travel and accommodation expenses every time he travelled to Suva from Samoa.

    The Samoa Observer has contacted the USP vice-chancellor for comment on the concerns that the USP staff members have raised.

    Many USP staff dressed in black protested for two days over their grievances with the vice-chancellor.

    Alexander Rheeney is editor of the Samoa Observer. Republished with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    School Hospital Program Bridges Education and Student Recovery https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/28/school-hospital-program-bridges-education-and-student-recovery/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/28/school-hospital-program-bridges-education-and-student-recovery/#respond Tue, 28 Nov 2023 23:48:58 +0000 https://www.projectcensored.org/?p=35205 In August 2023, the Hechinger Report’s Rebecca Redelmeier reported findings from the University of North Carolina’s Neurosciences Hospital on how in-hospital schools open a road to recovery to address the…

    The post School Hospital Program Bridges Education and Student Recovery appeared first on Project Censored.


    This content originally appeared on Project Censored and was authored by Vins.

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    Ahluwalia reappointed as USP’s VC in spite of protests, strike threat https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/28/ahluwalia-reappointed-as-usps-vc-in-spite-of-protests-strike-threat/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/28/ahluwalia-reappointed-as-usps-vc-in-spite-of-protests-strike-threat/#respond Tue, 28 Nov 2023 22:22:26 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=95096 By Vijay Narayan in Suva

    The University of the South Pacific Council has reappointed Professor Pal Ahluwalia as vice-chancellor and president amid two days of staff protests.

    The council says it has also heard from staff representatives and urged the unions and management to work collaboratively in the interest of the university.

    The meeting was chaired by the acting pro-chancellor and chair of council and the New Zealand government representative, emeritus Professor Pat Walsh, in place of the pro-chancellor and chair of council Dr Hilda Heine, who is away from university business.

    In a statement released by USP, Professor Walsh welcomed the reappointment of the vice-chancellor and expressed his and the council’s endorsement of Professor Ahluwalia’s performance.

    Professor Ahluwalia thanked the vouncil for its continued support, saying he looked forward to serving the university and the region.

    The council noted reports from the pro-chancellor and the vice-chancellor and president on activities undertaken since their last report to council.

    Professor Pal Ahluwalia said the university was delivering its priorities successfully against the backdrop of declining enrolment numbers and financial constraints.

    Updated on finances
    The council was updated on the finances of the university and noted the ongoing challenges USP continues to face.

    The council adopted the proposed annual plan for 2024 and noted the financial strategies for the coming year.

    It also approved the financial plan for 2024 and adopted the audited financial statements for the half-year ended 30 June 2023.

    The council further noted the impact and risks associated with the financial challenges being faced by the university largely due to the decline in student numbers.

    The management outlined its strategies for mitigating the challenges ahead.

    The council also approved a report by the University Senate and instituted new programmes in Pacific TAFE.

    In addition, the council endorsed a proposed scoping study to establish a Pacific Centre of Excellence for Deep Ocean Science and a report will be presented at the next council meeting to be held in Vanuatu in 2024.

    Unions want VC out
    Meanwhile, The Fiji Times reported yesterday in a front page report that staff unions said they wanted Professor Pal Ahluwalia out.

    During a protest on Monday and yesterday, more than 130 members turned up dressed in black with placards listing their grievances against the USP management.

    Staff also questioned why a paper outlining their grievances was not included in the council’s meeting agenda.

    Association of the University of the South Pacific Staff (AUSPS) president Elizabeth Fong said staff had supported the university in its greatest time of need.

    Now, they are asking for recompense and recognition in terms of a “fairer and just” salary adjustment.

    A statement from USP management said they were still negotiating some terms with staff unions.

    However, news reports yesterday said the unions were now planning strike action.

    Vijay Narayan is news director of Fijivillage News. Republished with permission.

    University of the South Pacific protesting in black
    University of the South Pacific staff protesting in black with placards calling for “fair pay” and for vice-chancellor Professor Ahluwalia to resign. Image: Association of USP Staff (AUSPS)


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    USP strike on the cards after council blocks staff papers in pay row https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/28/usp-strike-on-the-cards-after-council-blocks-staff-papers-in-pay-row/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/28/usp-strike-on-the-cards-after-council-blocks-staff-papers-in-pay-row/#respond Tue, 28 Nov 2023 04:19:01 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=95078 By Apenisa Waqairadovu in Suva

    The Association of the University of the South Pacific Staff (AUSPS) will now make necessary submissions to go on a strike.

    This comes after AUSPS president Elizabeth Read Fong confirmed that the USP Council had denied staff papers to be presented in this week’s USP Council meeting.

    Fong said this meant there would be no pay adjustments, among other things they had asked for.

    She said that the next step would be to take industrial action, and they will give 21 days’ notice prior to the planned action.

    She added that they would decide on the date of the protest for maximum impact.

    AUSPS president Elizabeth Read Fong
    AUSPS president Elizabeth Read Fong . . . date to be chosen for a strike with maximum impact. Image: FBC News

    The staff braved the wet conditions today to carry out a second day of peaceful protest outside the meeting venue of the USP Council.

    Pal Ahluwalia ABC 060221
    USP vice-chancellor Professor Pal Ahluwalia . . . staff want him to step aside or be removed. Image: USP screenshot

    Fong said staff still wanted vice-chancellor Professor Pal Ahluwalia to step down or be removed from his role.

    The meeting will conclude later today.

    Apenisa Waqairadovu is a FBC News multimedia journalist.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    USP union warns of industrial action if fair pay is not approved https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/27/usp-union-warns-of-industrial-action-if-fair-pay-is-not-approved/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/27/usp-union-warns-of-industrial-action-if-fair-pay-is-not-approved/#respond Mon, 27 Nov 2023 18:19:07 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=95070 By Iliana Biutu in Suva

    University of the South Pacific Union (USPU) president Reuben Colata says industrial action will be the next step if USP does not approve their pay increment being sought.

    Colata said they did not know why the university did not want to negotiate a salary increase.

    He said the university had about $80 million in savings with another $19 million given by the government this year.

    With that amount of money, the university could pay the staff rather than allow the staff to bargain for their salary.

    His union is one of two unions representing USP staff.

    The Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Finance, Professor Biman Prasad, said he encouraged the staff to engage with management — and with the USP Council — to resolve this issue.

    Professor Biman said Fiji’s coalition government believed in academic freedom and also valued the freedom of workers the country needed.

    The USP Council meeting is still underway at the USP Japan ICT Centre and it will continue today.

    The USP staff had a silent protest yesterday after their staff paper was not allowed to be included as part of the council’s agenda.

    Seeking removal of VC
    They are calling for the staff paper to be discussed by the USP Council which includes the issues about the staff pay increment demand.

    They are also calling for the removal of the regional institution’s vice-chancellor Professor Pal Ahluwalia.

    The academic staff are represented by the Association of USP Staff (AUSPS) whose president, Elizabeth Read Fong, told FBC News that Professor Ahluwalia’s contract should end by December 31.

    She hinted that the vice-chancellor had already turned 65, which is the institution’s retirement age.

    “He also turns 65 at the beginning of the year,” she said.

    “The university policy is that when you turn 65, you work until December 31st, so there is a post-retirement thing, but he has put that on hold, so one policy applies to everybody.”

    Iliana Biutu is a Fiji Village News reporter. Republished with permission.

    University of the South Pacific protesting in black
    University of the South Pacific staff protesting yesterday in black with placards calling for “fair pay” and for vice-chancellor Professor Ahluwalia to resign. Image: Association of USP Staff (AUSPS)


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    ‘All talk and no action’ say USP protesters calling for fair pay https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/27/all-talk-and-no-action-say-usp-protesters-calling-for-fair-pay/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/27/all-talk-and-no-action-say-usp-protesters-calling-for-fair-pay/#respond Mon, 27 Nov 2023 10:32:26 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=95036 RNZ Pacific

    University of the South Pacific (USP) staff gathered outside the Japan-Pacific ICT Centre today to protest over better pay and conditions as well as calling for the removal of the regional institution’s vice-chancellor Professor Pal Ahluwalia.

    The university’s main decision making body, the USP Council, is meeting at the Laucala campus this week.

    Aggrieved employees of the university showed up in black, holding placards calling for “fair pay” and for Professor Ahluwalia to resign.

    The staff are unhappy after the USP pro-chancellor chair of council Dr Hilda Heine did not include a staff paper on the agenda of the meeting today, according to local media reports.

    “The Association of USP Staff (AUSPS) president Elizabeth Fong said the paper included a submission on staff salary adjustment and a recommendation to recruit a new Vice Chancellor who is originally from the region,” according to Fiji One News report.

    USP staff call for a new vice-chancellor
    USP staff are calling for a “fair pay” deal and for the university to recruit a new vice-chancellor who is originally from the Pacific region. Image: Association of USP Staff (AUSPS)

    FBC News reports that the staff are calling for the “non-renewal Ahluwalia’s contract, claiming that he is no longer fit for the role” and that the vice-chancellor’s position to be advertised.

    “Fong claims the VC is all talk and no action,” it reported.

    The state broadcaster is reporting that USP staff want a 11 percent increase in pay and not the four percent they have received recently.

    “We have staff shortages, vacancies which means people have doubled up and tripled up on their responsibilities. This is about keeping USP serving the region, serving its people,” Fong was quoted by FBC News as saying.

    ‘We remain hopeful’ — USP
    In a statement to RNZ Pacific, USP said its management “continues to work with the staff unions regarding their grievances” since they were raised earlier in the year.

    “Through its meeting with AUSPS, the USP management has resolved some of the matters raised in the log of claims while discussion continued on the remaining issues.”

    The university said that in October 2022, all USP staff received salary increments and the second increase kicked in in January 2023.

    “Staff also received a bonus in the middle of the year (2023). Negotiations are continuing, and provisions have been made for another salary increase next year, subject to the Council approving our 2024 budget.”

    The USP said the chair of the USP Council approved the council agenda, “and the USP management does not have a say in the matter”.

    “As stated several times previously, the vice-chancellor’s relocation is decided by the council.

    “The institution, as always, supports union rights and acknowledges that a peaceful protest is within its ambit.

    “However, we remain hopeful that through USP management, we can continue to have discussions with the AUSPS about their grievances and follow proper channels to meet their demands until an amicable solution is reached,” it said.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    PNG’s Masiu warns USP journalism students to defend free press https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/27/pngs-masiu-warns-usp-journalism-students-to-defend-free-press/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/27/pngs-masiu-warns-usp-journalism-students-to-defend-free-press/#respond Mon, 27 Nov 2023 03:45:49 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=95021 By Monika Singh in Suva

    Freedom of the press is a cornerstone of any vibrant democracy and society’s collective responsibility to safeguard and protect it, says Papua New Guinea’s Minister for Information and Communication Technology Timothy Masiu.

    Masiu was chief guest at the 2023 University of the South Pacific Journalism Student Awards function held in Suva on Friday evening.

    “The USP Journalism Awards not only recognises excellence in reporting, but also the commitment to ethical journalism, unbiased storytelling, and the pursuit of truth,” said Masiu.

    “In an era where information flows abundantly, the responsibility of journalists to uphold these principles has never been more critical.”

    USP cheque presentation
    PINA president Kora Nou (left), PNG’s Minister for Information and Communication Technology Timothy Masiu and USP head of the journalism programme Dr Shailendra Singh during the cheque presentation. Image: Wansolwara News/USP

    While recognising the hard work and dedication put in by the student journalists in their stories, Masiu took the time to acknowledge the challenges that journalists face in the pursuit of truth.

    “Today, we recognise the hard work, dedication, and exemplary storytelling that have emerged from the vibrant and diverse community of journalists who have made their mark within USP.”

    This year 16 students from the USP journalism programme were recognised for their outstanding achievements in journalism.

    Sponsorship media
    The awards this year were sponsored by the Fiji Broadcasting Corporation (FBC), The Fiji Times, Islands Business, FijiLive and Sports World.

    “The journalists we celebrate today have embraced this responsibility with vigour, showcasing the power of words and the impact they can have on shaping our world,” said Masiu.

    Being a former journalist himself, Masiu said the role of journalism as the Fourth Estate could not be understated — “the role of journalism is pivotal in our society, serving as the watchdog, the voice of the voiceless, and the bridge that connects communities”.

    Masiu thanked the journalism school faculty heads and mentors who have guided these aspiring journalists for their dedication in nurturing the next generation of storytellers.

    “Your influence goes beyond the classroom; it shapes the future of journalism in the Pacific and beyond,” he said.

    The event included presentation of a $10,000 cheque by the PNG government to the USP journalism programme as part of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed between the USP School of Journalism and the PNG National Broadcasting Corporation (NBC) on June 19, 2023.

    The minister described the collaboration as a testament to recognition that the exchange of knowledge, resources, and expertise was essential in nurturing the next generation of journalists who would shape the narrative of the Pacific region.

    Shared training vision
    Signifying more than just a formal agreement, he said the MoU represented a shared vision for the future of journalism training and mentoring in the Pacific.

    “Through this collaboration, students will have the opportunity to engage with seasoned professionals, gaining insights into the ever-evolving landscape of journalism,” he said.

    “I request that the USP School of Journalism or wider USP will have appropriate programmes to upskill or re-train our deserving NBC staff who are non-journalists.”

    Journalism head Associate Professor Dr Shailendra Singh acknowledged the support from the PNG government for the USP Journalism Program.

    Speaking about the USP Journalism Awards, Dr Singh said these were the longest running and most consistent journalism awards in the Pacific in any category.

    He paid tribute to the founder of the awards in 1999, former USP journalism head Professor David Robie, adding that he wished that journalism awards would be revived in Fiji and the region.

    “Journalists carry out a crucial function — sometimes it’s a thankless task. Our best journalists should be recognised and helped in their work,” said Dr Singh.

    Winners of the 2023 USP Journalism Awards
    Winners of the 2023 USP Journalism Awards with PNG’s Minister for Information and Communication Technology Timothy Masiu (seated centre), flanked by PINA president Kora Nou on his left and journalism programme head Associate Professor Shailendra Singh in Suva on Friday. Image: Wansolwara News

    Winners of the 2023 USP Journalism Awards:

    • Most Promising First-Year student: Riya Bhagwan
    • Best News Reporting: Aralai Vosayaco and Nikhil Kumar
    • Best Radio Student: Josepheen Tarianga
    • Best Television Students: Nishat Kanti and Maretta Putri
    • Best Sports Reporting: Sera Navuga
    • Best Feature Reporting: Prerna Priyanka and Viliame Tawanakoro
    • Best Regional Reporting: Lorima Dalituicama
    • Best Online Reporting: Brittany Nawaqatabu
    • Most Outstanding Journalism Student of the Year: Yukta Chand and Viliame Tawanakoro

    Awards sponsored by the Journalism Students Association:

    • Wansolwara Outstanding Reporting Award: Ema Ganivatu
    • Best Inclusive Award, Best Editorial Team, and Best Professional Award: Nikhil Kumar
    • Team player Award: Ivy Mallam
    • Students Choice Award: Andrew Naidu
    • Outstanding Social Service to USP Community: Rhea Kumar

    Monika Singh is a reporter for Wansolwara, the online and print publication of the USP Journalism Programme. Republished in partnership with Wansolwara.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/27/pngs-masiu-warns-usp-journalism-students-to-defend-free-press/feed/ 0 441828
    PNG’s Masiu warns USP journalism students to defend free press https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/27/pngs-masiu-warns-usp-journalism-students-to-defend-free-press-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/27/pngs-masiu-warns-usp-journalism-students-to-defend-free-press-2/#respond Mon, 27 Nov 2023 03:45:49 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=95021 By Monika Singh in Suva

    Freedom of the press is a cornerstone of any vibrant democracy and society’s collective responsibility to safeguard and protect it, says Papua New Guinea’s Minister for Information and Communication Technology Timothy Masiu.

    Masiu was chief guest at the 2023 University of the South Pacific Journalism Student Awards function held in Suva on Friday evening.

    “The USP Journalism Awards not only recognises excellence in reporting, but also the commitment to ethical journalism, unbiased storytelling, and the pursuit of truth,” said Masiu.

    “In an era where information flows abundantly, the responsibility of journalists to uphold these principles has never been more critical.”

    USP cheque presentation
    PINA president Kora Nou (left), PNG’s Minister for Information and Communication Technology Timothy Masiu and USP head of the journalism programme Dr Shailendra Singh during the cheque presentation. Image: Wansolwara News/USP

    While recognising the hard work and dedication put in by the student journalists in their stories, Masiu took the time to acknowledge the challenges that journalists face in the pursuit of truth.

    “Today, we recognise the hard work, dedication, and exemplary storytelling that have emerged from the vibrant and diverse community of journalists who have made their mark within USP.”

    This year 16 students from the USP journalism programme were recognised for their outstanding achievements in journalism.

    Sponsorship media
    The awards this year were sponsored by the Fiji Broadcasting Corporation (FBC), The Fiji Times, Islands Business, FijiLive and Sports World.

    “The journalists we celebrate today have embraced this responsibility with vigour, showcasing the power of words and the impact they can have on shaping our world,” said Masiu.

    Being a former journalist himself, Masiu said the role of journalism as the Fourth Estate could not be understated — “the role of journalism is pivotal in our society, serving as the watchdog, the voice of the voiceless, and the bridge that connects communities”.

    Masiu thanked the journalism school faculty heads and mentors who have guided these aspiring journalists for their dedication in nurturing the next generation of storytellers.

    “Your influence goes beyond the classroom; it shapes the future of journalism in the Pacific and beyond,” he said.

    The event included presentation of a $10,000 cheque by the PNG government to the USP journalism programme as part of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed between the USP School of Journalism and the PNG National Broadcasting Corporation (NBC) on June 19, 2023.

    The minister described the collaboration as a testament to recognition that the exchange of knowledge, resources, and expertise was essential in nurturing the next generation of journalists who would shape the narrative of the Pacific region.

    Shared training vision
    Signifying more than just a formal agreement, he said the MoU represented a shared vision for the future of journalism training and mentoring in the Pacific.

    “Through this collaboration, students will have the opportunity to engage with seasoned professionals, gaining insights into the ever-evolving landscape of journalism,” he said.

    “I request that the USP School of Journalism or wider USP will have appropriate programmes to upskill or re-train our deserving NBC staff who are non-journalists.”

    Journalism head Associate Professor Dr Shailendra Singh acknowledged the support from the PNG government for the USP Journalism Program.

    Speaking about the USP Journalism Awards, Dr Singh said these were the longest running and most consistent journalism awards in the Pacific in any category.

    He paid tribute to the founder of the awards in 1999, former USP journalism head Professor David Robie, adding that he wished that journalism awards would be revived in Fiji and the region.

    “Journalists carry out a crucial function — sometimes it’s a thankless task. Our best journalists should be recognised and helped in their work,” said Dr Singh.

    Winners of the 2023 USP Journalism Awards
    Winners of the 2023 USP Journalism Awards with PNG’s Minister for Information and Communication Technology Timothy Masiu (seated centre), flanked by PINA president Kora Nou on his left and journalism programme head Associate Professor Shailendra Singh in Suva on Friday. Image: Wansolwara News

    Winners of the 2023 USP Journalism Awards:

    • Most Promising First-Year student: Riya Bhagwan
    • Best News Reporting: Aralai Vosayaco and Nikhil Kumar
    • Best Radio Student: Josepheen Tarianga
    • Best Television Students: Nishat Kanti and Maretta Putri
    • Best Sports Reporting: Sera Navuga
    • Best Feature Reporting: Prerna Priyanka and Viliame Tawanakoro
    • Best Regional Reporting: Lorima Dalituicama
    • Best Online Reporting: Brittany Nawaqatabu
    • Most Outstanding Journalism Student of the Year: Yukta Chand and Viliame Tawanakoro

    Awards sponsored by the Journalism Students Association:

    • Wansolwara Outstanding Reporting Award: Ema Ganivatu
    • Best Inclusive Award, Best Editorial Team, and Best Professional Award: Nikhil Kumar
    • Team player Award: Ivy Mallam
    • Students Choice Award: Andrew Naidu
    • Outstanding Social Service to USP Community: Rhea Kumar

    Monika Singh is a reporter for Wansolwara, the online and print publication of the USP Journalism Programme. Republished in partnership with Wansolwara.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    USP staff unhappy with VC, but he thanks them for ‘engagement’ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/26/usp-staff-unhappy-with-vc-but-he-thanks-them-for-engagement/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/26/usp-staff-unhappy-with-vc-but-he-thanks-them-for-engagement/#respond Sun, 26 Nov 2023 19:20:40 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=95014 By Felix Chaudhary in Suva

    University of the South Pacific staff who once stood by vice-chancellor Professor Pal Ahluwalia are now up in arms about his role in a decision by pro-chancellor Dr Hilda Heine to disallow a staff paper to be placed on the agenda of the 96th USP Council meeting being held today.

    A joint press statement by the Association of the University of the South Pacific Staff (AUSPS) and the University of the South Pacific Staff Union (USPSU) said the blocked paper was in relation to “many unresolved issues faced by the staff over the period 2021 to May 2023”, which included pay and other matters.

    The unions said staff from across the region met on November 22 and “are aggrieved and angry at the refusal of the PC (pro-chancellor) and VCP to allow their voice to be heard at council”.

    “This is the same VCP that  the staff stood for in his hour of greatest need,” the unions said.

    “The same staff who took risks to ensure that he was given worker justice and the opportunity to prove his worthiness of the VCP position.

    “That he was a likely party to a decision to disallow the Staff paper is indicative of VCP’s leadership style which has become very clear to staff.”

    The unions said USP management refuse to discuss or negotiate a salary adjustment for 2019-2023 and the final course of action was to bring the matter to the council for resolution in preference to industrial action.

    What the VC had to say
    In response to queries from The Fiji Times, Professor Ahluwalia sent a message he had issued to USP staff.

    In it, he thanked them for joining him in a staff discussion which had a “record number of staff who attended with a high level of engagement.

    “Whilst we have made considerable progresses, some issues remain outstanding,” the VC said.

    He said USP now had a budget that would be presented to the council for approval today.

    “Despite the alarming situation concerning declining student numbers, we have managed to ensure no redundancies, albeit, we will only be able to fill 30 per cent of our vacancies next year.”

    Professor Ahluwalia said in terms of salary adjustments, the university had “made a great deal of progress, with two salary increases in October 2022 and January 2023 and an increment/bonus for all staff in the middle of the year (2023), and provisions have been made for another salary increase next year subject to council approving our 2024 budget.”

    Questions sent to pro-vice chancellor Dr Hilda Heine yesterday remained unanswered.

    Felix Chaudhary is a Fiji Times journalist. Republished with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Xi Jinping in the US https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/21/xi-jinping-in-the-us/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/21/xi-jinping-in-the-us/#respond Tue, 21 Nov 2023 14:13:15 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=145906

    This week’s News on China. Sources:

    • Xi Jinping in the US

    https://www.scmp.com/news/china/diplo…

    https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/20231…

    https://www.scmp.com/news/china/artic…

    https://asia.nikkei.com/Politics/Inte…

    • BYD catches up with Tesla

    https://asia.nikkei.com/Spotlight/The…

    https://es-us.finanzas.yahoo.com/noti…

    • Xizang Autonomous Region improves living standards

    https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/20231…

    https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/20231…

    https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/20231…

    • Women’s boxing gains popularity in China

    https://www.sixthtone.com/news/1013914

    https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-03-26…


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Dongsheng News.

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    Xi Jinping in the US https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/21/xi-jinping-in-the-us-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/21/xi-jinping-in-the-us-2/#respond Tue, 21 Nov 2023 14:13:15 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=145906

    This week’s News on China. Sources:

    • Xi Jinping in the US

    https://www.scmp.com/news/china/diplo…

    https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/20231…

    https://www.scmp.com/news/china/artic…

    https://asia.nikkei.com/Politics/Inte…

    • BYD catches up with Tesla

    https://asia.nikkei.com/Spotlight/The…

    https://es-us.finanzas.yahoo.com/noti…

    • Xizang Autonomous Region improves living standards

    https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/20231…

    https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/20231…

    https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/20231…

    • Women’s boxing gains popularity in China

    https://www.sixthtone.com/news/1013914

    https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-03-26…


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Dongsheng News.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/21/xi-jinping-in-the-us-2/feed/ 0 440623
    Author and teacher Pam Houston on developing a practice of noticing https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/01/author-and-teacher-pam-houston-on-developing-a-practice-of-noticing/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/01/author-and-teacher-pam-houston-on-developing-a-practice-of-noticing/#respond Wed, 01 Nov 2023 07:00:00 +0000 https://thecreativeindependent.com/people/author-and-teacher-pam-houston-on-developing-a-practice-of-noticing I know a big part of your writing process is collecting what you refer to as “glimmers,” which I’ve heard you define as things that have attracted your attention for some reason or another, though its importance isn’t always immediately apparent.

    Well, just a couple of things. It’s not that the importance of the glimmer is not apparent to me right away. It’s that the reason for the importance is not apparent to me right away. And that’s kind of an important distinction, because I trust so much the process of noticing the glimmer, even if I don’t know what it means or why I’m noticing it.

    And so I do know that it’s important. I just don’t know why, and I don’t really care if I ever know why. I mean, usually in the course of using it in writing, the reason it was important to me will reveal itself, but not always. And that’s okay with me because I believe in its power to carry its meaning to the reader, even if I’m not in control of that transfer, if that makes sense.

    It does. What’s the most recent glimmer you’ve come across?

    My husband and I went on a walk with the dogs this morning, and he found a wild onion in the pasture and he broke it off and handed it to me to chew on. Is that vitally important to any story I will ever tell? I’m not sure. But that was what popped into my mind when you asked, and it happened just about an hour ago. They can happen constantly.

    The last glimmer that I think I’ll probably use in my writing, though? Let me think about—oh, I know. That’s an easy one, too. On Sunday—no, Monday morning—I gave a reading. I went out to Yosemite for about 36 hours to give a reading at a historic lodge there in Tuolumne Meadows. And even though I knew it was going to be tight in my schedule, I wanted to go because I knew I could stay up there in the meadows with the ranger, which would mean that, in the morning after my reading, I would be the only person in Tuolumne Meadows basically. And it was every bit as perfect as I imagined it being, to be there, in a place that’s visited by so many people, all alone. But I wasn’t alone. I saw a whole lot of deer, including several does with fawns, including a doe with two tiny spotted fawns who were just having the zoomies all over the meadow. It was just so cool to see that place without people, even though I was sort of wrecking that. They weren’t really scared of me because I was only one of me, and there were so many of them, marmots and pine martens and all kinds of birds and all these deer. That would’ve been the last thing that I know I’ll write about.

    How do you know when a glimmer is going to make its way onto the page? What’s the difference between the morning in the meadow and the onion in the pasture?

    Well, I don’t know. I don’t know until it does. It’s important to me to be in the practice of noticing constantly. That’s really the important part of my practice. And if I were being Buddhist about it, the onion would be equally as vital as the morning in Tuolumne Meadows, but I’m not a Buddhist, nor do I exactly strive to be. But the most important part of the practice is to notice and, no matter how big or small or major or minor, to keep a running recording in my head or on the page.

    Having said that, there are just things that feel more significant, either because they’re a major life event, like falling from a horse and not dying at a full gallop, or if it’s something that’s more daily, like the onion in the pasture. Sometimes those daily things can be just the metaphor. The honest answer is I don’t spend a lot of time evaluating them because I think that’s counterproductive to the process. The process is really about collection and having them at my disposal if I need them later.

    There are certain glimmers that seem like the reason to write an essay. They will propel me into an essay because I so believe in how big they are for me. But aside from that, I sort of feel like they’re all kind of equal. And getting to be alone in Tuolumne Meadows after this very wet spring, the road just opened a week ago, and here we are in August. They had 15 feet of snow up there. Everything was all renewed and revitalized. That all feels big enough to propel me into an essay about the earth and its potential for rejuvenation if we would leave it alone. It’s got a lot of big ideas in it, and I feel like I could write that essay today, but at least equally important to the process is just collecting little things that are going to be momentary drop-ins in other pieces of writing that might inform it or change it or reveal it.

    Have there been seasons of your life where you’ve fallen off the practice of noticing?

    Honestly, I’m pretty good at it. Certainly there have been times, but it’s my driver. It’s kind of the definition of me. Wherever I am, I want to go for a walk. I want to go out and look. I want to go see. It’ll say on my tombstone—not that I will have a tombstone—but it would say, if I were going to have one, she always wanted to go see. So it is something I’m good at. I’m not that good at sitting down and writing, honestly, but I’m quite good at noticing. And I think the reason I’ve been a writer all these years is because I’m good at noticing, because I am not good at sitting in a chair.

    I guess one time that was really scary in recent memory was when I had long Covid for about a year, and I had so little energy. The thing I’ve always had in abundance is energy, I can always go for a walk. I can go fly in somewhere to give a reading, and even though I’ll only be on the ground for eight hours, I’ll still find a way to go out and walk around and look at wherever I am. That’s really important to me. Whether it’s a city or a beautiful natural area, it doesn’t matter. I want to know where I am. I want the details of it. I eat them. I am always hungry for more of that.

    When I had long Covid, I didn’t have energy for that, and it was scary. I couldn’t get off the couch. I had such deep fatigue, which I had never had in my life. I didn’t know anything about it, because I’ve never had an autoimmune disease or anything, and I have many friends who have. The idea that I couldn’t take the dogs for a walk or cook dinner or anything–I was scared. And honestly, I was so scared that I wasn’t even living that it honestly didn’t freak me out that much that I wasn’t writing, because the living part was so much more important to me. Even though the writing’s very important to me. It was sort of the first time in my whole life I gave myself a break for not getting writing done because I couldn’t even take a shower.

    I think my brain is still a little weird after that, and I think my heart’s still a little weird, but basically I’m like 80 percent better, which I’ll take. 85 percent maybe. I’m not as good at multitasking as I used to be, which I think is probably the good news. Ultimately, I think multitasking is probably not that good for us, but I am easier on myself as a result of going through that, in two ways. I’m easier on myself if I don’t do every single thing I think I’m supposed to do, which feels good at 61. And also, I’m kind of easier on the writing. Not that I don’t want it to be excellent, but there’s less negative self-talk than there was before Covid. There’s less, “Oh, that’s so stupid. Oh, that’s so boring. Oh, you’re boring everyone. Say something interesting or get up and leave the computer behind.”

    All that sort of self-hating talk, which I used to think was just what my friend Fenton Johnson calls “the price of admission for being a writer.” It’s calmed down some. I mean, not entirely, but just being able to write again, having the energy to write again, not to mention having the energy to go out in the world and collect glimmers—I feel so grateful for that. I don’t want to spend energy on the super self-criticism, which is not to say I won’t revise and revise and revise. I’m a compulsive reviser, but just in terms of getting the first draft down, I’m easier on myself, which I think can only be good.

    I’m so glad you’re continuing to recover. Now, I know you’re a writer who loves a good metaphor. When I write, I always feel like I’m wrestling metaphors onto the page. For you, is it a matter that the metaphor will come together on the page?

    Glimmers are my source of metaphor. We’ve all had times where we’ve witnessed something or been involved in something and we go, “Oh my god, that’s such a metaphor for life,” or, “That’s such a metaphor for what I’m going through right now.” I was just teaching and writing near the Great Sand Dunes, which is a national park near me, and there’s this one dune that’s way up on the side of the hill, and it’s called an escape dune. So there’s the huge dune field, and then there’s this escape dune that got away, and I swear to god, every single student put it in their piece the next day. It was such an appealing metaphor to everyone. There are going to be times like that, where a metaphor suggests itself to you, or you even have a scene that you feel wants to be a little more visual or lyric, and you go searching for a metaphor, which is when it can feel like you’re forcing them.

    That’s why I start with the glimmers. We’re back to that little onion now. I don’t know what it is or what it means, but if it turns out that I put my husband breaking it off for me to taste it in a scene, I have to count on the fact that that meaning is going to get conveyed to the reader without me having to ram it down their throat. For me, the best metaphors are the ones that grow naturally out of the scene or out of the glimmer without me having to go, okay, what metaphor goes here? Because then it starts to feel a little mechanical or a little forced or a little overdetermined. I like the meaning to float a little. If the glimmer makes it all the way to the reader without me even really understanding its meaning, then I know I haven’t manhandled it.

    Are you a daily writer?

    I’m a daily writer right now because I have a book deadline, this mini book I’m doing on Roe v. Wade. I don’t do that very often. I usually just try to let it come when it comes, except when I’m on deadline and I’ve sat down and I’ve just made myself write 500 words a day no matter what. Again, this is so not my writing style. I’m just trying it, and it’s going okay. And I think that’s connected to what I said before about not being so hard on myself. When I get this book done, which I will in the next month or two, I might try to continue at this pace. It would be the first time in my life that I did daily pages. I’ve never done it. I’ve rolled my eyes at the idea, honestly.

    What about it has made you roll your eyes?

    A few reasons. One is because teaching is super, super important to me, and my identity is really bound up in teaching, and that’s the thing I do every day. I mean, of course I don’t do it every day, but my dedication to teaching never wavers, and there’s always student pages to read. But I also think I rolled my eyes at it because I was so sure I would write badly if I forced myself to write every day.

    I don’t like writing badly. Some of my good friends who are writers will write 10,000 words to get to a thousand, and I’m not like that. I like to get it in the room the first time. I do revise incessantly, but it’s kind of going from eight to 10 instead of from two to 10. And I think I always thought that going from two to 10 was just a waste of time. If I don’t have anything to say, why would I even sit down?

    I’m now rethinking that. Even in these 500 words a day, a lot of them suck. But there’s good ones in there that have arisen because I made myself sit down and write 500 words, which I realize is what every book on writing has said since the beginning of time. I just didn’t really believe it.

    You mentioned your dedication to teaching. How do you keep writing in spite of the fact that teaching can feel so much more satisfying?

    It is so much easier to put my students’ writing first, especially now. I’ve had my moment. I’ve had my say, and they’re all coming to try to save the fucking planet. Of course their work is more valuable than mine, particularly my students at the Institute of American Indian Arts, but not exclusively. The work I do with mentoring these books into the world—I just feel like they’re so much more important just by virtue of being new. It’s new ideas and it’s new reactions to the world.

    That said, that set of feelings can be convenient when I’m really afraid to write or when I’m not making the time to write or when I’m afraid of the thing I’m about to write. But I have all these things in the queue that I want to write, which feels like happy news. I have eight or nine essays, and some of them might turn into short stories, and I am excited to write for the first time in a while.

    You said that some of the essays might turn into short stories: is that how your work typically starts? Does it begin in essay form, then turn into fiction if you decide you want to take more liberties with it?

    How it usually works is that I just start writing something and I don’t worry about it. I don’t worry about whether it’s an essay or a story. I’m usually just playing a shell game with glimmers, and then they sort of fall into connection to each other. Then, somewhere in there, I decide whether it’s a story or an essay, depending on how it’s going, depending on whether it wants made-up characters or not. I mean, I wrote the book Contents May Have Shifted, got all the way to turning it in and said, “I don’t know what you want to call this.” The character’s name is Pam, but I made a lot of shit up. Sometimes the work really never identifies itself. Or sometimes, like with a short story I wrote recently, a dog starts talking, and then it’s like, okay, this must be fiction. There’s a few things in the queue, and I keep bouncing back and forth as I’m thinking about them while I’m driving or whatever. That’s just a way to keep my mind active around them. I won’t really know until I start writing.

    Pam Houston Recommends:

    Recommendations for finding glimmers.

    If it’s an option, always walk. In a city. In the mountains. In somebody’s driveway. If you’re at someone’s house, walk around the yard.

    Notice with as many senses as you have. I find that smell can bring me back to a place quicker than almost anything. I think that’s true for a lot of us.

    Don’t be afraid of being alone. I think it’s much, much easier to notice everything when you’re alone. I love to travel alone. I like to travel with my friends and my husband, but I really like to travel alone because I feel like it puts me in a really “noticing place.” Also, people speak to you more when you’re alone, and I think that’s really good for dialogue glimmers.

    Pay attention to your body. For me, a glimmer is a physical experience as much as a mental one. There are things that I see or hear or taste, and it’s not so logical that it would be a glimmer for me, but I can feel a sort of vibrational resonance in my chest or in my body. There are other bodily sensations, like a pain or a shortness of breath or something, that make me know I’m in the presence of a glimmer. But mostly it’s this kind of humming in my chest.

    Write it down, no matter how small. Don’t talk yourself out of it, even though it feels dumb or clichéd or too much like the other glimmers you’ve been noticing lately. Jot it down or put it in your phone or take a picture of it, no matter what. If you never look at it again. And if it turns out to be a cliché, fine, no problem. Nothing lost.


    This content originally appeared on The Creative Independent and was authored by Hurley Winkler.

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    China passes ‘patriotic education’ law to reinforce party line https://www.rfa.org/english/news/china/patriotic-education-10252023150728.html https://www.rfa.org/english/news/china/patriotic-education-10252023150728.html#respond Wed, 25 Oct 2023 19:14:00 +0000 https://www.rfa.org/english/news/china/patriotic-education-10252023150728.html China's legislature nodded through a law on 'patriotic education' on Wednesday, in a move aimed at strengthening patriotic feeling among the country's youth, state media reported.

    According to Xinhua news agency, some people "are at a loss about what is patriotism," and may give in to "historical nihilism," a political buzzword used under President Xi Jinping to describe any view that departs from the official Communist Party line on history.

    The law, which will take effect on Jan. 1, 2024, and applies to local and central government departments, schools and even families, comes after booksellers removed a popular history book about the last Ming emperor from view, after readers applied some of its conclusions to China under Xi.

    It also forms part of the government's "ethnic unity" policy, which has included forcible assimilation schemes targeting Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang, along with bans on ethnic minority language-teaching in Inner Mongolia and among Tibetan communities in Sichuan.

    "Deeply rooted in the national culture, patriotism serves as a vital bond among various ethnic its groups," Xinhua wrote in a commentary on the law, which also repeats bans on "insults" to the national flag or to "revolutionary heroes and martyrs" from Communist Party history that are also covered under other legislation.

    Mao was ‘narrow-minded’

    The move came as a Chinese AI firm said it would suspend sales of a study assistance device after it was critical of late supreme leader Mao Zedong.

    Liu Qingfeng, chairman of iFlytek, was quoted as saying by the Cailianshe news service that the device and its content had been taken off the shelves after a parent complained that the device had generated an essay that called Mao "narrow-minded" and "intolerant" for starting the 10 years of political turmoil known as the Cultural Revolution in 1966.

    An iFlytek company sign is seen at the Appliance and Electronics World Expo in Shanghai, China, March 23, 2021. Credit: Aly Song/Reuters
    An iFlytek company sign is seen at the Appliance and Electronics World Expo in Shanghai, China, March 23, 2021. Credit: Aly Song/Reuters

    Shares in iFlytek plunged by 10% on Tuesday after the news broke, Reuters reported.

    Liu was quoted as blaming a supplier for the content, and said both the supplier and iFlytek staff had been "punished" over the gaffe.

    But Ji Feng, a former pro-democracy activist, said Mao was indeed a problematic figure.

    "Mao persecuted many people during the Cultural Revolution," Ji said. "Anyone who took their own lives by jumping off buildings [during that period] was persecuted by him."

    China’s rubber-stamp parliament, the National People’s Congress, passed a law in 2018 criminalizing anyone deemed to have smeared the “reputation and honor” of the ruling party’s canon of heroes and martyrs.

    Mao, who died in 1976, is still officially venerated by the highest-ranking Chinese leaders on important occasions, and the authorities have prosecuted people who are deemed to have "insulted" his memory.

    Party leaders have struggled to come to terms with Mao’s legacy in the nearly four decades after his death. The official line, first declared by successor Deng Xiaoping, is that Mao was “70 percent right and 30 percent wrong” in his policies. 

    At the same time, historians estimate that tens of millions of people died from starvation, persecution and executions during the Cultural Revolution and the preceding 1958-1962 “Great Leap Forward,” when Mao tried to dramatically convert China’s largely agrarian society into a manufacturing economy. 

    One brave critic called for Mao to be removed from Chinese currency and for his mausoleum to be removed from the center of Tiananmen Square – and authorities swiftly closed down his website. Xi still quotes Mao in policy speeches.

    Insecurity?

    Ye Yaoyuan, chair of international studies at the University of St. Thomas, Texas, described the law as part of “a series of step-by-step processes of rolling out strict controls on freedom of speech."

    U.S.-based Chen Kuide, executive director of the Princeton China Initiative, said the official insistence on patriotism also demonstrates Xi's sense of insecurity amid an economic slowdown, international tensions over the Russian invasion of Ukraine and his own territorial ambitions for Taiwan.

    "[Beijing] believes that it must be prepared to deal with the possibility of war, [for example if it decides] to attack Taiwan," Chen said, referring to the renewed focus on party propaganda.

    Current affairs commentator Wang Zheng said many people in China have lost their sense of right and wrong under a constant barrage of government propaganda, and now actively work to help the authorities "maintain stability."

    "Stability maintenance has reached the grassroots level," Wang said. "The whistleblower [parent] seemed to think he had made a great contribution by reporting and exposing what he found."

    Tourists are seen near a portrait of China's late Chairman Mao Zedong at Tiananmen Square, in Beijing, June 16, 2021. Credit: Tingshu Wang/Reuters
    Tourists are seen near a portrait of China's late Chairman Mao Zedong at Tiananmen Square, in Beijing, June 16, 2021. Credit: Tingshu Wang/Reuters

    China requires chatbots using artificial intelligence and developed by its tech giants to stick to the ruling Communist Party line, with any dissenting or unapproved content to be removed from materials used to train AI.

    The rules were imposed as Chinese tech firms rush to launch homegrown generative AI, amid reports that regulators have warned major tech companies not to offer the Microsoft-backed artificial intelligence bot ChatGPT to the public.

    They reflect official concerns around any technology that can produce content without the prior approval of government censors.

    Earlier this month, a top-level research institute in the democratic island of Taiwan withdrew an experimental AI chat program when it started spouting Chinese Communist Party propaganda, after being fed with learning materials sourced in China.

    Translated by Luisetta Mudie. Edited by Malcolm Foster.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Qiao Qinen and Gu Ting for RFA Mandarin.

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    Advocates, Technologists to U.S. Secretary of Education: Cell Phones Are a K-12 Crisis https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/25/advocates-technologists-to-u-s-secretary-of-education-cell-phones-are-a-k-12-crisis/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/25/advocates-technologists-to-u-s-secretary-of-education-cell-phones-are-a-k-12-crisis/#respond Wed, 25 Oct 2023 13:02:58 +0000 https://www.commondreams.org/newswire/advocates-technologists-to-u-s-secretary-of-education-cell-phones-are-a-k-12-crisis

    A strong, loud call-to-action landed on the desk of U.S. Secretary of Education Dr. Miguel Cardona this week urging issuance of a national Advisory regarding student cell phone use in U.S. K-12 schools.

    The letter, signed by over 60 parents and experts in the fields of psychology, early childhood development, education, and technology, comes on the heels of Britain’s plan to ban cell phones at school, and the release of the 2023 UN Global Education Monitoring Report 2023: Technology in Education, which makes a worldwide recommendation to remove smart phones from the classroom to improve learning and decrease cyberbullying.

    Signers include: author and social psychologist, Jonathan Haidt; Founding Director of the MIT Initiative on Technology and Self, Sherry Turkle; Child Psychiatrist and author, Dr. Victoria Dunkley; Wild Child author Dr. Richard Freed; Screenagers director and pediatrician, Delaney Ruston; iGen author and professor, Jean Twenge; and the prime unifying scientist of Microsoft, Jaron Lanier.

    “Phones are polluting our schools. They sabotage the teaching and learning processes,” said Lisa Cline of the Screen Time Action Network at Fairplay for Kids, who spear-headed the effort. “We know empirically that they are distracting — by design — so it’s not a fair fight. How can we expect kids to learn and teachers to teach when there are concerts, movies, parties, cyberbullies, shopping malls, and drug dealers in their pockets.”

    Over 20+ studies are cited in the letter, including research proving that the mere presence of a smartphone — even by a neighboring student — decreases test performance by an average of 6%. Co-founders of the Phone-Free Schools Movement find this especially disturbing. “Research is clear that phones disrupt students’ growth, both academically and socially. A phone-free school day is a must in order for our children to thrive in school and in life. As parents, educators, leaders, and members of the community we need to understand one thing: Our kids will not get back this important developmental stage of their lives! We must change the culture in our schools to allow kids the freedom to focus and engage so they become healthy, thriving, young adults.”

    Signers encourage Secretary Cardona to model Surgeon General Vivek Murthy who spoke out last spring in a report on Social Media and Youth Mental Health, calling for “the American people’s attention to an urgent public health issue.”

    Julie Scelfo, a former New York Times journalist and founder of MAMA (Mothers Against Media Addiction), was among the prominent signers. She’s outspoken on the institutional dismissal of tech’s impact on kids, calling out the American Psychological Association in the SFChronicle for failing to “caution the public against allowing adolescents to use social media.” She draws a similar parallel to the Department of Education’s blind eye to tech’s effects on kids.

    Cline quantifies the crisis. “A teacher at a Maryland school said he loses 45 minutes a week to policing cell phones,” she said. “That’s an entire class period a week, or the equivalent of skipping all of your classes for seven weeks each school a year.”

    Phase Two of the effort includes a petition campaign led by the Phone-Free Schools Movement.


    This content originally appeared on Common Dreams and was authored by Newswire Editor.

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    Advocates, Technologists to U.S. Secretary of Education: Cell Phones Are a K-12 Crisis https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/25/advocates-technologists-to-u-s-secretary-of-education-cell-phones-are-a-k-12-crisis/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/25/advocates-technologists-to-u-s-secretary-of-education-cell-phones-are-a-k-12-crisis/#respond Wed, 25 Oct 2023 13:02:58 +0000 https://www.commondreams.org/newswire/advocates-technologists-to-u-s-secretary-of-education-cell-phones-are-a-k-12-crisis A strong, loud call-to-action landed on the desk of U.S. Secretary of Education Dr. Miguel Cardona this week urging issuance of a national Advisory regarding student cell phone use in U.S. K-12 schools.

    The letter, signed by over 60 parents and experts in the fields of psychology, early childhood development, education, and technology, comes on the heels of Britain’s plan to ban cell phones at school, and the release of the 2023 UN Global Education Monitoring Report 2023: Technology in Education, which makes a worldwide recommendation to remove smart phones from the classroom to improve learning and decrease cyberbullying.

    Signers include: author and social psychologist, Jonathan Haidt; Founding Director of the MIT Initiative on Technology and Self, Sherry Turkle; Child Psychiatrist and author, Dr. Victoria Dunkley; Wild Child author Dr. Richard Freed; Screenagers director and pediatrician, Delaney Ruston; iGen author and professor, Jean Twenge; and the prime unifying scientist of Microsoft, Jaron Lanier.

    “Phones are polluting our schools. They sabotage the teaching and learning processes,” said Lisa Cline of the Screen Time Action Network at Fairplay for Kids, who spear-headed the effort. “We know empirically that they are distracting — by design — so it’s not a fair fight. How can we expect kids to learn and teachers to teach when there are concerts, movies, parties, cyberbullies, shopping malls, and drug dealers in their pockets.”

    Over 20+ studies are cited in the letter, including research proving that the mere presence of a smartphone — even by a neighboring student — decreases test performance by an average of 6%. Co-founders of the Phone-Free Schools Movement find this especially disturbing. “Research is clear that phones disrupt students’ growth, both academically and socially. A phone-free school day is a must in order for our children to thrive in school and in life. As parents, educators, leaders, and members of the community we need to understand one thing: Our kids will not get back this important developmental stage of their lives! We must change the culture in our schools to allow kids the freedom to focus and engage so they become healthy, thriving, young adults.”

    Signers encourage Secretary Cardona to model Surgeon General Vivek Murthy who spoke out last spring in a report on Social Media and Youth Mental Health, calling for “the American people’s attention to an urgent public health issue.”

    Julie Scelfo, a former New York Times journalist and founder of MAMA (Mothers Against Media Addiction), was among the prominent signers. She’s outspoken on the institutional dismissal of tech’s impact on kids, calling out the American Psychological Association in the SFChronicle for failing to “caution the public against allowing adolescents to use social media.” She draws a similar parallel to the Department of Education’s blind eye to tech’s effects on kids.

    Cline quantifies the crisis. “A teacher at a Maryland school said he loses 45 minutes a week to policing cell phones,” she said. “That’s an entire class period a week, or the equivalent of skipping all of your classes for seven weeks each school a year.”

    Phase Two of the effort includes a petition campaign led by the Phone-Free Schools Movement.


    This content originally appeared on Common Dreams and was authored by Newswire Editor.

    ]]>
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    Author and teacher Ladee Hubbard on finding your own perspective https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/23/author-and-teacher-ladee-hubbard-on-finding-your-own-perspective/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/23/author-and-teacher-ladee-hubbard-on-finding-your-own-perspective/#respond Mon, 23 Oct 2023 07:00:00 +0000 https://thecreativeindependent.com/people/author-and-teacher-ladee-hubbard-on-finding-your-own-perspective I recently took a workshop with you, and one element you’d return to during our discussion was the clarity of the writing we were discussing. What are some mistakes you notice writers making that prevents their work from coming across as clear to readers?

    I think I was talking about being very careful about using the right word. Taking time with language. Some things are intentionally unclear, though. I think about that myself, and I talk about that in terms of being as precise as possible. Sometimes in class, I’ll ask questions about what is actually going on here under the surface, as in, “What are you getting from this?” It all comes back to clarity. Thematic clarity.

    One way to get clearer is to step outside and try to see the work with new eyes. One idea is looking at the writing from the perspective of a different character within it. Just a way to compel looking at what’s going on from a different angle and to remember that there are different angles.

    With your own work, when you feel like you’re really, really close to it, how do you get some distance?

    Sometimes things are very simultaneous for me. The idea of figuring out the structure is very much connected to figuring out what the story is about. It takes me a really long time sometimes just to figure out what the structure is. I’ll think I know what I’m writing about, but then when it comes to how I actually express it or represent it on a page, I realize that clarifying to myself what it is I want to say is really intrinsically tied to how I mean to say it, or how am I going to actually put all this together in a way that makes sense and also feels right to me.

    I tend to overwrite, and I tend to just do that out of habit. I’ll look at things from as many different angles as possible. For me, it is very connected to, I guess, sort of a search for clarity. What is the proper shape? I feel like a lot of times when I’m writing, it’s like I’m trying to figure out what I think about something. It will be something that I’m kind of obsessed with or an image or a person or some dialogue or something that’s going on in the world, and trying to write it is really part of the process of trying to understand what it means to me.

    What does your day-to-day writing life look like?

    I usually wake up really early and try to write for at least an hour or two every day. I try to get up at five every day. I’m in a much better mood for the rest of the day if I do that. It’s good for everybody involved if I just try to carve out some time in the beginning of the day to write before I have to drive my son to school and stuff like that. That’s what I try to do.

    Before I started recording our conversation, you told me you did a month-long residency this summer. What did your writing schedule look like during the residency when you didn’t have anything else going on?

    It was really nice to be able to do that and to not have to necessarily get up at five. No, it was great. It was really great. It depends on your situation at home, but certainly for me, because I have three kids, it was just a revelation like, “Oh my gosh, this is the most amazing thing ever.” You can actually make your own schedule and stuff like that. Residencies have been really important for me to get a lot of work done.

    A lot of writers, myself included, can get intimidated when met with that much sprawling time to work on something at a residency. My reaction to that is putting pressure on myself and setting overly ambitious goals, like, “I’m going to draft a whole novel in three weeks!” But then I realize, no, that’s impossible. How do you set realistic expectations for yourself during a residency?

    Oh, I don’t know. I remember when I was younger, people would say, “Oh, I procrastinate so much,” and dah, dah, dah. When I’m in residency, I’m very aware that this is borrowed time. It is really precious. Again, I think so much of writing for me often is trying to figure out what it is I’m trying to say. Maybe it is because I overwrite, and at this point I am aware of how I work, trying to look through different scenes and find what will work for me. That actually takes most of the time, probably, in terms of writing novels. I just try to do that and ask myself different questions or put characters in different scenarios.

    I definitely set deadlines for myself and goals for myself, but I think what I’m trying to say is that I’m also very aware that I have to figure it out before I can do all of that. I feel very happy and satisfied if I can just get it clear in my mind. It’s not that I don’t wish I could write faster sometimes, but it doesn’t really help to write fast, and then I can’t feel it. It’s not really what I wanted to say, or it just doesn’t feel right, or the language doesn’t sound right. I personally have nothing to do with what anyone else thinks about it.

    Writing every single day no matter what—for you, it sounds like it’s all about discovery and being immersed.

    It really, really is. I know everybody has a different process and a different relationship to writing, but that kind of is what mine is. That doesn’t work for some people, but it depends on your relationship to what you’re doing, and everyone has a different process. You try to figure out what works for you and what is really satisfying for you. That’s a question that’s really personal, and you have to figure it out for yourself.

    I want to ask about setting and place in writing. The settings in your work are so evocative. You spent time in a lot of different places growing up—has that had an effect on the way you incorporate a sense of place in your writing?

    I was born in Cambridge, Massachusetts. Then, when I was two, we moved to Oakland, CA. Then when I was around seven, she moved to the Virgin Islands. Then I came back and I actually went to high school in Poughkeepsie, NY. My mother moved around a lot, and I think in part that’s probably why I write about Florida so much—every summer, I would stay with my grandparents in St. Petersburg, FL. Even though that was not where I lived with my mother, Florida had some continuity for me.

    Moving so much and being in so many really different social contexts made me aware of how the way people respond to you can be so radically different depending on where you are. It made me aware of how identity changes, depending on where you are, and how people respond to you. How people interact with you can be very, very different depending on where you are and what they think of you. That’s part of, I think, my own sensitivity to setting: how it affects the interpretation of identity.

    That’s part of the reason why my kids and I have lived in different countries. I really wanted them to understand that there’s not really sort of a fixed definition of how they would be perceived in the world or who they were. There are so many different definitions that exist now. I never wanted to feel very fixed in terms of, “Because I am this race, this gender, this, that, this is how I’m perceived, this is who I am, and that is a specific set of circumstances that I have to contend with.” I think that it made me very aware of that.

    Being a teenager in Florida versus being a teenager at a really tiny Quaker school in Poughkeepsie versus being an African-American on an island where everyone looks like me but isn’t culturally alike but we’re not culturally—it wasn’t even like, “Oh, I feel alienated.” I think it very much impacted my awareness of the relationship between character and setting.

    It’s interesting hearing you talk about this, and I find myself thinking about it through the lens of your most recent book, which is a collection of linked stories set in the same place, exploring one community over the course of several decades. I want to ask a question about that book: what made you decide to write it as short stories rather than a novel?

    See, that’s really interesting. I started thinking about it when I was much younger. My mother was so excited when Obama was elected, and I could not quite muster the euphoria that she had. Writing that book was almost like an investigation of my own cynicism about what was going on in the country at that time. It sort of stayed with me.

    Also, I was really interested in the ways that, in the eighties and nineties, people talked about race and class. Just thinking about how language has changed. I always say that book was, for me, about communal grief, but I think it also had to do with a loss of language. The emptying out of a lot of words and terms that I feel like, maybe 20 years prior, had been a really potent means of expressing yourself. I just felt like the language had been so eroded. I wanted to talk about that as a communal issue. Maybe you can see that as part of my process itself, because it’s told from so many different perspectives.

    All of the stories in that book are really, really different in terms of structure, and that was part of what was the hardest thing to write: to be as true as possible to each specific perspective in terms of how those stories were shaped.

    Does revision usually look similar from book to book for you, or is it drastically different for every project?

    It’s different for every project, but most of what I’m doing is revision, if I’m honest. There are initial ideas, and then it’s like, maybe in the morning, I’m just writing to myself and trying to work through characters, but most of it really is revising and trying to figure out what the point is, and then find the clearest and cleanest way to get to it, the most immediate way to get to it. A lot of times I’ll have an idea and a basic sense of a shape, but then it’s like, how do you actually figure out what you’re saying and actually put it on a page that makes sense to you? That, as you know, can take years.

    Most of it is really revising. We said that everybody has a different approach, but I must find, on a certain level, something deeply satisfying about that process. I do it every day.

    When you draft, are you usually going back and changing a lot before you move forward? Or do you try to push through to the end of a draft and then look at it and start again?

    I’ll get very hung up on the language, so if the language doesn’t feel right, it’ll be very hard for me to push forward. Sometimes I try to force myself to just get through the whole thing and not do that. Then it’s really just a summary. Sometimes, when you look back, that’s really helpful. A lot of times I’ll put things down, and then when I look at them, I don’t know, months later, I’ll be like, “Oh my god, I’m so glad that at least I wrote it all out.”

    Is that the most amount of outlining you’ll do, or do you do traditional outlines?

    I usually don’t do outlines aside from that. It just feels like a really rough summary. “Then they went there and they did this, and this happened, and somehow they wound up over here.” Again, it’s like a revising thing when I understand everything, but I just want to check in terms of themes or if there is repetition of images or something like that. It’s just to keep track of everything, but usually that’s very close to the end that I can.

    I’m trying to be honest about my own process here. Again, everybody works so differently. I understand that, and I respect that, but this is what works for me, and I think that’s a big part of it. Just taking yourself seriously as a writer wherever you are in your career can be hard enough, and part of that is respecting what works for you and knowing you don’t have to do anything the way anyone else does it. Just whatever works for you: that’s right and good.

    It’s a lot of work to take writing seriously for a very long time. You’re not getting paid for it, but it is work. It’s literal work that you’re doing. I think it’s important to cultivate. It’s also important for your own writing and just allow yourself to be the writer that you are. You don’t have to be anyone else. You don’t have to write about things that other people write about. Just figure out what you are doing and respect it, because it’s important. I think it makes you a better writer, actually.

    Ladee Hubbard Recommends:

    Pilot G2 Fine

    Sharpie S-Gel

    Uni-ball Jetstream

    Pentel EnerGel

    Bic Round Stic


    This content originally appeared on The Creative Independent and was authored by Hurley Winkler.

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    Behind France’s Ban on Abaya https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/20/behind-frances-ban-on-abaya/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/20/behind-frances-ban-on-abaya/#respond Fri, 20 Oct 2023 15:00:07 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=145032 France’s new Education Minister, Gabriel Attal, launched the 2023 school year with a thunderous announcement: “I decided it will no longer be possible to wear an abaya at school,” he said, in the name of a preposterous conception of secularism (or laïcité) adopted by President Emmanuel Macron.

    This “abaya ban” is a serious violation of the fundamental rights of presumed Muslim (i.e., racialized) pupils, who are unfairly stigmatized and discriminated against.

    Though he is the youngest Minister of the Fifth Republic, 34-year-old Attal used the oldest and dirtiest trick in the book, namely the politics of scapegoating an oppressed, defenseless minority. Just like his predecessors, who were fond of such nauseating polemics that obscure the real and glaring problems of the French educational system.

    Aminata, Assma, Yasmine, Alicia, Hassina, sent home for “non-compliant outfits”

    What is an abaya?

    The term “abaya” refers to a variety of dresses of varying lengths, which are in no way religion-specific garments, but simple fashion items with a cultural connotation at most. Major brands such as Zara, H & M and Dolce & Gabbana have been making their own for a long time.

    As proof of this, when Sonia Backès, the French Secretary of State in charge of Citizenship, was shown several types of dresses on TV and asked to identify if they were abayas and whether they should be accepted or forbidden in schools, she hesitated, stammered and side-stepped the question, replying that “it depends on the context.”

    Thus, in a quasi-official manner, the criteria for acceptance or rejection depend not on the garment itself, but on the pupil wearing it and their supposed religion, something that has only been based on their skin color and/or name. At the height of hypocrisy, Attal justified this blatant discrimination by saying that “you shouldn’t be able to distinguish, to identify the religion of pupils by looking at them.”

    A traumatic start to the school year

    Yet this is exactly what has been happening since the start of the school year, with hundreds, if not thousands, of middle- and high- school girls being scrutinized, hounded, stigmatized and humiliated, even blackmailed, and ordered to partially undress or be sent home for wearing outfits as neutral as a tunic, skirt or kimono, deemed too loose or too covering, as if the suspected modesty was a crime of lese-laicity. This obsession with controlling women’s bodies is reminiscent of the colonial period.

     “Aren’t you pretty? Unveil yourself!” Propaganda poster distributed in 1957 by the Fifth Bureau of Psychological Action of the French Colonial Army in Algeria, urging Muslim women to take off their Islamic scarf.

    Ironically, such a step places France alongside retrograde countries such as Saudi Arabia and Afghanistan that have instituted a “morality police” enforcing a strict dress code, with the notable distinction that French bans do not apply to everyone, but only to pupils presumed to be Muslim.

    One can only be outraged by the criminalization of teenage girls through traumatizing interrogations and expulsions, which take place outside any legal framework and could only be justified by a proper disciplinary procedure. Attal’s office counted the cases of pupils wearing abayas to the nearest unit (unlike the number of missing teachers, a plague touching half the secondary schools, as a Teacher’s Union found out).

    Attal even sent journalists a list of the middle schools and high schools concerned, inviting them to cover the start of the new school year there. This showed no regard for the serenity and safety of staff and pupils, sacrificed to the media hype surrounding this new witch-hunt.

    This amounts to real institutional harassment, sponsored by the same person who claims to find it “unbearable that a pupil should go to school with a lump in his stomach because he is harassed” and to make this issue a priority (notably through “empathy courses,” a quality this government clearly lacks). It is another eloquent example of Macron’s famous “at the same time” (advocating one thing and doing the opposite).

    Laicity or “laicism”?

    The abaya ban has nothing to do with secularism, which is even flouted by this political attempt to unilaterally extend the domain of what is religious. Rather, it is the very thing that the candidate Emmanuel Macron himself denounced in 2016-2017 as “laicism,” this “radical and extreme version of secularism that feeds on contemporary fears”, and which targets Islam exclusively, turning millions of our fellow Muslims into “enemies of the Republic”.

    By considering the wearing of simple clothing as a deliberate attack on secularism, a concerted offensive “in an attempt to challenge the republican system,” or even a reminder of the 2015 terrorist attacks and the murder of the teacher Samuel Paty, who was beheaded for showing his pupils derogatory “Charlie Hebdo” cartoons depicting the Prophet of Islam, Macron and his ministers unmask themselves, adopting a discourse that was reserved for the most hateful right-wingers.

    By putting tens of thousands of teenagers under suspicion – behind their qamis and abayas –  of being “enemies from within,” united to bring down republican values and even of being potential terrorists and by urging us to be “relentless” against these migrants, they are descending into a kind of State conspiracy-mongering that is as absurd as it is abject.

    This insidious logic of stigmatization and exclusion was already at work in the 2004 law banning conspicuous religious symbols in schools, opposed by teacher unions such as the CGT Éduc’action as it only really targeted the Islamic veil, described as “proselytizing” and “ostentatious” in a grotesque abuse of language that heralded current and future excesses.

    Far from turning schools into a protected “sanctuary,” these politically driven measures are spreading racism, sexism and hatred and turning them into a veritable battleground. This alleged desire for emancipation through coercion to impose an arbitrarily defined “republican dress code” on suspicious middle- and high-school girls flouts the concept of equal treatment of pupils and the inalienable right of some of them to choose their clothing style, driving them to angst and failure at school. Will we have to wait for a tragedy to put an end to this “shame”?

    Worse still, these vexatious measures may give rise to a whole generation of teenagers — an age that is particularly sensitive to injustice — who have a legitimate distrust and resentment of the institution and its staff, who are transformed into the zealous auxiliaries of a kind of “dress police,” coupled with a “police of intentions” summoned to track down alleged Islamist overtones (which would be both conspicuous and concealed — a very French oxymoron) behind inoffensive fabrics.

    The “communitarianism” and “separatism” that are supposedly fought against can only emerge stronger, just like the far-right, which is closer to power than ever thanks to the institutional backing given to its prejudices, rhetoric and fallacious battles, adopted by a dubious “republican arc,” which reaches as far as the French Communist Party.

    The real priorities

    This umpteenth polemic, validated by docile and irresponsible media echo chambers, and by part of the left, conveniently eclipses from the headlines all the glaring problems from which public education, its staff and users are suffering: shortage of teachers and assistants for pupils with special needs; job cuts and class closures; incessant budget cuts; lack of attractiveness of our underpaid professions; difficult working conditions; overcrowded and overheated classrooms due to under-resourcing of establishments and inadequacy of equipment and premises; international downgrading in terms of achievements; inflation; impoverishment of the population, with nearly 2,000 children on the street and tens of thousands out of schools; and so on.

    Instead of tackling these fundamental problems, the government prefers to continue its authoritarian headlong rush and its policy of deliberately destroying public services for the benefit of the private sector. Moreover, this same government will have no trouble presenting the General National Service [a monthly session in military facilities for high school pupils] and the uniform — symbols of its reactionary vision of schooling currently being tested — as a panacea for problems fully of its own creation, with measures which tend only to bring young people into line and divide society even further.

    Every individual has the fundamental right to choose their clothing without being subjected to discriminatory restrictions. The abaya ban is an unacceptable intrusion into pupils’ privacy and constitutes an attack on their freedom and personal identity, trampling underfoot the ideas of inclusion, living-together and acceptance of differences that are officially advocated.

    The lack of response from teachers’ unions and the civil society to this iniquitous law, which scorns the vocation of educational staff and tarnishes the image of France abroad, speaks volumes about the normalization of Islamophobia in the so-called “Cradle of Human Rights” and the oppression and helplessness of its millions-strong Muslim community.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Salah Lamrani.

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    Cartoonist Daryl Seitchik on sustaining your practice https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/20/cartoonist-daryl-seitchik-on-sustaining-your-practice/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/20/cartoonist-daryl-seitchik-on-sustaining-your-practice/#respond Fri, 20 Oct 2023 07:00:00 +0000 https://thecreativeindependent.com/people/cartoonist-daryl-seitchik-on-sustaining-your-practice When did your interest in art begin?

    When I was little, people always gave me blank books as gifts. I’d fill them up with illustrated stories as soon as I learned how to write. Sometimes I’d have people write sentences for me if I didn’t know how to spell things.

    I’d also write down stories in elementary school and then tape the tops of pages to the bottoms of other pages and make this long scroll. When we’d have to read them in front of the class, everyone else would have one or two pages to read, and then I’d come in with my scroll and everyone would groan and it would be like 11 pages and I’d read the whole thing. I was encouraged by my family, so I didn’t think there was anything wrong with torturing people with my scroll stories.

    It sounds like you were always combining words with visuals. Was there a particular moment when you decided to pursue comics?

    I read comics as a kid, like Archie, but didn’t put it together that I could make comics until college. I was an English major, so I thought I’d be a writer, even though I was always doing art. Eventually, academics felt too dry, and I missed visual art, so I took a figure drawing class at RISD the summer before my junior year, and the professor encouraged me to switch majors to art. I found all these comics in the library, including ones by Julie Doucet and Gabrielle Bell. It was like a light switched on. Reading them made me realize I could do it, because they were telling stories about their own experiences, which I hadn’t seen before in comics—I’d read Blankets, and it was impressive, but I couldn’t relate to the story, and I didn’t read it and think, “I can do that.”

    So, I went back to college, switched majors, pitched a weekly strip to the university paper—even though I’d never drawn a comic before—and they accepted it. I also drew diary comics I never showed anyone. I met a friend through the newspaper, Stephanie Mannheim, who knew way more about the indie comics scene than I did. She knew about Desert Island and SPX. We started going to shows together. That’s been my life ever since. I also want to give a shout-out to Karen Green, the comics librarian at Columbia University—the comics collection there was essential to me.

    The summer before my senior year, I blindly emailed Gabrielle Bell to ask if I could be her intern, and she said yes. I’d go to her apartment and help color The Voyeurs, though I had no Photoshop skills. That gave me a window into what it was like to be an adult making comics in the real world.

    What did you learn about being an adult making comics?

    I don’t know what I expected going in, but I realized it wasn’t a sparkly, fancy career choice. She was just drawing out of her bedroom, but she had such a cool life. She was living in Greenpoint and had all these cool friends. Everything she did centered around her craft, and I wanted that, too, even if it wasn’t as materially rewarding as other choices. Seeing her do that was inspiring.

    What is your process of mining from your own experiences—your past, childhood, and subconscious?

    Lately I’ve been doing more comics about fresh material—straight from experience to ink—and that’s been fun. More often what I do requires a bit of fermentation.

    Almost everything starts in my diary. Especially for Missy, I had to wait years to have distance from the experience so that I could refine the raw material. Also, the distance of time helps the memory become big enough that my subconscious can get in there and do something weird. It’s helpful to not remember things exactly. However I’m feeling right now about it can come in. The way my subconscious experiences an event is often more interesting to me than what actually happened.

    Emotional truths about awe or grief or rage often emerge in these comics, and subconscious symbolism takes precedence over facts. In extreme cases, I have to resort to accidental poem-comics, like in Now and Other Dreams, instead of saying what is actually happening.

    Is there a way you can tell as you’re working on a comic that it’s becoming too literal?

    If it’s very literal, I get too bored or frustrated to finish. I’ll realize it’s because I’m not letting my subconscious work. I’m not letting myself have fun or tell the truth. If it’s starting to burn me out while I’m working on it, that means I’m hiding something from myself.

    My friend Cathy Mayer came up with this concept called TAIDMU, or Text and Images Don’t Match Up. If the text and the images are redundant—if there’s no tension between them—that leads to a lack of dimensionality. Sometimes narrative flatness helps create a desirable deadpan tone, but I like exploring that tension, and it helps me break out of being literal.

    How aware of that are you when making a comic?

    It comes naturally. When I’m working on Missy, I often choose diary entries that feel like they have visual potential, even though I don’t know what the visuals will be. Once I write the sentences, the images come to me.

    Once I start drawing the comic, I realize what the tension is between the drawing and the words. Obviously, when I was eight years old and writing about feeling lonely in the third grade, I didn’t include a drawing of Yoda; it’s just what felt right when I was working on the comic years later. It’s about letting the feelings spill out into the drawings. What can’t be said—what I don’t want to put in words—comes through. That’s where the tension comes from.

    I love beginning with words. Having a good first line is usually enough to start. I also find it grounding to use a first-person narrative, with a story taking place in one person’s body. Once I have basic sentences or ideas, I pick a grid. I love the six-panel grid, it’s like a pop song.

    I’ll map words onto my grid and split sentences up based on my desired pacing. Sometimes a sentence’s cadence determines how many panels happen between one sentence and another, and that rhythm determines how much space I give a particular scene. I think about where a panel will appear in the book, like on a spread or a page turn. I’ll do loose thumbnails sometimes, though all the stories in Now and Other Dreams went straight to finished pencils because it was pure subconscious.

    Your work feels cohesive, but you use various styles. How do you decide which style is most apt for the story you’re telling?

    The only thing that’s consistent is that I give every cartoon character the same face. Otherwise, every project I do is a reaction to what came before. I started working on Follow the Doll right after I finished Exits, and they’re completely opposite comics. I drew Exits in six months, and it’s minimal. The main character isn’t drawn for most of it because she’s invisible, and it’s in black and white. I had to ink a lot of it digitally to meet the deadline. You can see the pencils through some of the inks. That was an aesthetic choice.

    By contrast, Follow the Doll—which entails lightboxing pencils onto watercolor paper and then painting the full page—is extremely time-consuming. I’m five years into it and not even halfway done. I call it my vertical time project. Some projects have deadlines, but this one I’m doing for my future old hag self.

    Once you’ve committed you have to see it through. Besides college, do you have any other formal training that has enhanced your artistic process, helped connect you to a community, or otherwise aided you along your path?

    I’m lucky because my family has always been supportive of my art. I had art lessons throughout childhood.

    I went to The Center for Cartoon Studies (CCS) for my master’s back in 2018, and I still live near there with my partner [Dan Nott, who’s also a cartoonist] and am part of the community there. Before I went to CCS, my training in comics was just going to shows. That felt like its own type of school, where I met a lot of the cartoonists that I’m still friends with and consider peers.

    It felt weird to come to CCS after being in the comics scene for six or seven years. I felt both cocky and insecure about being a student again, but I wanted to learn how to teach comics. I got a year for free, so I figured I’d take this opportunity to see how people teach comics, because I didn’t want to work in coffee shops for the rest of my life. It’s nice to have this built-in comics community and not only shows or the internet.

    How has teaching been?

    Before the pandemic, I worked at an after school program. Then I got laid off, so I eventually began teaching comics online and it became one of the things I now do for a living, virtually and in-person.

    It’s pretty fun, though I made a comic about it called Class from Hell. I mostly teach kids at after school programs and visiting schools and libraries. I love spending time with them, maybe because I’m immature. I’m endlessly entertained by what they make. They’re not afraid of telling the truth. Sometimes I straight-up steal their ideas.

    Maybe that’s my whole career: stealing ideas from my child self and the children I work with.

    [laughs] Your work about childhood and your access to your child-self I’m sure is helpful for hanging out with kids. Do you feel like you maintain a good work-life balance?

    I’m not great at managing my time, so I’m always working on that, but I feel I have enough time to be creative. The ways I make money—illustration, teaching—are only tangentially related to comics, but inspire me indirectly.

    Working with the MFA students at CCS helps me monitor my own attitude toward comics and model a good attitude. I’m more responsible in my own relationship with comics because I know so many people who are excited about the medium. I’m also teaching an adult Intro to Drawing class at a community arts center. I haven’t had to think about drawing realistically since high school, but I’ve enjoyed getting back into that.

    It’s easy to get jaded about art-making, but it’s inspiring to be around beginners, whether they’re learning how to draw a face or risographing their first mini-comic. Working with people in that beginner’s mindset helps me get back to that state.

    What makes you feel jaded about comics?

    The emphasis on productivity in the comics scene gets to me. The emphasis on having books out, on awards.

    Even when I got those things, I didn’t feel good after. I used to think, “If I just get nominated for an Eisner, that’s it, I can rest on my laurels.” But when Exits actually got nominated, I got into this bad depression. The culture still insists you should want this external validation. Ten years in, it’s like, “If it makes me feel bad, what’s the point?” Then you sit down and draw and you’re like, “Oh, that’s the point.”

    It’s also partly imposter syndrome, which can contribute to a sense of jadedness. It helps to remember that none of that stuff matters spiritually. It matters for your resume and for your clout, but not your soul.

    That experience sounds hard, but maybe on the other side of that, there’s a good realization about why you’re doing this that helps you tune out all the noise.

    Recently I’ve gotten a better grip on it, but even just a couple months ago, I was having a lot of trouble. It’s especially hard being surrounded by cartoonists with books coming out all the time. It’s so easy to be like, “Well, why haven’t I had a book come out in however long?”

    It’s hard to resist the temptation to compare yourself to others and get down on yourself. Is there anything you’ve found helpful for pushing past that?

    I recommend getting into a different practice entirely—not quitting your main thing, but having another one, another passion that isn’t the thing you’ve started to make toxic for yourself.

    I started learning guitar at the beginning of the pandemic after I got laid off because I had all this time. I even started writing and recording songs. The excitement I felt at the beginning of making comics, when I was first writing, is now how I feel about making music, except I have no career ambitions about it, which is fantastic. I just want to finish songs and share them.

    Now, because I’ve felt so immersed in these other creative projects, I feel refreshed about my attitude toward comics, because I know my worth isn’t tied to what I make. I’m just me and I enjoy making things. That’s what you have to remember. Otherwise you’re like No-Face in Spirited Away, trying to get everyone to take your gold so they’ll love you.

    That’s upsettingly accurate. You mentioned trying to improve your time management. Are there any tricks you recommend so far?

    Honestly, it’s not my strong suit. I have a fancy planner where I write down my to-do lists every day. I also have certain daily rituals or habits that help me function.

    I always wake up and meditate for 20 minutes. Usually, it’s not a great meditation, but if I don’t do it, I’ll be an asshole. Then I have my coffee and write emails—all the uninspiring administrative work of freelancing. I teach mostly after school hours. I’m a night owl. I used to feel ashamed about not waking up early, because the whole capitalist world wakes up early, and so I felt out of rhythm with the world. Now I don’t care. It’s part of what keeps me feeling happy and healthy, and besides I’m more creative at night.

    After dinner, I spend the night making something. Recently, I’ve been marking studio time with tea lights. When I start work, I light one candle, which has a 4-hour burn time. I won’t leave my desk while a candle is burning. I try to go through a candle a night; creating a magical environment helps me stay motivated.

    Working in a standing position keeps me energized. Lastly, I hate being the person to advocate for this, but exercise is important to get energy out and be able to focus later.

    Do you have any advice for people trying to establish their practice?

    It’s important to prioritize your practice even if it’s not making you any money. It’s so easy to let the mundane aspects of life get in the way of what’s most important to you, or to put off something that seems to have no immediate material benefit, but if you want it to become a regular practice or career, you have to find the time of day that works for you to create and guard that space.

    At the same time, don’t make art the center of everything; live a balanced life. When I started, I only cared about making comics, because I was excited and ambitious. I was career-focused, always trying to get to the next project, and it left no space in my heart for being with people and living my life. It wasn’t until after I got through the milestone of my first book that I realized there’s more to life than making art. Books are just one slice of the pie. You have to figure out what your pie is and try to equally distribute the slices. For me, it’s my friends, my partner, my cats, gardening, family, music, teaching. All of these are important for being a whole person.

    There are ways to be creative in all aspects of your life. It’s useful for personal and artistic growth to see being a good artist and being a good person as interconnected. Your art practice is like a raised garden bed. It’s on the ground, but it’s a separate contained space where everything is more intense.

    Daryl Seitchik recommends:

    The movie Petite Maman

    The Summer Book by Tove Jansson

    The poem “I Watched a Snake” by Jorie Graham

    The podcast Rumble Strip


    This content originally appeared on The Creative Independent and was authored by Ariel Courage.

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    Massey University science staff, students fight for jobs and studies https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/18/massey-university-science-staff-students-fight-for-jobs-and-studies/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/18/massey-university-science-staff-students-fight-for-jobs-and-studies/#respond Wed, 18 Oct 2023 12:25:59 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=94752 By Jimmy Ellingham, RNZ Checkpoint reporter

    Science staff and students at Massey University in Aotearoa New Zealand are fighting to save their jobs, and their studies.

    The cash-strapped university is proposing to slash science courses from its Albany campus, which would hollow out a new high-tech building full of specialised labs.

    It is part of Massey’s scenic grounds on Auckland’s North Shore, which are shrouded with an air of uncertainty as proposed job cuts hang over this campus.

    More than 100 jobs are on the line at Massey, the Tertiary Education Union (TEU) says, including from the schools of natural sciences, and food and advanced technology — programmes that would cease to exist in Auckland.

    Only a year ago, a new Innovation Complex opened its doors in Albany, reportedly costing $120 million. The university would not confirm the price.

    It was to be called the Innovation and Science Complex, but the science part of the name was quietly dropped, although it remains on some signs in the building.

    Professor of behavioural ecology Dianne Brunton.
    Professor of behavioural ecology Dianne Brunton . . . Photo: RNZ / Marika Khabazi

    Professor Dianne Brunton — a specialist in conservation biology whose job is on the line — showed RNZ what the complex had to offer this week.

    Building for the future
    “This space — all of these labs, the whole building, really, is a building for the future, a building for the next 20 to 40 years,” she said. “And [for the] students and the staff and the growth we’ll see in the sciences here on the North Shore, where the population is just ballooning.

    “It’s not going to stop. It’s just going to keep going.”

    Staff and students have until Friday to have their say on Massey’s science proposals as the university deals with an expected shortfall of about $50 million for the year.

    “We were in little huts. They were temporary buildings and they were fitted out,” Professor Brunton said of the previous office and lab space.

    “They were like Lockwood houses, if you remember that far back. They’re little prefabs, but they worked.

    “In fact, some of the best covid work was done on that campus by researchers that were here with us then, and they’ve since gone.”

    Professor Brunton said Albany staff were determined to offer solutions to the university, and work with it so they could remain, including on how they pay to use their space.

    Floor space rented out
    Massey effectively charges rent for floor space to its colleges, and science takes up room.

    “There are some solutions to that and one of them is to have biotech companies in. We’ve had a number of biotech companies working in the molecular lab, basically leasing it out,” Professor Brunton said.

    “We’ve got lots of ideas about other things, but the instability that we’re seeing at the moment makes that a bit tricky.”

    The Innovation Complex is an award-winning building, and a leader in its field.

    “It’s not just a science building — make that clear. There’s lots of student space, work space, flexible teaching space, but really state-of-the-art, really efficient labs,” Professor Brunton said.

    Among its jewels are a chamber for detecting spider vibrations and a marine wet lab which allows for experiments using live animals thanks to a reticulated salt water system.

    In the previous buildings, buckets of salt water sourced from the sea had to suffice.

    Massey University's Innovation Complex
    Massey University’s Innovation Complex opened its doors in Albany in 2022 . . . It houses several disciplines and contains specialised spaces and equipment. Image: RNZ/Marika Khabazi

    Specialised spaces
    Professor Brunton said she did not know what would happen to specialised spaces or equipment if the Massey proposal went through.

    “Some of these pieces of equipment are not the kind a local company could come in and use.”

    Staff had to have hope the proposal would not go through, she said.

    She also raised concerns about the quality of the financial information made available on which staff and students could make submissions.

    Many students are in limbo due to the threat to cut courses from the Albany campus.

    Third-year food technology student Cynthia Fan, 21, said those affected were trying to prepare for exams, while worrying about where they would be next year and organising submissions.

    Under the proposal, food technology students were among those who might have to continue their studies at Palmerston North, unless Massey decided to stagger the cessation of the courses in Albany.

    “The thing that really sucks is I have no idea and we have no idea. The uni has said that they will not speak to students,” Fan said.

    Fan would like to see the university focused on helping its students.

    “I think in the first week [after the proposal was announced] everyone was hard panicking. I think a lot of people missed lectures because they didn’t have energy.”

    ‘Financial sustainability is urgent,’ university says
    In a statement, Professor Ray Geor, pro vice-chancellor for Massey’s College of Sciences, said the university’s financial statements were inspected and approved by Audit NZ.

    “During a financial year, it is expected there could be adjustments. Additionally, during the close-inspection focus of the proposal for change processes, we expect there will be refinements of information,” Professor Geor said.

    “Organisational finances are never static. However, we are confident that adjustments will be minor and not substantive to the financial drivers for the need for a proposal for change,” he said.

    “As we are funded by taxpayers, part of being a financially responsible organisation is exploring revenue streams, as many tertiary education providers are doing within New Zealand.

    “Staff can provide avenues for exploration and the College of Sciences will consider all feedback. However, the need to reduce costs and generate income to ensure financial sustainability is urgent for this year and for the near term — 2024-2027.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Author Ramona Ausubel on getting stuck and unstuck https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/17/author-ramona-ausubel-on-getting-stuck-and-unstuck/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/17/author-ramona-ausubel-on-getting-stuck-and-unstuck/#respond Tue, 17 Oct 2023 07:00:00 +0000 https://thecreativeindependent.com/people/author-ramona-ausubel-on-getting-stuck-and-unstuck What do you do when you get stuck in a project that you’ve been working on for a very long time? How do you get unstuck?

    I feel like that’s my actual profession: to get stuck and then get unstuck. That’s what I actually spend most of my time doing. It happens mostly in fiction for me. But maybe that’s what we all are doing all the time. That might be what life is, I feel like, is taking something as far as you can and then being like, “I actually don’t know what to do next.” And then, having to figure out, “Okay. So how is that an opportunity?”

    I remember early on, especially in my first draft of my first novel, where it just felt so scary to get stuck. I felt like, if I got stuck, I would discover that it was not going to be possible for me to do this project, because if I didn’t know how to fix this one thing or I didn’t know how to move forward from a particular scene or situation, then that might mean that I couldn’t be a writer. It felt like the stakes were just impossibly, horribly high.

    And as I’ve gotten further along, I’ve come to feel really differently about that. I still have the moments of, “This might fail.” But now, first of all, it’s like, “This situation might fail, this scene, this character, this idea that I have for a story. That might not work the way I thought it would.” But it’s no longer attached to, “Will I be able to keep writing?”

    There are so many ways to re-energize something and to come in with a completely fresh perspective, then layers and layers and layers of that fresh perspective is what makes something feel big and whole and nuanced and complicated and finished. That’s the only way it gets to finish. I think it would be not just impossible for me to start at point A and go in a straight line to point Z, but it would also mean that I’d only drawn one line. And that one line does not make a story. That’s just a line. So we have to have that. Getting stuck is part of the process. It’s necessary and it’s good.

    Do you feel like you’ve re-trained your brain through the years so that, when you do get stuck, instead of panicking, instead of feeling like the stakes are so high, you can pretty immediately see it as an opportunity? Or do you still feel a little bit of panic and then find the opportunity angle?

    There’s definitely still some panic. And it’s harder the farther in I get. I feel very little panic in the short story writing process in general, because it’s small enough that I can hold it in my head at the same time, and if it should happen that that story never goes anywhere, that is okay. I have a few pages of lots of stories that I’ve never finished, and that does not cause my heart to shatter. It’s fine. It cost me a few hours. It’s all right. We could move on. Maybe I’ll even dig back through that folder and resuscitate that story someday. All good.

    The panic is more in the novel writing process, especially as I get really far in. In my last novel, I had a moment where I realized that one of the characters needed to not be alive—one of the main characters—because he was doing nothing for the book. He was just a shadow of his wife, basically. And he sort of repeated her things, but he didn’t add anything. And I realized that if he was dead, he would suddenly become a very important force. He then becomes an absence that everybody is circulating.

    And that was a really scary decision to make, and it felt like the kind of decision that really makes you wish that an official source would pop over your shoulder and be like, “Yes, ma’am. You should do that. That’s a good idea. It will work,” because it’s going to be a bunch of work to go through every page of the manuscript and not just remove him, but make his absence a presence and then recirculate the whole story around that absence. It was a humongous undertaking. And what if it doesn’t work? Then I’m back to starting over again. So that’s where the panic of, “Should I try it? What if it fails?” That definitely enters the frame.

    But usually, my sort of medicine for that is, “Yeah. This totally might fail.” And there’s no non-effort way to move forward. There’s nothing in writing that’s ever just like sliding gently down the hill into a lagoon of warm water. That is just not what it is. Maybe every once in a while that happens for a second, but mostly you’re trudging and climbing and effort is being expended no matter what you do. So, “All right. This month’s effort is what if we kill off a character and see how that feels?” And I might spend a whole month on it, and it might go nowhere, but then I will have learned something. No matter what happens, I will have learned something, and if it doesn’t work, I’ll come back with a new perspective.

    In that case, it totally worked, and it was like now it is unimaginable that the book could ever have existed with him alive. It’s so core to what the novel is, and that happened in the, I don’t know, maybe the eighth draft. I was so far along.

    Wow.

    But I just didn’t know until I knew. And then, I had to trust it and try it and commit, even though I wasn’t ever going to be sure whether it would work.

    How long does it take you to develop a sense of trust for a crazy, huge change like that?

    It really depends. Sometimes it’s very obvious, very quickly. The same thing happened when I was working on my first novel, which was at first written in first-person plural, so a “we” voice for the entire book. And being a first-time novelist, I had no idea what I was doing. And that is a hard-ass point of view to take on, but it also felt very important because it was the teeth of the whole book for me. It was this collective village, and they were speaking together. So I knew I needed it, but it was just making it really hard to enter the book. So I had the same, “I think I need to try it where I have moments of that voice, but also we’re settled with one character.”

    My husband and I were traveling at the time, and I had us pull over on the side of the road on our trip. We were in Egypt, and I was like, “We’re just going to stay in this tiny little shack that we’ve rented on the coast, and you’re going to go snorkeling, and I’m going to sit here at this miniature desk and look out at the ocean and I’m going to try this. I’m going to just change the point of view. I’ll just give myself a week. I’m going to try it.” And I could feel, within three pages, the way the book was opening up. I was just like, “Oh, for sure, this is definitely the right thing to do.”

    I always try to give myself enough time to go far enough with it that I feel like I really can see what I’ve done. I won’t let myself panic and back out of an attempt after a day or two days or a few pages. You’ve got to really mean it and try, because otherwise, it would be too easy to almost try a thousand things and never long enough to see whether they’re working. And that’s just more work. You’ve actually just added so many jobs. It’s much harder to try a thousand things for a second than one thing for two weeks.

    Do you often bring in outside readers into your work when you’re a few drafts in? What does that process look like for you?

    I like to work for quite a long time on my own. I’m the kind of messy discoverer. I don’t enter with an outline. I really don’t know how it’s going to work. And I really need a lot of safe, private space to do that discovery and to make big messes and to add a character, drop a character, change a point of view, move the setting, jump to a setting that seems to make no logical sense but which feels interesting to me, where a reader from the outside would read all those things and just have so many logical questions. They’d be like, “Wait. Huh?” And I don’t need those. Those questions are not helpful to me because I know that I don’t know those things yet.

    Right.

    So I like to have a big swath of space and usually a few drafts all on my own, where I’m just in that playful, safe discovery mode. And then, once I feel like I’ve kind of got the world—that it exists, it’s alive, and nothing anybody else could say would make it not be alive—that’s key. My greatest fear is that I would show somebody something and they’d be like, “I don’t think it’s a thing,” and all the air would leave and I would not know how to revive it. So I want to wait. I want to be past that, where I feel connected enough to it and it feels alive enough for me that, no matter what anybody says, it will not just perish and wilt into the sand.

    I have a group of readers in L.A. who are friends from grad school, and we meet kind of whenever anybody has something. So we don’t meet regularly, but when one of us has a manuscript—short, long, whatever it is—we just sort of send up the bat signal and we all get together. So they’re usually my first readers. And I love them because they really care about me and they really believe in me, but they also hold me to a really high standard and they’re really excellent writers. So I want to give them something that will be at that level. I feel like they give me permission to reach higher than I might if I was handing it to some lady down the street.

    And then, my husband usually reads the novel, or if it’s a short story, I like to read it aloud to him. He never writes me any long comments. I don’t ask. He’ll fix things, like proofread, as he’s reading, and that’s helpful. But he’s more of the person that I can puzzle things out with. So I think it’s really great to have a reader where you can be like, “Okay. What if the guy’s job was, he’s a pilot. What would that do?” After that, it usually goes to one other writer friend and then my agent. So it’s kind of a small little circulation, but I know that system by now. And I love that I feel like I have confidence in between this sequence.

    What recommendations do you have for writers who are looking for readers for their work and maybe don’t have that infrastructure of an MFA cohort?

    I live in Colorado, and we have a really wonderful workshop called Lighthouse Writers Workshop in Denver, and they have short and long classes as well as full-year manuscript classes. But there’s a lot of stuff that happens online now. I really like writingworkshops.com, and they have lots of classes online with really great writers who are serious and mean it and are there to actually help. So just like if you find a reader in any of those kinds of places where you’re like, “I feel like you get what I’m trying to do,” make friends with that person and do not ever let them go. And know that that person probably needs you just as much as you need them.

    I went to grad school, and then we all left and didn’t trade work for a long time. And I was working on my second novel and feeling so lost and distressed and lonely in it. And my husband was like, “You know you have writer friends. Why don’t you call them and see if they would like to talk about writing with you? Because I really don’t know what I’m doing. I’m happy to help, but I’m not the person that I think you need right now.” And it felt scary to reach out to them, but I sent an email and within five minutes all of them had responded like, “Oh my god. Thank you. I’m so glad you wrote. I’m dying here. This would be the best thing ever.” And we were all living in Southern California for a few years, so we would meet every month. And whole books have been written because of that group. We all needed each other. So trust that it feels scary to reach out to somebody—a reader that you like and somebody that you feel like you could be useful to each other—but they want that, too. It’s so important for everybody.

    Are you the kind of writer who sets deadlines for herself?

    I do. I really need to have some structure for things, partly because, of course, the deadline makes me actually do it. But it gives me sort of a container for the project, especially if I’m working on a first draft. I like to write first drafts kind of quickly so that I can get past all of the parts of my brain that will try to stop me and be like, “But we don’t know what we’re doing. We don’t know what this scene is, so how could we possibly write the next scene?” And I’ll be like, “Shh. You have no place here, reason brain. Please sit down over there. I made you a cup of coffee. You need to stay still, because I have five pages to write today, so we don’t have time for those kinds of questions.”

    I like to write a first draft kind of quickly, but what that also means is that other parts of my life take a backseat during that drafting process. So if I’m writing a draft of a novel in eight weeks, which I’ve done a couple of times, then it means that I will be slower on emails that are not necessary. I will not be making tricky dinners. I will be doing the minimum. I won’t be hanging out with friends as often. But it is important for me to know that, at the end of that eight weeks, all of those things come back and take their place at the center of my life again. So I feel better about saying, “I can’t blurb right now,” or, “Let’s meet in October, because I’m in a writing moment right now and need to protect this time.” The deadline partly works as a way for me to structure that and then feel less guilt and less discomfort with all of those things that are sort of stacking up on the side. And it just gives me bravery. I don’t have to know what I’m doing, but I do have to do it because I made that agreement with myself.

    Do you find that it’s helpful to manage other people’s expectations in your life when you’re going through a writing moment like that? Letting them know, “Hey, I need some space right now,” that sort of thing? I know you have a family, and I know you teach as well, so you have a lot of people in your life that could probably be affected by something like that.

    Yeah. Exactly. Completely. I have a colleague, Camille Dungy, who’s an amazing poet and a nonfiction writer. I really admire her in every way, and she’s very clear in her communication. During the summer, her email responder was, “I will check emails once a day starting on August 1st until school starts. That is what you can expect, for me to check my email once a day. So if you respond again, you will not hear from me until the following day.” That’s so wonderfully clear. And it’s a sign of respect for other people’s time. It’s not just like, “Sorry, everybody. I’ve got the most important thing going. All of you can suck it.” But, “No. I respect your time, and this is what you need to do to respect my time, too.” So just being really honest and clear about that, I feel like, is helpful for everybody.

    How do you conduct research for the fiction you write without being totally pulled under by it? Research can be such a form of distraction for me, and I don’t really know how to juggle it with the writing process.

    I feel like we all have to solve it our own way. I know people who do months or sometimes even years of research first and do no writing in that time and are just in research mode, collecting information, gathering sources, putting it all in organized files and folders in Word or in apps or whatever. And I think that’s so cool, and I do not know how to do that. I don’t have the kind of memory where enough of that would stay with me to be useful to me over that timescape. So I like to do research and apply it more quickly and be in a smaller loop.

    I keep a list of things that I need to look up. Sometimes it’s small things like, “Oh, what was the song that came out in 1994 that they might’ve been listening to in this moment?” or, “What kind of knives would a chef who’s in this sort of restaurant carry home with him?” Those are little facts that I’d like to have in the book, but I do not want to stop in the middle of a writing day to look them up, because then I will also look at those weird sandals that that other mom at dropoff was wearing. I try to keep it really straight, like, “I’m just writing right now.” I switch off the wifi on my computer. So all week long, Monday through Thursday, I’m keeping my list of all the things that I need to look up. And then, Friday is just research day. I am not writing. I’m not trying to produce words. I’m just doing all of that stuff, and I’m going back and I’m popping them in. And it feels very satisfying because I’ve got my nice long list. And then it’s like, “Ooh, research is fun.” It feels like a break from writing, but I’m doing all the useful stuff at the same time. And then, Monday, I’m back to writing.

    Research is being folded in, and I dip back into the land of facts. The world is tremendously strange and beautiful, and if you use research well, it will provide more energy and things from the outside that swoosh in and change the kind of color of a project in a really beautiful way.

    Ramona Ausubel Recommends:

    Italian pistachio spread. It is the smoothest thing that you could ever put on your tongue. It’s incredibly pistachio-y, and it’s sweet, but not too sweet, and if you just put it on a piece of bread, your whole life is better.

    Walking a kind of uncomfortably long distance. That’s another unstuck strategy: just getting out of my house and moving my body across land. Actually, most days, I just take walks around my neighborhood and go in loops. But I think one of my absolute favorite things is walking to transport myself somewhere. I was in Europe a lot during the summer, and my favorite days were the ones where I walked, like, 17 miles in a day, all through Paris, just everywhere. I never boarded a vehicle. I just was on my feet. I stopped to eat when I was hungry. I saw people doing things. I listened to conversations. I sat in the park. If I’m recommending something to myself, that’s what I would recommend doing.

    Lanolips Lip Balm. I live in Colorado, and it’s very dry. This lip balm is made of sheep lanolin. I have a stockpile of tubes of it, because the idea of losing it and not having it is very scary to me.

    Knitting. I’ve been knitting my whole life. It’s kind of the only thing I learned in elementary school. I think I went to kind of a hippie school, and we really didn’t gain any information about anything, but I learned how to knit. And it’s a very important part of my life. I knit when I’m listening. Any conference, faculty meeting, sitting and just listening at a reading—I listen so much better when my hands are busy. And I also make things for people I love. All the time, I’m making something for somebody I care about, and that is so cool. I just love that. I like to listen to an audiobook and knit a lot or listen to a reading and knit, and then it feels like all of that language and those stories are getting folded into the project in some way. So then, not only am I giving somebody something cozy that they can wear, but folded into that are all the stories that I have heard and gathered in that time. And it just feels like such a cool way of embodying my job in a way that I don’t get to otherwise.

    Green tea spritzers. It’s just green tea with fizzy water and lots of lime juice and maybe a little bit of something sweet and some mint. My brain doesn’t like coffee. It’s too much for me. I get all zig-zaggy and I feel bad. I love the taste of coffee, so I’m constantly in a search for something that makes me feel like I live in the world and I’m cool like all the coffee drinkers, and this is the summer version that has really been satisfying.


    This content originally appeared on The Creative Independent and was authored by Hurley Winkler.

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    Visual artist María Magdalena Campos-Pons on letting the world be your studio https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/16/visual-artist-maria-magdalena-campos-pons-on-letting-the-world-be-your-studio/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/16/visual-artist-maria-magdalena-campos-pons-on-letting-the-world-be-your-studio/#respond Mon, 16 Oct 2023 07:00:00 +0000 https://thecreativeindependent.com/people/visual-artist-maria-magdalena-campos-pons-on-letting-the-world-be-your-studio Your work involves many different kinds of materials. Do you have a designated studio practice, or a regimented way that you like to work?

    I work with many different materials but i think that if you follow the lineage of my work, I go back and forth and return to some of the same places that I started. I do installation and I do performance and I do visual work, and I stream between the spaces among them. I never had a large studio or a studio with 10 assistants. It has been primarily been just myself; for some work I bring in an outside assistant, but it has always been about my own dexterity.

    I am working every day little by little, working and thinking about performance and video work. I draw, I take notes, I take images with my camera and my phone. I take notes even as I’m teaching. All of this is a way to gather material. I consider myself disciplined and structured about this process of methodology, carefully structuring the way I work in order to get all my work done. I am working all the time. I don’t take vacations. I don’t think that I’ve taken a vacation in 30 years, possibly. I also don’t think that that is brave or an example to be followed, that is just the way that I am and how I’ve been able to build the work that I have produced so far.

    Venice_Performance-Documentation_2.jpg

    María Magdalena Campos-Pons, performance, 2013, Cuban Pavillion, Venice Biennale, San Marco, Venice, Italy

    When you are producing lots of different kinds of work as well as teaching, how do you strike a balance?

    When I was very young and I had very few resources, I discovered that I needed to depend very much on my own agency, and one of the things that I came up with at that time was that I could always find a way to work within my scale. My scale meaning my size, my body. I would still be able to accomplish things larger than my scale. One of the more interesting things was when I become a mother and I needed to take care of my child and play with him. He was playing with Legos and blocks. I was always thinking about what he built with the blocks. That was very important for me. I decided that I could work like him. I could build big things out of very small parts.

    If you look at my work carefully, all the work I have done, I’m like a little kid putting things together. I don’t have a big studio or something like that. And money, I’m sometimes short for that as well. But I have managed to do things that are large in scale because they are like accumulations, or assembled gestures put together in this idea of building with blocks. Building with something that is small, but when it’s repeated or accumulated, it takes on another scale.

    It also has to do with portability, because there was a time in my practice in which I didn’t have anybody who would pay for moving my work. They’d say, “Come! We have an opportunity to do an exhibition.” And I would put the entire thing in a suitcase. The entire exhibit. Some of those pieces are in museums now and they are quite fantastic, I think, but they were made with that kind of urgency—that I could carry them around by myself.

    That kind of response and necessity never abandoned me. I am still interested in working from the same place, with the same kind of parameters. That may be a condition of, I don’t know, my upbringing? Who knows. As I said, I have never had a practice with many assistants in the studio. I have people who work with me and help me sometimes, but I never really had a huge team. My space for a studio has been always moderate enough, but I had the privilege to be an artist in residency at the Robert Rauschenberg Foundation in 2016 and it was… well, I cannot tell you how that was for me.

    MMCP-Messenger_sf.jpg María Magdalena Campos-Pons, El Mensajero, 2011, Composition of 12 Polaroid Polacolor Pro 24 x 20 photograph, 24 x 20 inches each(60.7 x 50.8 cm each), 72 x 80 inches (182.9 x 203.2 cm)

    One of the gentlemen who used to work with Rauschenberg, he changed my name and he called me Magdalicious, because I produced so much work there. For me, being in a huge studio was like being a kid in a toy store. It is unbelievable to have this huge table, five meters by two meters, and then you have seven of them in the room. How are you not gonna go crazy? You’re gonna do amazing work. So I did an incredible amount of work there.

    When I have those kinds of opportunities, it is amazing. For me that is a moment of absolutely not being distracted. I have absolute attention only for the work. It’s like if you are making a piece of music and you get lost in the moment of the crescendo. I make new notes day by day. Every day it’s a new note, and then there is this moment in which I just put it all together and it’s, I don’t know, a rhapsody. Whatever it is. Something. It is music.

    Teaching is learning for me, so I never see teaching as something that takes my energy or takes all my time. It requires both energy and time, but as somebody who cares about it, I don’t mind. I am a very good teacher. I get amazing results with my students. I am proud of that, and I think it’s because I had fantastic teachers myself.

    I come from the school in which teaching is art making, too. The pedagogy is a way to structure your making and your thinking and your practice. So when I practice teaching, I am making things in my mind. I am teaching with a lot of feeling. I am teaching what I want to teach. My students are learning with me what they want from me. So that is very different from being clustered in an institution or academic situation in which you are not happy, or you are drained of your energy or your time. That is not the case. That’s not what I am doing. It’s invigorating to be with young thinkers, because they are hungry and they eat from you. But I am still hungry, too, so I eat along with them.

    Mazantas-Sound-Map.jpg María Magdalena Campos-Pons: If I Were A Poet, installation view, Gallery Wendi Norris Offsite, 649 Mason Street, San Francisco, CA, January 11 - 28, 2018, photography: Maciek Janicki

    For many artists, there is the sense that teaching is simply a means to an end, something they need to do to make a living but would leave behind if they could.

    No. For many years I made more money selling my art than teaching. You could say the teaching was diminishing the time I could sell my work, but it was not. I have a passion for teaching and I feel that teachers are very needed. I encountered bad teachers, so I consider myself to be a good one. I want to stay there to save some people.

    Can you work anywhere? What do you need from a studio?

    That is an interesting question: What is a studio? Now, as I grow older, I have more input into that. I think that a studio is anything. We cannot follow only the idea of the white cube as a studio. The world is my studio. On my palette are so many things that I can play with. It’s a balance. I don’t think that we still need the idea that somebody needs to lock themselves in a box to not be disturbed in order to produce something amazing and beautiful.

    Is there any standard, go-to advice that you’d give to young artists who are trying to figure out how to move out into the world?

    Oh, I give them a lot. I teach my class the way I live. I read poetry to my students in the morning. I play music to them. I introduce them to people they have never heard of. I make them read books. I mean the last studio class that I taught, I made my students read three books by Toni Morrison. I made them see Toni Morrison lecture at Harvard. I tell my students—all my students, always—you need to go to bed every night with somebody. Before you go to sleep, you need to go to bed with somebody. And they look at me with big eyes, crazy. And I say, “I mean, who do you read before you go to bed? Who do you take with you in your mind before you go to bed?” I tell them to read every night, to put something good into their mind before they go to sleep.

    Bum-Bim-Lady-y-La-Papaya.jpg

    Bin Bin Lady, The Papaya, Polaroid Polacolor Pro, 24 x 20 inches each (50.8 x 61 cm), 48 x 40 inches (121.92 x 101.6 cm)

    So that is really a big deal, and I insist with my students about reading and about the expanding the vision they have for their practice. I force them to visualize when they listen to music. To read poetry. To make poetry. To make music. No matter what I’m teaching—painting, installation—it’s the same thing. I have great friendships with some of my students. I have very successful students. I make all of them keep diaries and I force them to take notes in my class. I require them to be there every day. If they study with me, they need to be in the class. It’s not optional. So they are there, and it’s amazing how they are present and how they engage and relate. I talk to them about being gluttons, but in a good way. They should consume everything that is in their path. That is the way to their greatness. That kind of gluttony. That kind of insatiable desire. Not to be famous necessarily, and not to be successful, but to learn and to do something important to oneself.

    I always tell my students in every class: We are here because of art. We are sitting in this room talking and sharing because of art, but not just because this is as an art class. We are here as humans because art is our safe keeper. Our destiny keeper. The landscape of our journey. We are here as a result of that. We draw to survive. We paint to survive. We paint to eat. And that gives us the energy to keep moving. We need to imagine where we are before we become something new, and that is only through art. This is what it is. Now we just dream what it could be… and all the windows are open.

    Alchemy-of-the-Soul_PEM7.jpg María Magdalena Campos-Pons: Alchemy of the Soul: Maria Magdalena Campos-Pons, installation view, Peabody Essex Museum, Salem, MA, January 9 — April 3, 2016

    María Magdalena Campos-Pons recommends:

    Five things I would recommend to a friend:

    • a good massage if under stress
    • dance with Cuban music
    • connect with her spiritual side
    • art in all possible forms
    • outdoor running

    Works that have inspired me:

    Things you like to do (besides my work):

    • Gardening
    • Cooking and setting a table for friends
    • Meditation
    • listening to live classical music

    Things I love:

    • I love Italy, the entire country is a garden
    • A seat by the ocean and having grilled fish in Dakar
    • Sunrises in Captiva, Sunsets in the Acropolis—those are healing hours
    • Fall in Paris
    • Bahía de Matanzas

    Things I return to again and again:


    This content originally appeared on The Creative Independent and was authored by T. Cole Rachel.

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    Book Bans in Texas Spread as New State Law Takes Effect https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/11/book-bans-in-texas-spread-as-new-state-law-takes-effect/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/11/book-bans-in-texas-spread-as-new-state-law-takes-effect/#respond Wed, 11 Oct 2023 11:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/book-bans-texas-libraries by Jeremy Schwartz

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    This article is co-published with The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan local newsroom that informs and engages with Texans. Sign up for The Brief Weekly to get up to speed on their essential coverage of Texas issues.

    As a new Texas law further restricting what books students can check out of school libraries takes effect, local bans are gaining steam in districts across the state — in some cases going in startling directions.

    In Katy, a growing Houston suburb, school officials recently bought $93,000 worth of new library books and promptly put them in storage so an internal committee could review them. The district then banned 14 titles (bringing its total since 2021 to 30), including popular books by Dr. Seuss and Judy Blume, as well as “No, David!” an award-winning children’s book featuring a mischievous cartoon character who at one point jumps out of a bathtub, exposing a cartoon backside. (This wasn’t the district’s first foray into regulating cartoon nudity; over the summer, a book about a crayon that lost its wrapper, becoming “naked” in the process, was flagged for review but ultimately retained.)

    Following the latest removals, the Katy school board decided that cartoon butts would be exempted from a district policy that called for removing books showing nudity. “Explicit frontal nudity,” on the other hand, would not be allowed.

    “The board’s intent was never to remove well-known cartoon-like children’s books just because they showed a little drawing of a little boy’s rear-end,” its president, Victor Perez, said, according to the Houston Chronicle.

    One hundred miles to the east, a school district near Beaumont made headlines last month after removing a substitute middle school teacher who had read students portions of an illustrated adaptation of Anne Frank’s diary, which detailed her hiding from the Nazis and was published after her death in the Holocaust.

    The graphic novel version includes descriptions of Frank’s attraction to other girls as well as her clinical descriptions of her private parts.

    The book, which had not been approved as part of the district’s curriculum, had been included on a reading list sent to parents at the start of the school year, according to television station KFDM.

    The district is investigating whether administrators knew the book was being used in the class, according to news reports.

    And just south of Houston, the private Friendswood Christian School announced it was canceling its Scholastic Book Fair, barring the nation’s largest children’s book publisher, which has put on book fairs at schools around the country for decades.

    In a letter to parents, obtained by ABC13 in Houston, the school made clear the decision was aimed at books featuring LGBTQ+ themes and characters.

    “The book fair is one of our biggest fundraisers, but unfortunately, we have seen more and more books that promote and support LBGTQ+ views,” the school wrote. “We’re at a crossroads where we share different values and beliefs, especially when it comes to exposing young children to adult topics. Friendswood Christian School is a private institution devoted to creating a complete learning environment for children by incorporating Christian principles into the academic framework. We want to provide an environment where children can hang on to their innocence as long as possible.”

    Kasey Meehan, the Freedom to Read program director for the New York-based free speech organization PEN America, said that as Texas enters what is essentially its third consecutive school year of book banning activity, efforts have taken some troubling directions.

    “Even after that first removal of books, what we see is a continued chilling effect that happens across schools,” she said in an interview. “There are these ripples that are going to extend beyond simply removing a book to just read, erring on the side of caution and bringing a bit more scrutiny to any availability of books and any opportunities that students can have to access books.”

    The local censorship efforts come as courts wrestle with a new Texas law that requires booksellers to rate public school library books based on their depictions of or references to sex. Books in which such references are deemed “patently offensive” by the vendors will be issued a “sexually explicit” rating and can’t be sold to schools and must be removed from shelves of school libraries. Books that reference or depict sex generally will be rated “sexually relevant” and require parental permission to read.

    Texas schools would be barred from buying books from vendors who don’t use the ratings.

    On Sept. 18, a U.S. district judge in Austin issued a written order blocking the law, which was passed this spring, from taking effect. Judge Alan D. Albright, a Trump appointee, ruled the law would impose “unconstitutionally vague requirements” on booksellers and “misses the mark on obscenity.”

    “And the state,” he wrote, “in abdicating its responsibility to protect children, forces private individuals and corporations into compliance with an unconstitutional law that violates the First Amendment.”

    A week later, the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals blocked the judge’s ruling, temporarily allowing the law to go into effect while the court considers the case, which it is expected to take up this month.

    Book bannings have increased precipitously in the state since ProPublica and The Texas Tribune started reporting on the issue in rural Hood County two years ago, where a fight over library books foreshadowed the intense partisanship that has come to mark many Texas school board races. The U.S. Department of Education launched an investigation into the Granbury Independent School District after the superintendent was secretly recorded ordering librarians to remove library books with LGBTQ+ themes.

    The federal probe, which followed a ProPublica-Tribune investigation with NBC News, remains open, according to the Department of Education’s Office of Civil Rights. Last year, in response to the outlets’ investigation, the district said it was committed to supporting students of all backgrounds.

    The issue continues to roil Granbury, as some community members and trustees don’t believe the district has gone far enough to remove books. Last month, the school board censured a trustee who wants additional titles removed after she was accused of sneaking into a school library to examine books with a cellphone flashlight.

    According to a report from the American Library Association, Texas was home to the most attempts to ban or restrict books in 2022.

    Of the 1,269 documented attempts to remove books from school or public libraries across the nation in 2022, 93 took place in Texas, affecting over 2,300 titles, the association’s Office of Intellectual Freedom found. The ALA said book challenges nearly doubled nationally in 2022 and are “evidence of a growing, well-organized, conservative political movement, the goals of which include removing books about race, history, gender identity, sexuality, and reproductive health from America’s public and school libraries that do not meet their approval.”

    The American Library Association itself has come under fire among conservative circles in Texas. In August, Midland County commissioners voted to withdraw from the association. Days later, the Texas State Library and Archives Commission pulled out.

    A similar report by PEN America found 3,362 instances of book banning at K-12 schools during the 2022-23 school year, up 33% from the previous year. According to the organization, Florida schools accounted for the most removals, 1,406, followed by Texas with 625.

    What’s been your experience with school library book bans in Texas? Email Austin-based reporter Jeremy Schwartz at jeremy.schwartz@propublica.org to let him know.


    This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Jeremy Schwartz.

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    Texas Took Over Its Largest School District, but Has Let Underperforming Charter Networks Expand https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/10/texas-took-over-its-largest-school-district-but-has-let-underperforming-charter-networks-expand/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/10/texas-took-over-its-largest-school-district-but-has-let-underperforming-charter-networks-expand/#respond Tue, 10 Oct 2023 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/texas-mike-morath-underperforming-charter-schools-expand by Kiah Collier and Dan Keemahill

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    This article is co-published with The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan local newsroom that informs and engages with Texans. Sign up for The Brief Weekly to get up to speed on their essential coverage of Texas issues.

    In June, Texas Commissioner of Education Mike Morath embarked on the largest school takeover in recent history, firing the governing board and the superintendent of the Houston Independent School District after one of its more than 270 schools failed to meet state educational standards for seven consecutive years.

    Though the state gave Houston’s Wheatley High School a passing score the last time it assigned ratings, Morath charged ahead, saying he had an obligation under the law to either close the campus or replace the board. He chose the latter.

    Drastic intervention was required at Houston ISD not just because of chronic low performance, he said, but because of the state’s continued appointment of a conservator, a person who acts as a manager for troubled districts, to ensure academic improvements.

    When it comes to charter school networks that don’t meet academic standards, however, Morath has been more generous.

    Since taking office more than seven years ago, Morath has repeatedly given charters permission to expand, allowing them to serve thousands more students, even when they haven’t met academic performance requirements. On at least 17 occasions, Morath has waived expansion requirements for charter networks that had too many failing campuses to qualify, according to a ProPublica and Texas Tribune analysis of state records. The state’s top education official also has approved five other waivers in cases where the charter had a combination of failing schools and campuses that were not rated because they either only served high-risk populations or had students too young to be tested.

    Only three such performance waivers had been granted prior to Morath, who declined numerous requests for comment. They had all come from his immediate predecessor, according to the Texas Education Agency.

    One campus that opened because of a waiver from Morath is Eastex-Jensen Neighborhood School, which is just 6 miles north of Wheatley High School. Opened in 2019, Eastex didn’t receive grades for its first two years because the state paused all school ratings due to the adverse impacts of the pandemic. In 2022, the last time the state scored schools, Eastex received a 48 out of 100, which is considered failing under the state’s accountability system. The state, however, spared campuses that received low grades from being penalized for poor performance that year.

    “The hypocrisy here seems overwhelming,” said Kevin Welner, an education policy professor at the University of Colorado Boulder. “This is the same education commissioner who justified taking over the entire Houston school district based largely on one school’s old academic ratings.”

    Authorized by the Texas Legislature in 1995, publicly funded charter schools received a reprieve from some state regulations that govern traditional public schools in exchange for innovations that would lead to high academic performance.

    Along with that flexibility have come strict accountability measures. A state law requires charters to close if they fail three years in a row. In order for a charter network to grow, 90% of its campuses must have passing grades in the most recent academic year, according to state rules. A previous rule that was scrapped in 2017 had also stipulated that charter networks were ineligible for expansion if even one of their campuses received the state’s lowest possible rating.

    The commissioner, however, can waive such rules, and Morath has repeatedly done so in the case of Texas College Preparatory Academies, the charter network to which Eastex belongs.

    In response to questions about Morath’s approval of waivers for charters that did not meet the state’s academic performance standards, Texas Education Agency spokesperson Jake Kobersky sent a statement that said a vast majority of charter school expansions do not require one. For those that do, the statement said, the agency conducts a thorough review that includes assessing the “entire portfolio of campuses, along with the requestor’s plan to address any and all issues at campuses resulting in the need for a waiver.”

    A waiver is just a first step in the expansion process, according to the statement. After receiving a waiver from Morath, a charter operator must ask him for explicit permission to expand. Of the 17 waivers Morath granted to charters with too many failing campuses, 12 led to expansion approvals.

    Only the highest performing charter networks with proven track records should be allowed to grow, said Todd Ziebarth, senior vice president of state advocacy and support for the National Alliance of Public Charter Schools, a nonprofit association that advocates for charter growth throughout the country.

    “It really is about, at the end of the day, ‘Are you delivering improved, increased student results for your community?’ And if the answer is no, then you’re not holding up your end of the charter bargain and you shouldn’t have the ability to then go and serve more students,” Ziebarth said. He said he had never heard of a state waiving its own expansion requirements.

    The granting of waivers to charter networks that have too many failing schools raises red flags as lawmakers returned to Austin on Monday for a special session of the Legislature to consider helping Texas parents cover private school tuition with state dollars, said David DeMatthews, a professor and education policy researcher at the University of Texas at Austin.

    The creation of a school voucher-like program has become a top priority for Gov. Greg Abbott, who appointed Morath. The governor discussed the importance of parental choice during a campaign event last year at a charter campus run by Texas College Preparatory Academies, which is managed by Responsive Education Solutions. The Texas-based charter management organization has made headlines for teaching creationism and for its involvement in a failed effort to create a statewide private school voucher program in partnership with a small public school district in Central Texas.

    Neither Abbott nor Responsive Education, which said it handles media inquiries for Texas College Preparatory Academies, responded to written questions. Officials at Eastex also did not respond to a request for comment.

    As lawmakers debate allowing taxpayer dollars to go to private schools, they should consider the state’s inability to provide sufficient academic and financial oversight over charter schools, DeMatthews said.

    “I think if you look at charters as a potential predictor of how vouchers would be implemented in the state of Texas, it’s very concerning,” DeMatthews said. “Vouchers create even less transparency.”

    “Incredibly Hypocritical”

    While proposing the approval of a new round of charter schools in June 2021, Morath spoke in stark terms about what was at stake for those that underperformed. Because charters are given freedom from many state regulations, they must meet strict academic standards that force them to close even earlier than traditional schools or keep them from expanding, he said: “They perform or they seek a career in banking.”

    Under state rules, charter organizations seeking to grow must face a four-part test that requires them to demonstrate adequate academic, financial and operational performance before they can serve more students, Morath said. “If you don’t pass this four-part test, then you don’t get an expansion,” he told the State Board of Education.

    Morath’s choice to repeatedly waive those rules raises concerns for some members of the board, which has no control over whether charters are allowed to expand, even as the expansion of existing networks has become the primary driver of charter growth in the state. More than 7% of the state’s 5.5 million schoolchildren were enrolled in state-authorized charter schools during the last academic year.

    Pat Hardy, a Republican who has served on the board for more than 20 years, said granting waivers to charter networks with even one failing school goes against the intent of the law that established them.

    “It’s ridiculous,” Hardy said in an interview with ProPublica and the Tribune. “What in the world is the value of repeating a system that isn’t working?”

    Brian Whitley, a spokesperson for the Texas Public Charter Schools Association, defended Morath. He argued that the commissioner should have the ability to waive the rules that govern how many campuses must pass in order for a charter to expand, because they are set by his agency and are more strict than the law requires.

    But such rules are in place for a reason and the state should either follow them or change them, said Katrina Bulkley, an education professor at Montclair State University in New Jersey, who has studied charter schools since 1995.

    Out of 11 schools that opened as a result of Morath’s waivers, three received an “unacceptable” rating within their first two years. All have since improved. In the latest year for which the state has released accountability data, two campuses, including Eastex, got scores that would normally rank them as low performing. But the state did not rate such schools that year because of the pandemic.

    Texas College Preparatory Academies, to which Eastex belongs, has opened the most schools as a result of the waivers. The network received two waivers from Morath despite having too many failing campuses. It also was granted waivers when the combined number of underperforming and not rated schools placed it below the passing threshold.

    Morath’s most recent waiver for the 42-campus charter network brought it a step closer to opening three new schools and expanding about 20 existing ones over the next two years.

    Separately, charters affiliated with KIPP Public Schools have also received various waivers, including one that state education agency officials recommended against.

    In a March 2017 memorandum, the head of TEA’s charter school division recommended that Morath deny a waiver request from KIPP Dallas-Fort Worth because only one of its three campuses had met academic standards. Less than two weeks after the recommendation, TEA notified KIPP D-FW that it had been approved for the waiver, making the charter eligible to increase its student enrollment.

    In 2018, KIPP consolidated its four separate Texas charter networks. The following year, KIPP had a combination of failing and not rated campuses that again required it to seek a waiver in order to expand. Once again, Morath granted the waiver.

    In a written statement, KIPP Texas spokesperson Cat Thorne said that the network “has always followed the TEA’s guidance when considering school expansions.” She said the network does not have access to records from before its merger and so was unaware that agency staff had previously recommended against granting a waiver.

    “However, the expansions we requested and were granted always complied with TEA rules,” the statement said. “Our intent for growth is with the best interest of our students and the communities we serve in mind.”

    Last year, Shay Green’s son attended pre-K at KIPP Legacy Preparatory in Houston, a campus whose latest grade of 69 out 100 is considered low-performing under state standards.

    Green said she initially placed him in the school at the recommendation of her mother, who had researched campuses in the area and thought it would be a good fit. Then, Green said, she learned that her cousin’s children, who were in public school, were already writing their letters and names. She decided to withdraw her son after only a year, believing that the educational quality was inferior.

    “My son could spell his name. (We taught him),” Green said in a text message to the news organizations. “But I was expecting him to know as much as the public school kids his same age did and by comparison they were just not being taught nearly as much.”

    The school didn’t respond to a request for comment and KIPP Texas did not answer questions specific to the campus.

    Green’s son now attends a magnet charter school that she says is providing a stronger education.

    Little Oversight

    The authority over whether to allow charters to expand used to belong to the 15-member elected State Board of Education. But the Legislature transferred that power to the state’s education commissioner in 2001. More recently, it repealed a provision in state law that appeared to conflict with that earlier change.

    The board has in recent years unsuccessfully asked the Legislature to restore its authority over charter growth.

    “I think a lot of my colleagues would be more open to approving charters initially, or not vetoing them, if they knew they were going to have additional input down the road on expansions. Because right now, once we approve them, we just go away in the process,” Keven Ellis, the Republican chair of the state education board, said in an interview. “If we had more authority later on, I think it would give us a little more comfort.”

    Instead of increasing the board’s authority, the Legislature has over the years given more power to the education commissioner.

    Republican state Sen. Paul Bettencourt of Houston, who filed unsuccessful legislation that would have removed the board’s veto power over new charters in the state, doesn’t believe the elected body should have authority over expansions because members aren’t paid and have large districts to represent and other responsibilities like approving textbooks.

    A member of the Senate Education Committee, Bettencourt said he was vaguely aware that Morath was waiving academic performance requirements for expansions but would not say if he supports the practice. He said he would first want to know how the charters that received the waivers perform in the future.

    “The real question is: If we don’t have improvement over time, why not?” he said.

    For now, Bettencourt and his colleagues are focused on the next school choice frontier: giving taxpayer dollars to parents to pay for private school.

    Despite support from Abbott, several bills to create such a program, including one co-authored by Bettencourt and eight other senators, died earlier this year during the regular session because of opposition in the Texas House. One of the points of contention has been how the state will ensure that the taxpayer-funded program is leading to better student outcomes.

    During a tele-town hall with religious leaders last month, Abbott promised political consequences for lawmakers who oppose the creation of a voucher-like program, suggesting that their votes would be used against them during the next Republican primary election.

    “There’s an easy way to get it done and a hard way to get it done,” Abbott said. “The easy way will be for these legislators to come into this next special session and vote in favor of school choice, but if they make it the hard way, we’re happy to take the hard way also.”


    This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Kiah Collier and Dan Keemahill.

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    Labor Education Starts in School https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/10/labor-education-starts-in-school/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/10/labor-education-starts-in-school/#respond Tue, 10 Oct 2023 06:00:52 +0000 https://www.counterpunch.org/?p=297182 American society is steeped in narratives about economic prosperity shaped by capitalist ideas of individualism and a corporate culture of exploitation. Children are exposed to such ideas in schools and via pop culture and are required to put them into practice at a young age by proving their worth in ever-competitive environments to win college entry or employment. But rarely are young people taught about their rights as workers and about the naturally adversarial role between employers and employees. In California, thanks to labor organizers, that’s about to change. More

    The post Labor Education Starts in School appeared first on CounterPunch.org.


    This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Sonali Kolhatkar.

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    Media education group, union protest over police demand for ABC ‘inside story’ climate protest https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/09/media-education-group-union-protest-over-police-demand-for-abc-inside-story-climate-protest/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/09/media-education-group-union-protest-over-police-demand-for-abc-inside-story-climate-protest/#respond Mon, 09 Oct 2023 06:48:06 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=94287 Pacific Media Watch

    The Journalism Education and Research Association of Australia (JERAA) says it is “deeply concerned” at reports that Western Australian police are demanding the ABC hand over footage about climate protesters filmed as part of a Four Corners investigation.

    “As researchers and teachers of journalism, we uphold the ethical obligation of journalists to honour any assurances given to protect sources,” said JERAA president Associate Professor Alexandra Wake in a statement.

    “This obligation is imperative in supporting the Western democratic tradition of journalism and to investigative journalism in particular.”

    The ABC case relates to an investigation due to be broadcast on Four Corners tonight: “Escalation: Climate, protest and the fight for the future”.


    “I’m going to remember this for the rest of my life.” Video: ABC Four Corners

    WA police are reported to have demanded footage via “Order to Produce” provisions of the WA Criminal Investigations Act. The law compels organisations to comply.

    One of JERAA’s core aims was to promote freedom of expression and communication, said the statement.

    “The association is concerned that the WA police action represents a direct threat to media freedom and the practice of ethical investigative journalism,” Dr Wake said.

    “We join the Media Entertainment and Arts Alliance (MEAA) in urging the ABC to stand firm and not hand over footage which could potentially undermine assurances by the Four Corners team to their sources.”

    The union for Australian journalists said it was alarmed at the reports that WA police were demanding the ABC hand over footage featuring climate activists filmed as part of the television investigation before it had even aired.

    • “Escalation” reported by Hagar Cohen goes to air tonight, Monday, 9 October 2023, at 8.30pm AEST on ABC TV and ABC iview.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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    People Power Vs. the Far Right Education Movement https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/05/people-power-vs-the-far-right-education-movement/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/05/people-power-vs-the-far-right-education-movement/#respond Thu, 05 Oct 2023 19:31:18 +0000 https://progressive.org/public-schools-advocate/people-power-vs-conservative-education-movement-daigon-23105/
    This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Glenn Daigon.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/05/people-power-vs-the-far-right-education-movement/feed/ 0 432225
    NACC Ignores Huge Australian War Crimes & Carbon Debt https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/04/nacc-ignores-huge-australian-war-crimes-carbon-debt/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/04/nacc-ignores-huge-australian-war-crimes-carbon-debt/#respond Wed, 04 Oct 2023 15:18:06 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=144510 Australian National Anti-Corruption Commission NACC ignores huge Australian War Crimes & Carbon Debt

    I have made 5 huge successive Submissions to the newly formed  Australian National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC). However my 2 most serious Submissions – on horrendous Australian war crimes (Submission #2: 6 million Afghan avoidable deaths from deprivation under Australian and US Alliance occupation in gross violation of Articles 55 and 56 of the Fourth Geneva Convention) and on horrendous, planet-threatening  Carbon Debt (Submission #3: an enormous  $5 trillion fraud perpetrated on Australian children, grandchildren and future generations) – were rejected by the NACC on the basis that the NACC had “not been able to identify a clear allegation of corrupt conduct as defined by the National Anti-Corruption Commission Act (2022). As a result, the Commission is unable to take any further action in this matter”. My 5 Submissions are summarized below with the rejected Submissions asterisked.

    (1). “Submission To National Anti-Corruption Commission: Australian Labor Government’s Lying For Apartheid Israel”. On a bipartisan Coalition Opposition and Labor Government basis, Zionist-subverted and US-beholden Australia is second only to the US as a fervent a supporter of Apartheid Israel and hence of the evil crime of Apartheid that is condemned by the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid. Departure from fervent support for the Zionist-subverted US and for Apartheid Israel means potential political oblivion for Coalition and Labor MPs noting that Australian Federal MPs receive huge remuneration. MPs and governments should not lie and benefit from lying (fraud and corruption) and should not lie in the interest of inimical foreign governments (treason). Apartheid Israel and its Zionist agents have damaged Australians, Australian institutions and Australia in numerous serious ways. However the  Australian Labor Government lies for Apartheid Israel in 15 matters.

    *(2). “Submission To Australian National Anti-Corruption Commission Over Huge But Ignored Australian War Crimes”. Variously as UK or US lackeys Australians have invaded about 85 countries with 30 of these invasions being genocidal. In the last 80 years (i.e. within living memory) Australia has violated all circa 80 Indo-Pacific countries variously through occupation and invasion (most countries), complicity in US regime-changing coups (8 countries), and through disproportionate climate criminality (impacting all countries). The Brereton Report found that 39 Afghans had allegedly been unlawfully killed by Australian soldiers. However successive Australian Governments and their public servants have grossly violated  Articles 55 and 56 of the Fourth Geneva Convention by criminally rejecting their unequivocal demand for Occupier provision to the Conquered Afghan Subjects of life-sustaining food and medical services  “to the fullest extent of the means available to it”. Now 6,000,000 (Afghans passively murdered over 20 years by the US Alliance including Australia) / 39 (Afghans allegedly unlawfully killed by Australian soldiers) = 154,000 i.e. the passive mass murder of 6,000,000 Afghans (mostly women and children) by Australian and US Alliance politicians is 154,000 times worse than the alleged unlawful killing of 39 Afghans by Australian soldiers. Of course all war crimes should be thoroughly investigated and the perpetrators tried and punished, but in my opinion no Australian soldier should be tried for any of these 39 alleged unlawful killings of Afghans before the politicians complicit in the 154,000 times greater war crime (the passive mass murder of 6,000,000 Afghans) are exposed and tried. The same argument applies to horrendous avoidable deaths from deprivation in the Australia-complicit WW2 Bengali Holocaust (6-7 million Indian avoidable deaths, 1942-1945) and Iraqi Holocaust (3 million avoidable deaths, 1990-2011).

    *(3). “Submission To Australian National  Anti-Corruption Commission: Corporations & Governments Ignore  Huge Carbon Debt”. Australia is among world-leading climate criminal countries in 16 areas. Corporations, governments and Mainstream media conspire to fraudulently and corruptly ignore Australia’s huge and inescapable Carbon Debt that totals (in USD) about $5 trillion, is increasing at up to about $0.7 trillion each year, and at $69,000  per head per year for under-30 year old Australians. The Carbon Debt of the World is $250 trillion and increasing at $13 trillion each year. This is appalling intergenerational injustice because this ever-increasing and inescapable Carbon Debt will have to be paid by our children, grandchildren and  future generations. The damage-related Carbon Price is about $200 per tonne CO2-equivalent but the global applied average is merely $2 per tonne CO2-equivalent. A general principle of national law and the Natural Law  is that people are recompensed in full for damage done to them by others but this is rejected in relation to deadly Carbon Pollution by a greedy, fraudulent, corrupt, and traitorous Australian Mainstream (except notably for the science-informed and humane Australian Greens). Carbon Pollution from carbon fuel burning kills about 7 million people each year but the previous Coalition Government’s response to the IMF demand to adopt a modest $75 per tonne CO2-equivalent  Carbon Price to save 4 million lives by 2030 was a simple “No”. The present climate criminal Labor Government ignores Australia’s huge exported greenhouse gas (GHG) pollution and supports over 100 new coal and gas extraction projects. Australia has 0.33% of the world’s population but its annual Domestic plus Exported GHG pollution is 5.4% of the World’s total annual GHG pollution. In the absence of requisite action (atmospheric pollution by GHGs is increasing at record high rates) the direst expert prediction is that 10 billion people will die this century in a worsening Climate Genocide en route to a sustainable population in 2100 of  only 1 billion people.

    (4). “Submission To Australian National Anti-Corruption Commission: Huge & Fraudulent University Fees Exposed”. Education is a basic human right and all education should be free for all. However the commodification and corporatizing of higher education has meant that free university education presently only obtains in about 25 countries. Australian universities charge impoverished local and overseas students hugely excessive tuition fees whereas Accredited Remote Learning (ARL) can deliver top quality, reading-based courses and accrediting examinations essentially for free. All societies and nations need to have a large complement of expert scholars and scientists for a variety of economic, health, national security  and national prestige reasons – however  why should impoverished, circa 20 year old undergraduate students have to pay for this? Tertiary education provision in Australia can be vastly cheaper off-campus than on-campus. Thus off-campus university education can be essentially cost-free by simply involving students reading prescribed texts and addressing other  teaching materials, with qualifications established by expert accrediting examinations. This indeed was the de facto off-campus scheme during the Covid-19 Pandemic except that huge full fees were dishonestly applied to local and overseas students. The student debt from fees presently totals A$74 billion, a massive fraud perpetrated on Australian students, and indeed one of the biggest frauds in Australian history.

    (5). Submission To Australian National Anti-Corruption Commission, NACC: Mainstream Media Lying”. Australian Mainstream media (MSM), including the publicly-funded ABC (the Australian Broadcasting Corporation), and the dominant US Murdoch empire media have an appalling and ongoing record of lying by omission and lying by commission. Lying by omission is far, far worse than repugnant lying by commission because the latter at least permits public refutation and public debate (subject, of course, to the will of MSM gate-keepers). Democracy ideally requires an informed electorate but driven by ever-increasing wealth inequity Western democracies (including Australia) have become kleptocracies, plutocracies,  Murdochracies. lobbyocracies, corporatocracies and dollarocracies  in which Big Money corruptly purchases public perception of reality, votes, more political power and hence more private profit. Although individual journalists can have certain opinions and biases, lying by omission and lying by commission by media is fraud and corruption when perpetrated for personal gain, and treason when perpetrated in the interests of inimical foreign governments such as those of Apartheid Israel and pro-Apartheid America. Experience of Australian MSM mendacity over many decades instructs that the serious examples of fraud, corruption and treason in my 5 Submissions will be resolutely ignored by cowardly and mendacious Australian MSM presstitutes. Australia can be saved from fraudulent MSM in part by (a) publicly exposing and listing all MSM falsehoods on the Web, and (b) banning foreign MSM ownership.

    For details and documentation see Gideon Polya, “Australian National Anti-Corruption Commission Rejects Submissions Re Huge Australian War Crimes and Carbon Debt,” Countercurrents, 2 October 2023.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Gideon Polya.

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    Critics call out ‘disappearance’ of Pacific media archive https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/30/critics-call-out-disappearance-of-pacific-media-archive/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/30/critics-call-out-disappearance-of-pacific-media-archive/#respond Sat, 30 Sep 2023 09:00:56 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=93832 “The PMC Project” . . . a 2016 short documentary about the centre by then student journalist and Pacific Media Watch editor Alistar Kata.

    Pacific Media Watch

    An award-winning website with an archive of thousands of Pacific news reports, videos, images and research abstracts regarded as a pioneering initiative for a university based media programme has “disappeared” from its cyberspace location.

    The PMC Online website
    The PMC Online website . . . disappeared. Image: Screenshot/PMW

    Pacific Media Centre Online, founded in 2007, was the website of the research and publication centre established at Auckland University of Technology as a component of the Creative Industries Research Institute.

    It was a platform for student journalists and independent media contributors from other media schools and institutions across the Oceania region such as the University of the South Pacific as well as at AUT.

    One of it PMC Online’s components, Pacific Media Watch, was awarded the faculty “Critic and Conscience of Society” award in 2014 and contributing student journalists won 11 prizes in the annual Ossie journalism awards of the Journalism Education and Research Association of Australia (JERAA).

    The new default page for http://pmc.aut.ac.nz
    The new default page for http://pmc.aut.ac.nz  Image: Screenshot PMW

    When the PMC effectively closed in early 2021, the website continued as an archive at AUT for more than two and a half years under the URL pmc.aut.ac.nz — a total life of 16 years plus.

    However, suddenly the website vanished earlier this month with pmc.aut.ac.nz defaulting to the university’s Journalism Department with no explanation from campus authorities.

    Founding director of the Pacific Media Centre and retired professor of Pacific journalism Dr David Robie called it a disappointing reflection on the decline of independent journalism and lack of respect for history at media schools, saying: “Yet another example of cancel culture.”

    ‘Appalling waste’
    Media commentators on social media have raised questions and been highly critical on social media outlets.

    Jemima Garrett, co-convenor of the Australia Asia Pacific Media Initiative (AAPMI), described it as an “appalling waste and disrespectful”.

    The Google directory for the Pacific Media Centre - all files have now disappeared
    The Google directory for the Pacific Media Centre – all files have now disappeared. Image: Screenshot/PMW

    Investigative journalist and Gold Walkley winner Peter Cronau, who is co-publisher of Declassified Australia, wrote: “That’s disgraceful censorship of Pacific stories — disturbing it’s been done by AUT, who should be devoted to openness and free speech. What avenues exist for appeal?”

    Another investigative journalist and former journalism professor Wendy Bacon said: “This is very bad and very glad that you archived all this valuable work. Unfortunately the same thing happened to an enormous amount of valuable files of Australian Centre for Independent Journalism at UTS [University of Technology Sydney].”

    The Pacific affairs adviser of the Pacific Islands Forum, Lisa Leilani Williams-Lahari, said: “Sad!”

    Pacific Media Centre student contributors filed more than 50 reports for the Australian journalism school collaborative platform The Junction and they can be read here.

    The PMC Online archive can also be accessed at WebArchive and the National Library of New Zealand.

    More than 220 videos by students and staff are available on the PMC YouTube channel.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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    NZ election 2023: First time Pacific voters want their voice heard https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/27/nz-election-2023-first-time-pacific-voters-want-their-voice-heard/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/27/nz-election-2023-first-time-pacific-voters-want-their-voice-heard/#respond Wed, 27 Sep 2023 09:48:53 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=93696 By Eleisha Foon, RNZ Pacific journalist

    Pacific youth and first time voters in Aotearoa New Zealand feel forgotten and ill equipped ahead of the election.

    Pasifika are the fastest growing youth population in New Zealand and their main concerns are the cost of living and beating the dire statistics stacked against them.

    Although Pasifika have been long established in areas like Timaru and Christchurch, their voices have not always been heard.

    “I don’t feel part of the conversation . . . just sitting in the background,” Timaru Boys High Year 13 student Kaluseti Moimoi said.

    Moimoi grew up in Oamaru and the upcoming election marks his first time voting. He has enrolled to vote but does not quite know where to start.

    “Not really sure who I am going to vote for. Not really sure about the parties or what they are doing. I don’t think there is much education around that.”

    Year 13 student at Timaru Boys High, Kaluseti Moimoi
    Year 13 student at Timaru Boys High Kaluseti Moimoi . . . “Not really sure about the parties or what they are doing.” Image: RNZ Pacific/Eleisha Foon

    More than half of New Zealand’s Pacific population is under 25 years old.

    Wanting to feel empowered
    The growing group wants to feel empowered to speak up on issues like climate change and creating a better future for their families.

    But a lack of civic information has left people in the dark, with less than one month to go until they are expected to make cast their vote.

    Rangiora New Life School head girl Avinis Siasau Ma’u also has concerns.

    “I don’t get any information about this at school. The only information is on the news or from friends. This is the society we are going to live in so it’s key to know what kind of party is going to lead our country,” Ma’u said.

    Although she was still learning the names and values of each party, she plans to vote for a party that prioritised Pacific language weeks and addressed the cost of living.

    “Back then $20 could get you a lot, but now $20 can only get you three things,” she said.

    She said almost everyone she knew had complained about the cost of food.

    Periods of family stress
    “Every family will go through periods of time where it’s just stress and paying off debt and asking will we have enough for groceries.”

    Head Girl of Rangiora New Life School, Avinis Siasau Ma'u
    Head girl of Rangiora New Life School Avinis Siasau Ma’u . . . “”Every family will go through periods of time where it’s just stress and paying off debt and asking will we have enough for groceries.” Image: RNZ Pacific/Eleisha Foon

    Kaluseti Moimoi’s family was also feeling the pressure and he hopes a “good education” and gaining a degree at the University of Canterbury to become an accountant would change that.

    “That is my main goal; to work for the good of my family. That’s what my mum taught me. I’ve got five siblings at home. My parents work really hard.”

    Timaru Tongan Society general manager Sina Latu said her community was often left out of the conversation.

    The Electoral Commission told RNZ Pacific it was working alongside Pacific leaders and churches, yet Latu said she had not heard a word from them.

    “They haven’t approached our Tongan Society or our churches, I think it really shows how we are not heard because we are down south.

    Pasifika aren’t just in South Auckland, “they need to reach out everywhere, not just in the big cities. It’s not good enough,” she said.

    Encouraging young ones
    “We ourselves are trying to encourage young ones to enroll to vote but if we didn’t do that then the majority of them wouldn’t vote.”

    Tonga Society South Canterbury
    Tonga Society South Canterbury . . . “They haven’t approached our Tongan Society or our churches, I think it really shows how we are not heard because we are down south.” Images: RNZ Pacific/Eleisha Foon

    Penieli Latu moved to New Zealand from Tonga in 2000 and has never voted until now.

    “I turned 50 this year, I am happy to have finally enrolled to vote. I can’t wait to do two ticks.”

    Latu wants the next government to make sure the Ministry for Pacific Peoples stays.

    For him their language weeks foster a deep sense of Pacific pride and belonging — especially for Pasifika in the South Island.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Auckland University to award Tongan academic, author ‘Epeli Hau’ofa honorary doctorate https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/26/auckland-university-to-award-tongan-academic-author-epeli-hauofa-honorary-doctorate/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/26/auckland-university-to-award-tongan-academic-author-epeli-hauofa-honorary-doctorate/#respond Tue, 26 Sep 2023 19:57:34 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=93669 By Philip Cass

    The University of Auckland is to bestow a posthumous honorary doctorate on the late Tongan academic, author and sociologist Professor ‘Epeli Hau’ofa.

    Hau’ofa was described at the time of his death by The Sydney Morning Herald as an “inspirational writer, satirist and scholar  . . . . truly a man of the Pacific, one of the region’s leading writers who promoted a positive vision of Oceanian culture and history”.

    Tongan academic Dr Melanaite Taumoefolau said the university would honour Professor Hau’ofa at a graduation ceremony at the Fale Pasifika on Saturday, October 14.

    The ceremony will be held from 10am to midday followed by lunch.

    Dr Taumoefolau said there would be a small kava circle with Dr Malakai Koloamatangi and Professor ‘Okusi Māhina and a few others.

    It is expected there will be about 100-150 guests, mostly Tongan academics and family from the community.

    The ceremony will begin with a prayer, followed by speakers who are expected to include  Tongan poet and academic Konai Thaman and Sione Tu’itahi.

    This will be followed by foaki e mata’itohí, then entertainment from the TAUA Tongan students Association. Sione Tu’itahi will be MC.

    ‘Extraordinary vision’
    Hauʻofa was born in Papua New Guinea to Tongan missionary parents. He went to school in PNG, Tonga and Fiji and then attended the University of New England and the Australian National University (ANU) in Australia and McGill University in Canada.

    He graduated from the ANU with a PhD in social anthropology.

    He taught at the University of Papua New Guinea and was a research fellow at the University of the South Pacific in Suva, Fiji. From 1978 to 1981 he was keeper of the palace records in his role as Deputy Private Secretary to King Tupou IV.

    While in Tonga, he and his wife Barbara edited the literary magazine Faikava. He became the first director of USP’s Rural Development Centre, based in Tonga, in 1981.

    He taught sociology at USP in Suva, eventually becoming head of the Department of Sociology.

    In 1997, Hauʻofa founded the university’s Oceania Centre for Arts and Culture. Through the centre he was mentor to a new generation of artists, sculptors, dancers and musicians at the USP in Suva.

    Hau’ofa was a noted writer. His books included Mekeo: Inequality and Ambivalence in a Village Society, based on his PhD thesis, a novel, Kisses in the Nederends and probably his best known work, Tales of the Tikongs, a lively satire of contemporary South Pacific life, featuring multinational experts, religious fanatics, con men, villagers and corrupt politicians.

    Hauʻofa died in Suva on 11 January 2009. At the time of his death, an academic colleague said: “His vision and person were extraordinary.”

    Dr Philip Cass writes for Kaniva Tonga and is editor of Pacific Journalism Review. Republished with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Kaniva News.

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    Demise of CSU news journalism course was ‘greatly exaggerated’ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/26/demise-of-csu-news-journalism-course-was-greatly-exaggerated/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/26/demise-of-csu-news-journalism-course-was-greatly-exaggerated/#respond Tue, 26 Sep 2023 18:16:52 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=93653 By Bruce Andrews

    A Charles Sturt University journalism academic says the evolving communication course at his institution in Australia continues to feed the ranks of the irrepressible “Mitchell Mafia’”.

    Jock Cheetham, senior lecturer in news and media in the Charles Sturt School of Information and Communication Studies in Bathurst, said recent “news” of the demise of the journalism course was greatly exaggerated.

    Cheetham said he was surprised to wake up and read a media report in late July suggesting journalism was not being taught separately at Charles Sturt University.

    Charles Sturt University Journalism
    Quality journalism has never been more important, and Charles Sturt has an enviable reputation for producing some of the world’s best, most-renowned journalists.

    “That day I spent six hours teaching news and media, also known as ‘journalism’,” he said.

    “Actually, on that Tuesday we had ABC veteran Trevor Watson visit us on campus to give a guest talk on journalism, specifically news writing, which was also streamed to online students.

    “Before that talk, I spent two hours with a class analysing media coverage of The Voice to Parliament Referendum campaigns. After Trevor’s talk, I held a news writing tutorial doing practice exercises on the hard news style of reporting.”

    ‘Pretty journalistic day’
    He said it was a “pretty journalistic” day.

    “We’re still teaching journalism, with practical opportunities to work in newsrooms, such as National Radio News,” he said.

    Cheetham emphasised that quality journalism had never been more important, and Charles Sturt had an enviable reputation for producing some of the world’s best, most-renowned journalists.

    As the original ABC article noted, over the past five decades, the university has nurtured some of the nation’s most high-profile communicators, including Andrew Denton, Melissa Doyle, Samantha Armytage, Hamish Macdonald, Chris Bath, and current ABC News Europe correspondent Nick Dole.

    “Charles Sturt University will continue to educate and train journalists for the evolving media landscape,” Cheetham said.

    “At the University campus in Bathurst we continue to have cutting-edge facilities, such as a TV studio, a community broadcasting radio station, and editing suites, for our students to gain skills and insights into working in their chosen fields.

    “We’re also investing substantial funds in the communications hub that will provide new facilities for our future students.”

    For example, graduates from 2021 include 7News (Central West) journalist Reuben Spargo who won the 2021 JERAA Ossie Award for ‘national student journalist of the year’.

    “Charles Sturt threw practical skills at me and helped grow my confidence as a communicator,” Spargo said.

    “The connections I made and the experiences I shared allowed me to hit the ground running within the industry.”

    Keeping pace
    Cheetham said to keep pace with the ever-changing media industry and digital advancements, Charles Sturt had launched a new communication course with its first intake last year, 2022.

    “The new Bachelor of Communication offers specialisations in strategic communication, news and media — journalism, which I teach — and design and content creation,” he said.

    “Teaching the critical role of journalism is still very much a priority at Charles Sturt. The changes represent a transition from one version of the journalism degree, which we have offered for more than 50 years, into a new degree program.

    The philosophy behind the new course
    “The philosophy behind the new course remains the same — we’re aiming to produce people who are good storytellers.” Image: CSU

    “The philosophy behind the new course remains the same — we’re aiming to produce people who are good storytellers. We have retained a lot of the strongest elements of the old course bringing them into the new course.”

    Having industry and alumni co-design the course with academic staff offers students a unique combination of academic, discipline-specific specialisations with a sound understanding of the industry through the networking and industry connections embedded within the course.

    The format of the new degree combines first-hand industry knowledge and advice, and to have industry professionals sharing knowledge, expertise and daily experiences will be a real game changer for the students.

    Republished from CSU News with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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    This Security Guard Enforced a School District’s Mask Mandate. He Ended Up Facing a Criminal Charge. https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/26/this-security-guard-enforced-a-school-districts-mask-mandate-he-ended-up-facing-a-criminal-charge/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/26/this-security-guard-enforced-a-school-districts-mask-mandate-he-ended-up-facing-a-criminal-charge/#respond Tue, 26 Sep 2023 14:10:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/security-guard-enforced-mask-mandate-got-criminal-charge-webster-ny by Nicole Carr

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    Jill Joy pointed her cellphone camera at the security guards gathered near the doors to the middle school auditorium, where the Webster Central School District Board of Education meeting was about to start. Panning the scene for her livestream viewers that cold evening in February 2022, she noted, “They’ve brought in extra security. Say ‘Hi,’ you fucking tools.”

    Joy was among a group of parents in suburban Rochester, New York, who’d dubbed themselves ROC for Educational Freedom. Two years earlier, in 2020, they’d created a Facebook group to organize against what they perceived as “drastic” and “deranged” COVID-19 safety measures in suburban Monroe County school districts. Then in the summer of 2021, Joy landed in a local news story when she stood before the Webster school board cupping her hand over her young daughter’s mouth to mimic a mask. “If you saw this, you would see that this is abuse and you would stop it,” she’d declared.

    Now, as Joy livestreamed the scene, a handful of parents huddled with her just inside the entrance to the middle school. Dressed in jeans and puffy winter coats, they were trying to decide the best way to break the rule requiring that they wear masks to attend the meeting. “They’re going to try to put us in a classroom and segregate us,” one woman warned.

    Ken Mancini, a retired jail officer turned school district security supervisor, was one of the guards captured on Joy’s livestream. It was Mancini’s job to enforce the state’s mask mandate that evening. As Joy and the other parents approached him, one father, Dave Calus, asked, “Where are you keeping those segregated people?”

    “In the room down the hallway,” Mancini responded, pointing the unmasked parents in that direction.

    Over the squeaking of the group’s shoes on the hallway’s shiny floors, Joy said: “When your children don’t comply, this is their walk of shame to their classroom where they go into false imprisonment.”

    Almost as soon as the parents got to the room, they turned around to head back to the meeting, acting on an earlier suggestion to gain entry wearing masks and then take them off. “They’re not going to arrest us all for trespassing, right?” one woman asked.

    “Yeah, exactly,” Calus responded.

    “Let’s go in and see,” Joy said.

    Less than a minute after they walked into the auditorium, Mancini started making rounds, asking people in the group who’d removed their masks to put them back on. One by one they ignored or argued with him. When one woman refused, Mancini picked up her cup and a stack of papers she’d set down on the staircase where she was seated. “That’s it. Time to leave,” he said, putting his hand on the woman’s back and motioning for her to exit.

    “Don’t leave, make them call the police,” Joy said as she livestreamed Mancini escorting the woman out.

    Then, as a first grader was preparing to give a presentation about Lunar New Year traditions in Chinese culture, Mancini tapped Calus on the shoulder.

    “I realized it was a setup after the evening ended,” Mancini later recalled to ProPublica. “But at some point you have to do your job. Because if you ignore one, then you have to ignore them all.”

    What happened next, depending on whom you ask, was a security guard either enforcing district rules or going too far. Calus was never charged with trespassing that night, but Mancini did wind up facing a criminal charge.

    Mancini is among 59 people identified by ProPublica who were arrested or charged as a result of turmoil at school board meetings across the country from May 2021 to November 2022. While most of those people were parents or protestors who disrupted the meetings by railing against mask mandates, the teaching of “divisive” racial concepts and the availability of books with LGBTQ+ themes in school libraries, Mancini’s incident was different. It’s the only case ProPublica could find in which a member of a school district’s security team was charged for ejecting a parent from a school board meeting.

    The Monroe County district attorney’s office did not answer ProPublica’s questions. Joy declined to be interviewed.

    Calus and Mancini had crossed paths before. During a May 2021 school board budget hearing, Calus and other parents had yelled from the audience about there not being a public comment period — and Calus said that, as a result, Mancini and a police officer asked him to leave. He also said he did not believe Mancini had the authority to remove him and only complied because a police officer was involved.

    Calus told ProPublica that when he showed up at the February 2022 meeting, there wasn’t a preexisting agreement with the other parents to cause a scene or get someone in trouble. “We didn’t plan to meet together,” he said. “We didn’t conspire together.”

    Tammy Gurowski, who was president of the Webster school board at the time of the February 2022 incident, recalled that in the months before the incident, board members paid attention to the grievances parents expressed on social media. “It wasn’t the majority, but it was a very angry, very frustrated minority,” she said.

    She also said the board attempted to recognize the parents’ concerns and that board members were aware of the growing unrest at nearby school board meetings.

    “I think for us as a board at that time, we just saw that it’s just fracturing the whole premise of what public education was designed to do — and that is, educate every child without all those issues at play.”

    The Webster middle school where the Webster Central School District Board of Education had the February 2022 meeting (Matt Burkhartt for ProPublica)

    Webster, a predominantly white, middle-class town of roughly 45,000 people, is among dozens of small towns in the U-shaped band of suburbs that surround Rochester. In that swath of Monroe County, small groups of organized parents have accused multiple school boards of indoctrination and creating unsafe conditions.

    At a June 2021 meeting in nearby Penfield, a mother bemoaned the district’s “scary” diversity, equity and inclusion efforts, suggested that the board was pushing a transgender agenda and told members to understand that the students “are God’s children.” A short time later, a father in the audience yelled that one of the board members should be respectful of parents. The board member yelled back, “You’re not going to stand up here and do anything to me, asshole!” — prompting the father to jump on the stage and confront the school board member face-to-face.

    In the months before the incident in Webster, four parents were arrested for disrupting other meetings in neighboring school districts. Charges against all four were dismissed.

    In October 2021, in a suburb on the other side of Rochester, members of the Hilton Central School District board adjourned a meeting after asking the sheriff’s office to assist with disruptive parents. One parent who refused to mask was charged with trespassing. Two others faced charges for refusing to leave the property. Parents would go on to lead an effort to ban a book with LGBTQ+ themes from the district. The superintendent would later say the book was cited in a bomb threat made against the district. Two similar anti-LGBTQ bomb threats followed. Agencies, including the FBI, concluded the threats were a hoax, sent anonymously from an overseas server.

    In an incident similar to the one in Webster, a parent in nearby Fairport named Shannon Bones livestreamed her arrest at a school board meeting during which she’d kept her mask lowered. Bones later appeared on “The Megyn Kelly Show,” where she alleged she had been singled out for arrest. She went on to claim that this particular meeting “was very different than previous meetings” because the board had “worked with” a group called Black in the Burbs and that the group had “brought in activists.”

    Immediately after that August 2021 meeting, there was a shouting match between two groups of parents in the parking lot. One group included Bones, who’d been released by police at the scene, and an opposing group coalesced around Tiffany Porter, the founder of Black in the Burbs. Porter said she had posted a photo of a young man on social media after, she alleged, he threatened her as a result of her activism, and the man’s mother was with Bones in the parking lot. Bones denies having anything to do with the confrontation.

    “You made it personal, bitch! You made it personal!” the mother yelled in a video recorded by one of Porter’s friends.

    “I don’t know who your son is,” Porter replied.

    “Go wear your mask!” another woman shouted after the groups continued their back-and-forth yelling.

    “Go fuck yourself,” Porter snapped back.

    A prosecutor dropped trespassing charges against Bones within three weeks. But Bones continued to use the case as a rallying cry against government overreach, filing a wrongful arrest lawsuit seeking $17 million in damages. The case is ongoing.

    Bones told ProPublica that her arrest was “violent aggression” against parents attempting to exercise their rights: “I think we are somewhat in the middle of the righteous battle over who is going to control the education and upbringing of children.”

    Porter, a Black, queer woman who’d responded to George Floyd’s murder by launching Black in the Burbs and organizing protests during the summer of 2020, says she was not plotting against Bones or working with the board. But she said she did expect trouble at meetings because online vitriol was flaring. “We were in and are still in a civil war when it comes to public education,” she said.

    At the February 2022 meeting in Webster, after Mancini tapped him on the shoulder, Calus didn’t budge. Mancini then gripped the back of the rolling chair Calus was sitting on and tried to wheel it toward the exit. When Calus lunged forward, Mancini grabbed the back of his jacket.

    “What the fuck are you doing?” Joy screamed as she kept livestreaming. “That’s assault!”

    Calus’ coat slid off and he sat back in his chair. Mancini stepped in front of him, pointing to the door. Another security guard grabbed Calus as Mancini shoved the chair toward the exit. Three guards pushed Calus out of the auditorium.

    The meeting continued as Joy and others yelled about Mancini’s actions. “The cops should have arrested this fucking guy instead of them throwing Dave out,” she said.

    Watch video ➜

    An attorney named Chad Hummel was at home watching Joy’s livestream but had stepped away before the incident with Mancini. “In the meantime, my phone literally starts buzzing off the counter,” he later recalled on a friend’s podcast. “I’m getting text after text after text after text. I read my text messages, and somebody tells me that Dave Calus just got quote-unquote manhandled and dragged out of the place. So I immediately texted Dave.”

    Calus said he met Hummel in 2021 when the attorney offered his office as a meeting place for parents to give depositions in a lawsuit they had filed against 15 local school districts over COVID-19 protocols, hoping to force schools to reopen for in-person instruction. Calus was one of nearly 30 plaintiffs in the suit, which was dismissed six months later.

    That year, Hummel started hosting a show on the We The People Podcast Network, a local platform of political programs that aims to “bring the right and the left together” and allow “both sides to present their similarities.” Yet Hummel’s show promised “to break down the hypocrisy of the left and fight for the right.” He would later tell his listeners that the FBI had questioned him about being at the Capitol on Jan. 6.

    Prior to the incident involving Calus, Hummel had stepped in to represent a local woman who was arrested for confronting a school district employee over the masking policy. In that case, the woman faced charges for allegedly assaulting a school bus monitor who tried to make her son wear a mask. (Police said the woman also encouraged her child to punch the bus monitor; there’s no record of the outcome of the case.) Months before that, Hummel himself had been arrested in his own kid’s school district. He had refused to mask at his son’s baseball game and then refused to leave when security tried to escort him out for breaching district policy. He was charged with third-degree criminal trespass and was preparing for his own trial when Calus’ incident landed on his radar.

    Hummel, who was later acquitted, did not respond to ProPublica’s questions.

    Calus said that the night of the incident, Hummel recommended he call the Webster Police Department to press charges against Mancini and said that an officer came to his home to take a statement. The Webster Police Department did not respond to ProPublica’s questions.

    Calus also said he’d wanted the media to cover the incident. He recalled that, though he’s a registered Democrat, “nobody on the left wanted to pick it up.” So he ended up on conservative programs. “I was willing to give interviews to anybody who was willing.”

    The day after the incident, with Hummel at his side, Calus was a guest on a We The People Podcast Network show hosted by Hummel’s friend. Two days later, Calus and Hummel were featured guests on Greg Kelly’s show on NewsMax and the “Hannity” show on Fox News.

    “There’s been political overreach and control over our kids for so long,” Calus told Sean Hannity. “And we haven’t been asking for a ban on masks. All we want is a choice. We deserve the right to choose whether our kids go to school with a mask or not.”

    A week later, Hummel said he had an important announcement to make about the case on a “bonus” episode of his podcast: “My Information at this point is that Mr. Mancini was in fact charged today in Webster town court.” The Monroe County district attorney’s office had charged Mancini with second-degree harassment.

    At around the time of Calus’ media appearances, Mancini and his family began receiving alarming messages on Facebook.

    “I wouldn’t be surprised if your scumbag ass catches a beating,” one message read. “You better be careful who you put your hands on.”

    “Are you one of the rent-a-dick brown shirt Nazis in the video of the school board meeting, assaulting a peaceful taxpaying father?” said another message.

    Mancini said he had to shut down his Facebook page because the messages kept coming. “They posted on different accounts that they were going to come by my house and do a citizen’s arrest,” he said. “I would get anonymous phone calls about different stuff. Got to the point I wasn’t even answering my phone anymore unless I knew the person that was calling me.”

    Meanwhile, many people who’d watched Joy’s livestream, which racked up 185,000 views, sympathized with Calus. In one of the 1,600 comments, one man compared him to Rosa Parks “who refused to give up her seat on a bus” and to anti-segregation student protestors who “quietly sat in at lunch counters while enduring all kinds of physical and verbal abuse.”

    In September 2022, Mancini arrived for his trial in Judge David Corretore’s courtroom. He was represented by the high-profile defense attorney Joe Damelio, a childhood friend who had previously defended several politicians charged with federal crimes.

    The trial lasted two and a half hours. The judge found Mancini not guilty of harassing Calus.

    Details of the trial and the case are scarce. Damelio did not respond to a request for comment. A spokesperson for the Monroe County district attorney’s office stated that court and police documents had been sealed, consistent with New York law, because Mancini was acquitted. After an initial interview with ProPublica, Mancini declined further comment, referring interview requests to his employer, the Webster Central School District. The district did not respond to repeated requests for an interview or to written questions.

    Calus said he was disappointed by the outcome of the case. “It’s not like I wanted Ken to go to jail,” he said. “But I would have thought the judge would have said, ‘Yeah, you know what, Dave, you didn’t deserve that. Your rights were violated. We’re gonna give Ken a slap on the hand.’ But realistically, that’s not what happened.”

    Calus never publicly acknowledged the acquittal, which received no media coverage.

    “My ex-wife tells me every once in a while, ‘I ran into so-and-so and they still think that you’re a loser for what you did in 2022.’ And I just didn’t need that shadow following me everywhere, constantly,” Calus said of his silence after the case.

    But Calus briefly returned to the public eye. This year, he ran for a seat on the Webster Central School District board. He lost his bid in May.

    Do You Have a Tip for ProPublica? Help Us Do Journalism.


    This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Nicole Carr.

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    John Mitchell: Blessed are the peacemakers – why this day is so vital https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/24/john-mitchell-blessed-are-the-peacemakers-why-this-day-is-so-vital/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/24/john-mitchell-blessed-are-the-peacemakers-why-this-day-is-so-vital/#respond Sun, 24 Sep 2023 09:22:08 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=93507 COMMENTARY: By John Mitchell in Suva

    On Thursday, the whole world celebrated the International Day of Peace. Although the UN day is not as famous as others, like World Press Freedom Day, International Women’s Day or World Teacher’s Day, it is important nevertheless.

    The UN General Assembly has set aside the special day to help strengthen the ideals of peace, by observing 24 hours of nonviolence and ceasefire. Why? Because never has our world needed peace more.

    Just look around us. The Ukraine-Russia war seems like a never-ending fight. Despite efforts made globally to end it, the armed conflict continues to rage on in Europe.

    In the continent of Africa, clashes continue in the war-torn Sudan.

    According to the UN reports, Sudan is now home to the highest number of internally displaced anywhere in the world, with at least 7.1 million uprooted.

    More than six million Sudanese are one step away from famine and experts are warning that inaction could cause a spill over effect in the volatile region. In the Middle East, strife can be heard and seen in the mainstream media every second day.

    The scourge of hunger, HIV/ AIDS, strange diseases, famine, climate change and natural disasters continues, without any end in sight. On the other hand, for many people living in stable, well-educated and prosperous communities, every day is an invaluable gift to wake up to.

    Peace seems invisible
    Peace in these places seems invisible because people’s hearts are filled with contents and happiness. People enjoy living in good homes, going to good schools, walking on safe streets and lawbreaking is unusual.

    However, this environment and type of living is absent or different in some parts of the world around us.

    In some countries, every year wars kill hundreds of lives, including women and children, poverty puts millions more through a life of struggle and low levels of education makes people unemployed and in need of the many offerings of life.

    With military conflicts, humanity takes a significant step backwards, as many things have to be recovered instead of going forward. Just look at the past two world wars to understand this.

    Both wars caused the loss of human lives, property loss, economic collapse, poverty, hunger and infrastructural destruction. But among the trail of destruction the wars left behind emerged humans’ insatiable desire for peace.

    The absence of comfort and the overriding feeling of anxiety and fear brought about by conflicts, created spaces in the human heart that allowed humans to, once again, yearn for goodwill, friendship and unity.

    That is why the celebration of the International Day of Peace, which is aimed at conveying the danger of war, is very important.

    Actions for Peace
    This year’s IDP theme was Actions for Peace: Our Ambition for the #GlobalGoals, a call to action that recognises individual and collective responsibility to foster peace.

    On the day, UN Secretary-General António Guterres said, “Peace is needed today more than ever.”

    “War and conflict are unleashing devastation, poverty, hunger, and driving tens of millions of people from their homes. Climate chaos is all around. And even peaceful countries are gripped by gaping inequalities and political polarisation.”

    Defined loosely, peace simply means being in a place, where no hatred and no conflict exists and where hatred and conflict are replaced by love, care and respect. We are now in the year 2023.

    We find that fostering peace is becoming impossible without justice and fairness, without the values of respect and understanding, without love and unity, and without equality and equity.

    Crime continues to escalate, our women and children continue to get raped, there is a lot of hatred and rancour, our streets are not safe at night and our homes are not secure.

    People don’t respect people’s space, people’s human rights and people’s property. The internet and social media have revolutionised the world, the way we do things and the way we live our lives.

    But some of these are extinguishing peace instead of disharmony. Despite efforts to use the internet to prevent conflict, social media is fueling hatred, radicalisation, suspicion, rallying people to disturb the peace, spreading untruths and creating disunity.

    Defences of peace
    The Preamble to the Constitution of UNESCO declares that “since wars begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men that the defences of peace must be constructed”.

    Therefore, for us in Fiji, every day and every opportunity must be exploited to support people to understand each other, work together to build lasting peace and make a safer world for diversity and unity.

    Because we are all anticipating Fiji’s upcoming games in the Rugby World Cup 2023, we should think seriously about how we can use sports as instruments of peace.

    Our Flying Fijians are doing this superbly every time they erupt in singing, give a handshake or a smile, and lift their hands and eyes to the skies in prayerful meditation. There are no wars in Fiji yet we are still struggling to instill peace in our hearts, mind and lives.

    We still need peace in our families and communities. Peace is more than the absence of war.

    It is about living together with our imperfections and differences — of sex, race, language, religion or culture. At the same time, it is about striving to advance universal respect for justice and human rights on which peaceful co-existence is grounded.

    Peace is more than just ending strife and violence, in the home, community, nation and the world.

    It is about living it everyday. UNESCO says peace is a way of life “deep-rooted commitment to the principles of liberty, justice, equality and solidarity among all human beings”.

    Have a peaceful week with a quote from the Bible (Matthew 5:9) “Blessed Are the Peacemakers, for They Will Be Called Children of God”.

    Until we meet on this same page, same time next week, stay blessed, stay healthy and stay safe.

    John Mitchell is a Fiji Times journalist and writes the weekly “Behind The News” column. Republished from The Sunday Times with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Work in progress for PNG’s medical school – fast-tracked after protest https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/22/work-in-progress-for-pngs-medical-school-fast-tracked-after-protest/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/22/work-in-progress-for-pngs-medical-school-fast-tracked-after-protest/#respond Fri, 22 Sep 2023 23:43:13 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=93471 By Grace Salmang in Port Moresby

    Reconstruction and renovation work for dormitories, laboratories, mess and tutorial rooms is currently underway at the University of Papua New Guinea’s School of Medicine and Health Sciences.

    This is following a sit-in protest a week ago by students led by Student’s Representative Council (SRC) representative Elizah Sap demanding the university’s vice-chancellor and medical schoool dean give them answers about their legacy issues.

    During a visit to the school on Thursday, Sap gave an update on the status of renovation work.

    He said there were short and long-term plans outlined in the petition.

    “Short term plans include students to use the mess and eat a decent meal, have access to electricity and see renovation taking place to many of the buildings that are at a
    deteriorating state,” he said.

    “Long term plans include scoping in terms having wi-fi access to all dormitories, staff houses and others.

    “We have been neglected for so long and therefore, we have decided to arrange for a sit-in-protest and we want to thank the UPNG vice-chancellor Professor Frank Griffin for the immediate response after receiving our petition.

    Broken doors, windows …
    “There are broken doors, windows, no furniture in most of the rooms and there are always electrical faults experienced.

    “The mess [dining room] has been closed for almost four years due to the unsanitary practices relating to mass hygiene, until four days ago. It was reopened after a new food warmer was installed with proper power supply and equipment,” Sap said.

    The school’s mess needs to be renovated.

    Sap said that for the last four years, students’ meals were prepared at the UPNG Waigani campus and delivered to the school. However, many times the food was cold and not fresh to eat when it was delivered and some students fell ill from food poisoning.

    “We have also been facing continuous blackouts due to PNG Power’s fluctuation and there is no standby genset as it is no longer working.

    “We have received confirmation that by next week Tuesday, two new gensets will be delivered,” he said.

    Sit-in protest
    Sap said the sit in protest was the reason why work had commenced and the students acknowledged vice-chancellor Griffin for the immediate intervention.

    The school has 712 registered students from different study disciplines.

    The school was established during the 1960s and was previously known as the Papua Medical College.

    Since then, most of the facilities in the school had not been renovated or replaced.

    Sap said that the only renovation done to some of the dormitories was between 2021 and 2022.

    Grace Salmang is a PNG Post-Courier reporter. Republished with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    ]]>
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    NZ election 2023: From ‘pebble in the shoe’ to future power broker – the rise and rise of Te Pāti Māori https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/22/nz-election-2023-from-pebble-in-the-shoe-to-future-power-broker-the-rise-and-rise-of-te-pati-maori/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/22/nz-election-2023-from-pebble-in-the-shoe-to-future-power-broker-the-rise-and-rise-of-te-pati-maori/#respond Fri, 22 Sep 2023 08:47:25 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=93446 ANALYSIS: By Annie Te One, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington

    In his maiden speech to Parliament in 2020, Te Pāti Māori co-leader Rawiri Waititi told his fellow MPs:

    You know what it feels like to have a pebble in your shoe? That will be my job here. A constant, annoying to those holding onto the colonial ways, a reminder and change agent for the recognition of our kahu Māori.

    Three years later, most would agree that he and fellow co-leader Debbie Ngarewa-Packer have been just that — visible, critical, combative, prepared to be controversial.

    The question in 2023, however, is how does the party build on its current platform, grow its base, and become more than a pebble in the shoe of mainstream politics?

    Recent polls suggest Te Pāti Māori could win four seats in Parliament in October. But its future doesn’t necessarily lie in formally joining either a government coalition or opposition bloc, even if this were an option.

    The National Party has already ruled out working with the party in government. And Te Pāti Māori has indicated partnership with either major party is not a priority.

    Such are the challenges for a political party based on kaupapa Māori (incorporating the knowledge, skills, attitudes and values of Māori society) in a Westminster-style parliamentary system.

    Focusing on Māori values
    These tensions have existed since 2004, when then-Labour MP Tariana Turia and co-leader Pita Sharples established Te Pāti Māori in protest against Labour’s Foreshore and Seabed Act.

    Under that law, overturned in 2011, the Crown was made owner of much of New Zealand’s coastline. Turia and others argued the government was confiscating land and ignoring Māori customary ownership rights.

    Te Pāti Māori co-leader wahine Debbie Ngarewa-Packer
    Te Pāti Māori co-leader wahine Debbie Ngarewa-Packer . . . running a close race against Labour candidate Soraya Peke-Mason for the Te Tai Hauāuru electorate – a Labour stronghold. Image: Te Pati Māori website

    As a kaupapa Māori party, Te Pāti Māori bases its policies and constitution on tikanga (Māori values), while advocating for mana motuhake and tino rangatiratanga. That is, Māori self-determination and sovereignty, as defined by the Māori version of te Tiriti o Waitangi/Treaty of Waitangi.

    A tikanga-based constitution has helped shape policies advocating for Māori rights. But it has also, at times, sat at odds with the rules of Parliament.

    Waititi, for example, called pledging allegiance to Queen Elizabeth II “distasteful”. He also refused to wear a tie, breaching parliamentary dress codes.

    Between left and right
    Over the years, the party’s Māori-centred policies have enabled its leaders to move between left and right wing alliances.

    Under the original leadership of Turia and Sharples, Te Pāti Māori joined with the centre-right National Party to form governments in 2008, 2011 and 2014. This was a change from traditional Māori voting patterns that had long favoured Labour.

    During it’s time in coalition with National, Te Pāti Māori helped influence a number of important decisions. This included finally signing the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the development of Whanau Ora (a Māori health initiative emphasising family and community as decision makers), and repealing the Foreshore and Seabed Act.

    However, internal fighting over the decision to align with National led to the resignation of the Te Tai Tokerau MP at the time, Hone Harawira. Harawira later formed the Mana Party.

    The relationship with National proved unsustainable when Labour won back all the Māori electorates at the 2017 election. Notably, Labour’s Tāmati Coffey beat te Pāti Māori co-leader Te Ururoa Flavell in the Waiariki electorate.

    Rebuilding Te Pāti Māori
    Waiariki was front and centre again in the 2020 election, where despite Labour’s general dominance across the Māori electorates, new Te Pāti Māori co-leader Rawiri Waititi reclaimed the seat. The party also managed to win enough of the party vote to bring co-leader Ngarewa-Packer into Parliament with him.

    Sitting in opposition this time, the current party leaders have been vocal across a range of issues. The party has called for the banning of seabed mining, removing taxes for low-income earners, higher taxes on wealth, and lowering the superannuation age for Māori.

    It hasn’t all been smooth sailing. Some policies, such as 2020’s “Whānau Build” have caused discomfort. Aimed largely at addressing the housing crisis, Whānau Build identified immigration as the root of Māori homelessness.

    It was a sentiment more often associated with the extreme right, and the party has since apologised for that part of the policy.

    Contesting more seats in 2023
    Those bumps and missteps notwithstanding, recent polls show just how competitive Te Pāti Māori has become in the Māori electorates.

    Ex-Labour MP Meka Whaitiri — an experienced politician who has held the Ikaroa-Rāwhiti electorate since 2013 but left to join Te Pāti Māori this year — is in a tight race to regain her seat against new Labour candidate Cushla Tangaere-Manuel.

    Co-leader Ngarewa-Packer is also running a close race against Labour candidate Soraya Peke-Mason for the Te Tai Hauāuru electorate — a Labour stronghold.

    But Te Pāti Māori has also shifted from its previous focus on the Māori electorates, with Merepeka Raukawa-Tait standing in the Rotorua general electorate.

    The Māori Electoral Option legislation, which came into effect this year, now allows Māori voters to change more easily between electoral rolls. In future, Te Pāti Māori may find it can best to serve Māori by standing candidates in general electorates.

    Broader social change across Aotearoa New Zealand has also likely been an important contributor to the success of Te Pāti Māori, with greater understanding of Te Tiriti o Waitangi, tikanga and te reo Māori among voters.

    Indeed, the current party vision of an “Aotearoa Hou” (New Aotearoa), includes reference to tangata tiriti, a phrase being popularised to refer to non-Māori who seek to honour partnerships based on Te Tiriti o Waitangi.

    According to the most recent polling, Te Pāti Māori may not be the deciding factor in who gets to form the next government come October.

    But the party’s resilience and growth after it’s electoral disappointments in 2017 and 2020 show an ability to rebuild. In doing so, it is carving out it’s place in New Zealand’s political landscape.

    And if Te Pāti Māori is not the kingmaker in 2023, it is still on the path to influence — and potentially decide — elections in the not-too-distant future.The Conversation

    Annie Te One is lecturer in Māori Studies at Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/22/nz-election-2023-from-pebble-in-the-shoe-to-future-power-broker-the-rise-and-rise-of-te-pati-maori/feed/ 0 429050
    Papuan academics accuse Indonesia of new ‘indigenous marginalisation’ strategy https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/20/papuan-academics-accuse-indonesia-of-new-indigenous-marginalisation-strategy/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/20/papuan-academics-accuse-indonesia-of-new-indigenous-marginalisation-strategy/#respond Wed, 20 Sep 2023 10:27:33 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=93330 Jubi News in Jayapura

    Academics at Papuan tertiary institutions have accused Indonesian authorities of a new “indigenous marginalisation” programme through the establishment of the autonomous regions of Papua that poses a “significant threat” to the local population.

    The dean of the Faculty of Social Science at Okmin University of Papua, Octaviaen Gerald Bidana, said the new autonomous regions (DOB) established by the central government was a deliberate strategy aimed at sidelining the Indigenous Papuan population.

    This strategy involved the establishment of entry points for large-scale transmigration programmes.

    Bidana made these remarks during an online discussion titled “Demography, Expansion, and Papuan Development” organised by the Papua Task Force Department of the Catholic Youth Center Management last week.

    He said that the expansion effectively served as a “gateway for transmigration”, with indigenous Papuans being enticed by promises of welfare and development that ultimately would turn out to be deceptive.

    Echoing Bidana’s concerns, Nguruh Suryawan, a lecturer of Anthropology at the State University of Papua, said that the expansion areas had seen an uncontrolled influx of immigrants.

    This unregulated migration, he argued, posed a significant threat to the indigenous Papuan population, leading to their gradual marginalisation.

    Riwanto Tirtosudarmo, an Indonesian political demographer, analysed the situation from a demographic perspective.

    He said that with the establishment of DOBs in Papua, the Papuan population was likely to become a minority in their own homeland due to the increasing number of immigrants.

    The central government’s stated objective for expansion in Papua was to promote equitable and accelerated development in eastern Indonesia.

    However, the participants in this online discussion expressed scepticism, saying that the reality on the ground told “a different story”.

    The discussion was hosted by Alfonsa Jumkon Wayap, chair of the Women and Children Division of the Catholic Youth Central Board, and was part of a regular online discussion series organised by the Papua Task Force Department of the Catholic Youth Central Board.

    Papuan demographics
    Pacific Media Watch reports that the 2020 census revealed a population of 4.3 million in the province of Papua of which the majority were Christian.

    However, the official estimate for mid-2022 was 4.4 million prior to the division of the province into four separate provinces, according to Wikipedia.

    The official estimate of the population in mid-2022 of the reduced province of Papua (with the capital Jayapura) was 1.04 million.

    The interior is predominantly populated by ethnic Papuans while coastal towns are inhabited by descendants of intermarriages between Papuans, Melanesians and Austronesians, including other Indonesian ethnic groups.

    Migrants from the rest of Indonesia also tend to inhabit the coastal regions.

    Republished from Jubi News with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/20/papuan-academics-accuse-indonesia-of-new-indigenous-marginalisation-strategy/feed/ 0 428427
    📖 Breaking Chains: The Untold Story of Multicultural Education #shorts #civilrights https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/16/%f0%9f%93%96-breaking-chains-the-untold-story-of-multicultural-education-shorts-civilrights/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/16/%f0%9f%93%96-breaking-chains-the-untold-story-of-multicultural-education-shorts-civilrights/#respond Sat, 16 Sep 2023 13:00:31 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=ea47f1c1657562f20ad62db0e5ffbd82
    This content originally appeared on The Laura Flanders Show and was authored by The Laura Flanders Show.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/16/%f0%9f%93%96-breaking-chains-the-untold-story-of-multicultural-education-shorts-civilrights/feed/ 0 427674
    🎓 The Education Revolution: Voices from Brooklyn College #shorts #educationmatters https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/15/%f0%9f%8e%93-the-education-revolution-voices-from-brooklyn-college-shorts-educationmatters/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/15/%f0%9f%8e%93-the-education-revolution-voices-from-brooklyn-college-shorts-educationmatters/#respond Fri, 15 Sep 2023 13:00:15 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=1baebabcc8d7711d5ab7b638e553bbff
    This content originally appeared on The Laura Flanders Show and was authored by The Laura Flanders Show.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/15/%f0%9f%8e%93-the-education-revolution-voices-from-brooklyn-college-shorts-educationmatters/feed/ 0 427424
    Baby product business to teach Māori children pride in culture https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/15/baby-product-business-to-teach-maori-children-pride-in-culture/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/15/baby-product-business-to-teach-maori-children-pride-in-culture/#respond Fri, 15 Sep 2023 08:52:16 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=93118 TE WIKI O TE RĒO MĀORI: By Aroha Awarau

    Last year Joelle Holland invested all of the money she had saved for a home deposit and put it into a baby product business called Hawaiiki Pēpi.

    The sole focus of Hawaiiki Pēpi is to teach Māori children to be proud of their culture and language.

    Hawaiiki Pēpi has already reached more than $100,000 in sales, but most importantly for its owner, it has delivered on its promise to encourage and normalise all things Māori.

    TE WIKI O TE RĒ0 MĀORI | MĀORI LANGUAGE WEEK 11-18 September 2023

    “I don’t have any experience in business at all. But what I do have is a passion for my culture and the revitalisation of our language,” she says.

    “This venture was a way for me to express that and show people how beautiful Māori can be.”

    Holland (Tainui, Tūhoe, Ngāti Whātua) came up with the idea after giving birth to her children Ivy-āio, three, and Ryda Hawaiiki, one.

    The online business that Holland manages and runs from her home, creates Māori-designed products such as blankets for babies.

    Proud to be Māori
    “When my eldest child was in my puku, I was trying to find baby products that showed that we were proud to be Māori. There weren’t any at the time. That’s how the idea of Hawaiiki Pēpi came about,” she says.

    With the support of her partner Tayllis, Holland decided to take a risk and enter the competitive baby industry.

    To prepare for her very first start up, Holland took business courses, conducted her own research and did 18 months of development before launching Hawaiiki Pēpi at the end of last year.

    “The aim is to enhance identity, te reo Māori and whakapapa. We are hoping to wrap our pēpi in their culture from birth so they can gain a sense of who they are, creating strong, confident and unapologetically proud Māori.”

    Holland grew up in Auckland and went to kohanga reo and kura kaupapa before spending her high school years boarding at St Joseph’s Māori Girls College in Napier.

    She says that language is the key connection to one’s culture. It was through learning te reo Māori from birth that instilled in her a strong sense of cultural identity. It has motivated her in all of the important life decisions that she has made.

    ‘Struggled through teenage years’
    “I struggled throughout my teenage years. I was trying to find my purpose. I was searching for who I was, where I came from and where I belonged.

    “I realised that the strong connection I had to my tupuna and my people was through the language. Everything has reverted back to te reo Māori and it has always been an anchor in my life.”

    Holland went to Masey University to qualify to teach Māori in schools, juggling study, with taking care of two children under three, and starting a new business.

    This year, she completed her degree in the Bachelor of Teaching and Learning Kura Kaupapa Māori programme. The qualification has allowed Holland to add another powerful tool in her life that nurtures Māoritanga in the younger generation and contributes to the revitalisation of te reo Māori.

    “I loved my studies. Every aspect of the degree was immersed in te reo Māori, from our essays, presentations to our speeches. Although I grew up speaking Māori, I realised there is still so much more to learn,” she says.

    For now, Holland will be focusing on growing her business and raising her children before embarking on a career as a teacher.

    “My end goal is to encourage all tamariki to be proud of their Māoritanga, encourage them to speak their language and stand tall.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/15/baby-product-business-to-teach-maori-children-pride-in-culture/feed/ 0 427375
    Baby product business to teach Māori children pride in culture https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/15/baby-product-business-to-teach-maori-children-pride-in-culture-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/15/baby-product-business-to-teach-maori-children-pride-in-culture-2/#respond Fri, 15 Sep 2023 08:52:16 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=93118 TE WIKI O TE RĒO MĀORI: By Aroha Awarau

    Last year Joelle Holland invested all of the money she had saved for a home deposit and put it into a baby product business called Hawaiiki Pēpi.

    The sole focus of Hawaiiki Pēpi is to teach Māori children to be proud of their culture and language.

    Hawaiiki Pēpi has already reached more than $100,000 in sales, but most importantly for its owner, it has delivered on its promise to encourage and normalise all things Māori.

    TE WIKI O TE RĒ0 MĀORI | MĀORI LANGUAGE WEEK 11-18 September 2023

    “I don’t have any experience in business at all. But what I do have is a passion for my culture and the revitalisation of our language,” she says.

    “This venture was a way for me to express that and show people how beautiful Māori can be.”

    Holland (Tainui, Tūhoe, Ngāti Whātua) came up with the idea after giving birth to her children Ivy-āio, three, and Ryda Hawaiiki, one.

    The online business that Holland manages and runs from her home, creates Māori-designed products such as blankets for babies.

    Proud to be Māori
    “When my eldest child was in my puku, I was trying to find baby products that showed that we were proud to be Māori. There weren’t any at the time. That’s how the idea of Hawaiiki Pēpi came about,” she says.

    With the support of her partner Tayllis, Holland decided to take a risk and enter the competitive baby industry.

    To prepare for her very first start up, Holland took business courses, conducted her own research and did 18 months of development before launching Hawaiiki Pēpi at the end of last year.

    “The aim is to enhance identity, te reo Māori and whakapapa. We are hoping to wrap our pēpi in their culture from birth so they can gain a sense of who they are, creating strong, confident and unapologetically proud Māori.”

    Holland grew up in Auckland and went to kohanga reo and kura kaupapa before spending her high school years boarding at St Joseph’s Māori Girls College in Napier.

    She says that language is the key connection to one’s culture. It was through learning te reo Māori from birth that instilled in her a strong sense of cultural identity. It has motivated her in all of the important life decisions that she has made.

    ‘Struggled through teenage years’
    “I struggled throughout my teenage years. I was trying to find my purpose. I was searching for who I was, where I came from and where I belonged.

    “I realised that the strong connection I had to my tupuna and my people was through the language. Everything has reverted back to te reo Māori and it has always been an anchor in my life.”

    Holland went to Masey University to qualify to teach Māori in schools, juggling study, with taking care of two children under three, and starting a new business.

    This year, she completed her degree in the Bachelor of Teaching and Learning Kura Kaupapa Māori programme. The qualification has allowed Holland to add another powerful tool in her life that nurtures Māoritanga in the younger generation and contributes to the revitalisation of te reo Māori.

    “I loved my studies. Every aspect of the degree was immersed in te reo Māori, from our essays, presentations to our speeches. Although I grew up speaking Māori, I realised there is still so much more to learn,” she says.

    For now, Holland will be focusing on growing her business and raising her children before embarking on a career as a teacher.

    “My end goal is to encourage all tamariki to be proud of their Māoritanga, encourage them to speak their language and stand tall.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/15/baby-product-business-to-teach-maori-children-pride-in-culture-2/feed/ 0 427376
    ‘I hear your cry’, UPNG chief tells protesting medical students https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/11/i-hear-your-cry-upng-chief-tells-protesting-medical-students/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/11/i-hear-your-cry-upng-chief-tells-protesting-medical-students/#respond Mon, 11 Sep 2023 22:16:37 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=92946 PNG Post-Courier

    The University of Papua New Guinea’s vice-chancellor, Professor Frank Griffin, has assured protesting students of the School of Medicine and Health Sciences that their concerns raised during a sit-in last Friday will be addressed immediately.

    He told the students when receiving a seven-page petition containing protests over the student’s welfare which was presented to him by Student Representative Council (SRC) student representative Elizah Sap that he would act “today”.

    “I hear your cry — the work does not start next this week but today,” Professor Griffin said.

    “I have walked through everyone’s dormitories in this campus, the laboratories and the state of the other buildings and the work starts today.

    “I have heard your pleas of the students on the whole concept of from the womb to the tomb, this school handles every part of that.

    “It may appear that you are being forgotten and neglected, that is not always the case but what we’ll do now is a priority with work and planning starting immediately,” he said.

    He told the students that he would return to the campus to discuss with the school’s executive dean and SRC executives to draw up a plan and get the assessment and work going as quickly as possible.

    Wifi, generators ‘a priority’
    “The issues of having the wifi and generators is a priority that we will look at immediately,” he said.

    He said when the school starts next year, it should be a different place.

    He said the medical campus was much older than the main campus in Waigani and for now the university would make sure to make the place “fit enough” to be called the School of Medicine and Health Sciences.

    SRC president Sap acknowledged Professor Griffin’s response.

    “As such, the SRC considers it vital that the student concerns raised in this petition be addressed adequately and promptly,” Sap sad.

    “Importantly as well, the SRC calls on the administration to look into all of these matters with due care and consideration in order to formulate strategies to remedy these concerns.

    “Only together can the administration and SRC help the University of Papua New Guinea improve services for its students.”

    Republished with permission from the PNG Post-Courier.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/11/i-hear-your-cry-upng-chief-tells-protesting-medical-students/feed/ 0 426415
    Te reo Māori inspires Native American to save her own indigenous language from extinction https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/11/te-reo-maori-inspires-native-american-to-save-her-own-indigenous-language-from-extinction/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/11/te-reo-maori-inspires-native-american-to-save-her-own-indigenous-language-from-extinction/#respond Mon, 11 Sep 2023 03:35:50 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=92895

    By Aroha Awarau

    Christina Dawa Kutsmana Thomas is on a mission to save her indigenous language from extinction. There are only eight people from her reservation in the state of Nevada who are fluent in Numu Yadooana — Northern Paiute, and they’re aged 70+.

    “I feel like I’m under immense pressure. If I don’t do this, then who will? My people have become assimilated into modern life and we have to face the harsh reality that few people speak our language,” she says.

    “It’s harder for my people to have a language renaissance because there are so many different tribes in America — 574. That’s 574 completely different languages, cultures, and histories.”

    MĀORI LANGUAGE WEEK 11-18 September 2023

    Thomas has spent the last eight months in New Zealand as a US Fullbright Scholar, attending kohanga reo, kura kaupapa, and classes at the University of Auckland, to observe and understand how te reo is being taught.

    It’s been an eye-opening experience compared to how indigenous languages are treated in the US, she says.

    “It’s hard for people to find time to learn our language, it’s a struggle to get people to attend community classes or seek it out on their own. We also don’t have resources, books, or a strong curriculum that ensures fluency for new language speakers.

    “I feel grounded being in Aotearoa because I can see the support and the love for te reo and Māori culture, and it gives me the reassurance that I can do this.”

    Growing up not speaking
    Thomas grew up on the Pyramid Lake Paiute Reservation in Wadsworth, Nevada. Although it was a close-knit community, their Native language was discouraged from being spoken at home.

    “My grandmother’s first language was Paiute, but she didn’t speak it to her own children, and discouraged my great-grandma to teach it to my mom. I then in turn grew up not speaking.

    “At this time, Native people in the US were discouraged to speak their language and were trying to blend in with society in order to save their children from ridicule and racist remarks.”

    Thomas was in her 20s and attending the University of Nevada in Reno when she came across an elder from her tribe who was teaching Paiute language classes at the Reno-Sparks Indian Colony.

    “I grew up on a reservation and I knew my tribal affiliations but I did not know my history or the language. I started going to language classes and caught on quickly.”

    Driving force
    She was encouraged to take one-on-one lessons and found a new passion. Thomas has since been a teacher of the Paiute language in public high schools, a language consultant, and instructor for her tribe. She was the driving force behind the Paiute language being established as the first Indigenous language course at the University of Nevada.

    For the past decade, Thomas has also been involved in Native arts and language regeneration projects. She was set to study to become an orthodontist, but her passion for language revitalisation and her culture made her change careers.

    She enrolled to study to earn a PhD in Native American Studies at the University of California in the city of Davis.

    She spent two weeks in New Zealand in 2018 as an undergraduate student conducting research on te reo, visiting language nests, primary, secondary, and tertiary schools.

    In 2019, Christina returned to present her research at the University of Waikato for the Native American Indigenous Studies Association yearly international conference. She vowed then that she would be back for an extended period to focus and observe further about language regeneration.

    Thomas returned to Aotearoa in February 2023 and will be flying home at the end of this month.

    “New Zealand is known for its revitalisation of the te reo Māori. I had previously made connections here, so I knew that whānau would be able to help place me into schools and spaces for me to observe and learn.”

    20 percent “native speakers”
    Until World War II, most Māori spoke their te reo as their first language. But by the 1980s, fewer than 20 percent of Māori spoke the language well enough to be classed as native speakers.

    In response, Māori leaders initiated Māori language recovery-programs such as the kōhanga reo movement, which started in 1982 and immersed infants in Māori from infancy to school age.

    In 1989, official support was given for kura kaupapa Māori-primary and secondary Māori-language immersion schools.

    The Māori Language Act 1987 was passed as a response to the Waitangi Tribunal finding that the Māori language was a taonga, a treasure or valued possession, under the Treaty of Waitangi and the Act gave te reo Māori official language status.

    Christina Dawa Kutsmana Thomas and son Jace Naki’e at Fulbright New Zealand Mid Year Awards Ceremony, Parliament, Wellington, Wednesday 28 June 2023.
    Christina Dawa Kutsmana Thomas and son Jace Naki’e at the Fulbright New Zealand Mid-Year Awards Ceremony, Parliament, Wellington, in June. Image: Hagen Hopkins/RNZ

    “I’d love to see everything that has been accomplished here in Aotearoa happen back home in my community,” Thomas says.

    “My dream after I complete my PhD is to go home and open our very own kohanga reo.”

    Thomas says what she has observed in New Zealand has been invaluable and will carry with her for the rest of her life.

    “I’ve seen how teachers and kura are working towards Māori-based learning, by, with and for Māori.”

    Trans-indigenous connection
    “There’s a trans-indigenous connection. Our language is connected to our land and our ancestors by our songs, languages and stories. The beliefs we have as Indigenous people are connected and similar in so many ways.”

    Throughout this journey, Thomas has brought her seven-year-old son, Jace Naki’e, along for the experience.

    “I was really excited for him to be able to go to school here and have this experience. He loves kapa haka and learning about Māori culture. He’s also been able to share his culture in return.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    ‘Schools Have Always Been the Site of Struggle’ – CounterSpin archival interviews with Alfie Kohn, Diane Ravitch and Kevin Kumashiro on Education https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/07/schools-have-always-been-the-site-of-struggle-counterspin-archival-interviews-with-alfie-kohn-diane-ravitch-and-kevin-kumashiro-on-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/07/schools-have-always-been-the-site-of-struggle-counterspin-archival-interviews-with-alfie-kohn-diane-ravitch-and-kevin-kumashiro-on-education/#respond Thu, 07 Sep 2023 21:59:17 +0000 https://fair.org/?p=9035253 "What they’re interested in is cutting the cost of education, and the most expensive aspect of public education is teachers."

    The post ‘Schools Have Always Been the Site of Struggle’ appeared first on FAIR.

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    The September 1, 2023, episode of CounterSpin was an archival show, featuring interviews with Alfie Kohn, Diane Ravitch and Kevin Kumashiro on education and media. This is a lightly edited transcript.

     

          CounterSpin230901.mp3

     

    Janine Jackson: It’s back to school week here in the US. Schools—pre-K to college—have been on media’s front burner for at least a year now, but education has always been a contested field in this country: Who has access? What does it teach? What is its purpose? Do my kids have to go to school with those kids?

    So while what’s happening right now is new, it has roots. And it does no disservice to the battles of the current day to connect them to previous battles and conversations, and that’s what we’re going to do today on the show.

    We will hear from three of the many education experts it’s been our pleasure to speak with: Alfie Kohn, Diane Ravitch and Kevin Kumashiro.

    ***

    Today’s media debates about education always include politicians politicking; often include right-wing parents, who watched a video and now say their kids are being indoctrinated because queer people…exist; and they sometimes include teachers who say they are underpaid and beleaguered.

    You know what they rarely include? Kids: the ones going to school and dealing with the daily fallout of arguments had about them, but without them. What children are, mainly, is fodder, proof of this or that argument. They’re stupid, they’re entitled, they’re, frankly, whatever a pundit needs them to be.

    No one wants reporters to shove a microphone in a 10-year-old’s face, but if you’re doing a story about children, shouldn’t you be at least a little bit interested in children?

    ***

    CounterSpin has talked many times with one of the researchers genuinely interested in kids, and the way they are treated and portrayed, Alfie Kohn. He is author of many books, including The Myth of the Spoiled Child: Challenging the Conventional Wisdom About Children and Parenting.

    CounterSpin’s Peter Hart spoke with Alfie Kohn in April of 2014. Let’s start with Peter’s introduction for some context.

    ***

          CounterSpin230901Kohn.mp3

     

    Alfie Kohn

    Alfie Kohn: “There must always be losers: That’s built into the American concept of excellence and success.”

    Peter Hart: Kids these days. They think they’ve got it all figured out. Their self-esteem, for no good reason, is through the roof, and they get trophies just for showing up.

    You hear this stuff almost everywhere, from casual conversations to the newspaper op-ed pages.

    A new book argues that this conventional wisdom about kids and parenting isn’t just misguided or inaccurate; it forms a worldview that is not only deeply conservative in many ways, but it is one that reinforces and recommends a specific political ideology.

    Alfie Kohn is the author of the new book The Myth of the Spoiled Child: Challenging the Conventional Wisdom About Children and Parenting. It’s out now. Alfie Kohn, welcome back to CounterSpin.

    Alfie Kohn: Thank you.

    PH: Now, I used to keep a file of these “Every kid gets a trophy these days” newspaper columns, and I was always surprised that there wasn’t much of a political pattern to it. The right wingers and the liberals both had the same complaints.

    And it seems that this is part of what inspires the book, that a set of very conservative ideas about parenting and about children, these ideas have become a kind of conventional wisdom.

    AK: Yes, that’s quite right. And interestingly, the charges hurled at kids and parents sometimes are hard to reconcile with each other.

    On the one hand, we’re told that parents are too permissive, that they don’t set limits for kids, and in the next breath, we hear that parents are overprotective, that they’re being helicopter parents. They don’t let kids experience frustration and failure and so on.

    And there are these charges that kids get things too easily: We praise them when they haven’t earned it. We give them stickers and A’s and trophies without their having shown adequate accomplishments, and kids are growing up narcissistic and entitled and so on.

    And the truly extraordinary thing is how, as you say, regardless of where people are on the political spectrum on most issues, they tend uncritically to accept this deeply conservative set of beliefs about kids and parenting.

    The Myth of the Spoiled Child, by Alfie Kohn

    (Da Capo Books, 2014)

    PH: Teaching kids to be tough, and to expect or maybe anticipate failure, and to really put their nose to the grindstone, all of this—this just seems like good advice. Part of the book is arguing that there isn’t a lot of research that suggests that kids are better off as a result of these lessons we’re teaching them.

    AK: That’s right. But what’s fascinating is the kind of defenses that are argued of this notion that kids have to be rewarded when they accomplish something impressive, and conspicuously go unrewarded when they don’t.

    And, in fact, it’s not enough to accomplish something impressive; they have to defeat other people. There’s this notion that scarcity defines the very idea of excellence. If everyone is celebrated, that means we’re endorsing mediocrity. There must always be losers: That’s built into the American concept of excellence and success.

    And I think underlying a lot of this is the notion, something I call BGUTI, which stands for “Better Get Used To It,” which basically says it’s a tough world out there, it’s very unpleasant, kids are going to experience a lot of unpleasantness when they’re older, and the best way to prepare them is to make them miserable while they’re small.

    And when you show the illogic of this, and the fact that evidence, psychologically, shows exactly the opposite, they quickly pivot and reveal the ideological underpinning of this argument: Well, they lost! They’re not supposed to get a trophy, for Pete’s sake! You know?

    And it’s very clear that it’s really a moral conviction underlying this, that you can’t get anything, including love and appreciation, or feel good about yourself, until you’ve earned it.

    And so in the book I say, this is where the law of the marketplace meets sermons about what you have to do to earn your way into heaven. It’s an awful hybrid of neoclassical economics and theology, and it’s been accepted, even by liberals.

    PH: And so many of these stories have a distinct media component. You kind of pull them all together in the book. A school wants to get rid of dodgeball, and suddenly that’s a national news story, because it teaches us some fundamental lesson about how soft kids are these days, and how they’re not taught to take their abuse from, I guess, the stronger kids. The self-esteem movement in the mid- to late ’90s—suddenly we’re teaching kids self esteem, and it’s a big waste of time. Why do you think media latch onto these stories?

    AK: I think there’s a softer, more ideological idea that’s just in the water in this culture, and that has achieved the status of received truth.

    Just like you can smear a political candidate with untruths and political ads to the point that people start to see the candidate that way, regardless of whether it’s accurate, or you hear this claim that self-esteem isn’t earned, that kids feel too good about themselves. And very few reporters or social commentators take a step back and ask, “Well, wait a minute, what does the psychological research say?”

    Actually, what it says is that unconditional self-esteem, where you have a core of faith in yourself, your own competence and value, is tantamount to psychological health. Where people get screwed up is precisely where they’re taught as children, “I’m only good to the extent that I….”

    That conditionality is what’s psychologically disturbing, and that’s at the core of this conservative notion that hasn’t been identified as conservative.

    The amusing thing is that when you read yet another article in the vi or the Atlantic, or hear yet another radio commentator on this, what’s amazing is that all these writers and commentators congratulate themselves on their courage for having the nerve to say exactly what everyone else is saying.

    ***

    JJ: That was Alfie Kohn, interviewed by CounterSpin’s Peter Hart back in 2014.

    Alfie Kohn mentioned charter schools and the attacks on teachers unions in that conversation. We talked about that with education historian and author Diane Ravitch in May of 2020, in the midst of the Covid lockdown, when politicians couldn’t fix their face to say whether people needed to be in the workplace, or needed to be remote, or which people or why.

    And some of them somehow landed on the side of, “You know who we don’t need to show up? Teachers.”

    I asked Diane Ravitch, co-founder and president of the Network for Public Education, why billionaires like Bill Gates, who dabble in life-or-death issues, call themselves, with media accolade, “reformers” when it comes to education.

    ***

          CounterSpin230901Ravitch.mp3

     

    Diane Ravitch

    Diane Ravitch: “What they’re interested in is cutting the cost of education, and the most expensive aspect of public education is teachers.”

    Diane Ravitch: In my book Slaying Goliath, I refer to Bill Gates and Mark Zuckerberg, and all these tech titans, and Wall Street and on and on, as “disruptors.” They have lots of ideas about how to reinvent and reimagine American education. It always involves privatization. It always attacks public control, and democratic control, of schools. And it very frequently involves technology, because what they’re interested in is cutting the cost of education, and the most expensive aspect of public education is teachers.

    And also, from a different point of view, the most important part of education is teachers, because I think that we’ve learned during this pandemic that sitting in front of a screen is not the same as being in a classroom with a human being.

    What frightens me is that if these people get their way—and we have a very conservative Supreme Court, that’s on the cusp of ruling that states are not allowed to deny funding to religious schools—we will see this country go backwards educationally, because having a strong public school system is a pillar of democracy.

    A public school system that’s open to all kids, that doesn’t push out kids because they can’t speak English, that doesn’t exclude the kids because they have disabilities, and that has a full program, and doesn’t indoctrinate kids into a religious point of view: This is what made America great, and because of the people like DeVos and Trump, and the Bill Gateses and other billionaires in the world who are funding all this privatization stuff, we can see our country go backwards. And that’s what’s frightening.

    JJ: Finally, it’s galling to see the Gates Foundation issuing a response to complaints about this New York initiative, saying, “We believe that teachers have an important perspective that needs to be heard,” as though that were a gracious concession. But then, media and others still hanging on to this notion that riches equal expertise, and pretending that we don’t know what actually works. If I see another report about, “Hey, there was a study that said kids do better in smaller-sized classes”—we know this. It’s just about who they listen to. What would you like to see more of, or less of, in terms of education reporting?

    DR: The scary thing about the pandemic is that every school system in the country is going to be faced with dramatic budget cuts. And what I would like to see reporters focused on is the funding. And the funding should be, not following the child—I mean, this is what Betsy DeVos wants, and what all the right-wingers want, is to see the funding diverted to wherever the child goes. If they go to religious schools, the money goes there. If they homeschool, the money goes there. This is public money; this is our taxpayer dollars—and it should go to public institutions.

    I would like to see reporters understand that children learn best when they have human teachers, and when they have interaction with their peers.

    And I would like to see them follow the money. Who is funding the charter movement? I know who’s funding it, read my book: It’s mainly the Walton Foundation, which hates unions, and which is responsible for one out of every four charter schools in the country. I would like to see them follow the money to the extent of saying, “What really matters is that kids have small enough classes”—and the research on small class size is overwhelming. And I would like to see them expose this hoax that somehow promoting privatization benefits the neediest children, when, in fact, privatization hurts the neediest children.

    And they need to look at the research, the research on increased segregation and the defunding of the schools where the poorest kids attend. This has now grown overwhelming.

    And when Betsy DeVos publicly urges the states to split the money between low-income public schools and high-income private schools, this is sick, and it should be reported as a disgrace. And so many disgraceful things are happening in education, and the reporters need to be all over it.

    ***

    JJ: That was Diane Ravitch on CounterSpin in 2020.

    And, finally, we see that many of the most visible attacks right now are on teachers themselves, or on teachers unions. But it’s also become clear that the heart of many of these attacks is actually on education itself, on the very notion that anyone from any walk of life could be exposed to critical thinking, basically.

    This is not new. The decisions about who gets to learn what have been part of this country since before it was a country. So if we’re going to have this conversation around education now, well, let’s have it.

    That was the message from Kevin Kumashiro, former dean of the School of Education at the University of San Francisco, and author of, among other titles, Bad Teacher!: How Blaming Teachers Distorts the Bigger Picture, when we spoke with him in June of 2019. We started out on the issue of student debt.

    ***

          CounterSpin230901Kumashiro.mp3

     

    Kevin Kumashiro

    Kevin Kumashiro: “We need to be changing the system of education, not simply individual access.”

    JJ: When you’re watching corporate media debate on an issue you care about, it’s hard to know whether to spend time combating the particular myths and misinformation in the conversation as it is, or to simply have a different conversation, with different premises and, frankly, participants.

    If people are saying they oppose “government handouts,” for instance, you may feel a need to say, “Well, what about handouts to corporations?” But then you’re still stuck in this frame of seeing government as a separate force, apart from people, that’s giving things and taking them away, rather than a system that’s meant to be working to serve the common good.

    Can we begin, though, with your overall take on the plans put forth by Sanders and Ilhan Omar, by Warren and Julián Castro, among others, as compared to the status quo? And then, what do you make of the arguments, those that we are hearing, against those plans?

    Kevin Kumashiro: I think it’s really exciting that student debt relief is being elevated to the level that it is. It’s about time that we’re having this conversation. As you’ve mentioned, we know that there is over $1.6 trillion in student debt currently; that affects about 45 million people in this country. And this is a number, this is an amount, that has actually ballooned over the past couple of decades.

    So one of the things that I think the proposals force us to think about is, what are our priorities right now, and how should that be reflected in our national budgets? Budgets reflect priorities, and if we were to fairly tax the rich and the corporations, and if we were to invest in education rather than in instruments of violence and repression, like prisons and war and so on, I think we would be able to create a budget that reflects that. This is absolutely affordable.

    One of the things that I like to argue, however, is that as ambitious, as controversial as some people think that these proposals are, I actually would say that they don’t quite go far enough, in the way that we’re talking about it still.

    And what I mean by that is, right now, the debate seems to be, how do we make education more affordable?—as if education is a commodity, where those who have the wealth can afford to buy the best.

    And what I would say is, “Yeah, we could engage in that debate, but maybe the bigger debate is, should education be seen and treated as a commodity in the first place?” Right?

    Education, I think many of us would argue, is so fundamentally important, not only to individual wellness and livelihood and success, but also to the health and well-being of the community and the society, right? It strengthens democracy, it strengthens participation, social relations, global health.

    And so one of the things we should be thinking about is how education should be a fundamental human right for everyone. And what does it mean to invest in that? Where pre-K through college, you have the right to get the level of education that you need to be successful and happy in the world. And I think that’s where I would like to see the conversation going. And, hopefully, that’s a reframing that we are heading towards.

    USA Today: VOICESI worked as a janitor to keep my student loans low. Wiping debt punishes students like me.

    USA Today (6/26/19)

    JJ: I have seen sympathetic portrayals of people trapped in student loan debt. USA Today, on June 26, had an article evoking how people can get caught up, and how they are left open to predations from scam debt-consolidation companies, for instance. And then, on another tack of the issue, the Washington Post had a data-driven piece about the negative impacts on the overall economy of student loan debt, which is something that I know that you’ve thought about, and that noted that the $1.6 trillion in debt that US families are carrying has doubled since the mid-2000s, which you also just said, and which a lot of newspaper articles leave out.

    I would also say that media are doing a pretty good job of leaving most of the moralizing to the op-eds—you know, things like “I Worked as a Janitor to Keep My Student Loans Low. Wiping Debt Punishes Students Like Me,” which was in USA Today.

    But what I’m not getting is what you’re talking about, which is the idea that, in reality, this is a bigger question about the role of education in society. I wonder how you see us moving the conversation from this specific conversation about Warren, about Sanders, and those plans: How do we push it to that bigger dialogue that you’re looking for?

    KK: Yeah, it’s a great question, because overlapping with the ballooning of student debt over the last two decades is something that’s fueled that ballooning, which is the disinvestment by the public sector in public education.

    Atlantic: American Higher Education Hits a Dangerous Milestone

    Atlantic (5/3/18)

    So higher education is a great example, where it’s hard to call public universities public universities, because such a small percentage of their budget actually comes from the public sector. So what we’ve seen in the past 20 years is a massive decline, in some cases half, maybe even more than half, lost—in terms of what the states used to be contributing to, for example, state-run universities.

    And where does that shortfall now get taken up? Well, some of it gets taken up in fundraising. And some of it gets taken up in corporate sponsorships. But the vast majority of budget shortfalls gets taken up by tuition increases. So there’s a direct connection between disinvesting in public institutions—in other words, making them less public—and seeing the students take on the burden.

    And when we talk about the difference between public and private education, I think it’s also important to think about who these universities serve. Right? Public universities serve a far more racially diverse population, they have more first-generation students, more working-class students, more immigrant students; it’s actually serving the students most in need.

    And I think for many public universities, that was the vision, right, is that they would actually be the universities for the people; they were a counter to the elite private universities.

    And so when we see public universities less able to serve their mission of reaching this much more diverse, underserved population, because we’re disinvesting in them, why are we now surprised, then, that the people with the least resources are now shouldering the greatest burden, in terms of trying to get education?

    So, yeah, I think pushing the conversation, in terms of saying, well, what is the responsibility of society to educate its next generation? And how do we build up institutions where everyone can really benefit from that?

    And let me just say one more thing, to even push the conversation a little further. One of the things that I like to argue is that we should not be debating, how do we give equal access to higher education as it currently exists? That actually isn’t what we should be debating.

    Because the reality is that higher education is not equitable right now. The current state of higher education is that it’s sort of like public schools—you have a handful of very elite institutions that serve the more elite population. And then you have a vast number of underfunded, under-resourced institutions that are serving the masses.

    We don’t want to give equal access to that. What we actually want to do is level the playing field, by saying that the institutions themselves need to be more equitable.

    So when I talk about reforming education, and thinking about the funding of education, I don’t argue that we simply need to equalize how individuals finance their education. I actually argue that we need to be thinking more equitably about the funding of the system, and how that then changes the hierarchy that currently exists between educational institutions. We need to be changing the system of education, not simply individual access.

    NY Post: Elizabeth Warren’s loony college-giveaway plan

    (New York Post, 4/23/19)

    JJ: And some of the opponents, on this particular issue of debt forgiveness, I think have a more comprehensive vision, because some of them are the same people who are also fighting affirmative action—in higher education, in particular; some of them are the same who are against the very idea of public education that you’re talking about.

    And I feel like latent in a lot of debate is the idea that education is supposed to be unobtainable for many, because otherwise, it’s not as valuable as a stratifier, as a screen. And among other things, to pick up on what you just said, that’s not the historical vision of education in this country, is it? I mean, if you look back at the history, education had a democratizing impulse behind it.

    KK: So that’s such a great reminder, is that the history of education in this country is a very complicated and contested one. And when we look throughout the last century and a half, for example, what we can see is that different groups have argued for competing purposes of education. They’ve put forth different arguments of what education should be about.

    So what I like to argue is that, let’s start with public schools, K–12, elementary, secondary schools. When we first created public schools in this country, we didn’t create them for everyone; we created them for only the most elite. And as we were forced to integrate more and more, we just came up with more and more ways to divide and sort them, such as through segregated schools, or tracked classrooms, or labeling, discipline and disenfranchisement.

    And so, when we think about the achievement gap, or this gap in performance among students, many people say that that’s a sign that schools are failing. I like those who make the slightly more provocative argument, that actually the achievement gap is a sign, in some ways, that schools are succeeding, that they were doing exactly what they were set up to do.

    So one of the things that we need to be arguing is not that we simply need to tinker with the system because it’s not really working well. What we actually need to recognize is that the system was built on really problematic assumptions, ideologies and exclusions from its very beginning. And our job is not to wish them away; our job is actually to dive into that contradiction and that messiness, and to say, “Well, how do we work in institutions that maybe were never intended for us, but still make them into the liberatory, revolutionary, democratizing institutions that they have the potential for?” Right?

    Alongside the history of sorting and stratifying, you have an equally long history of people arguing that schools can play a democratizing force, and have been very forceful and persuasive at changing policies and institutions to move us in that direction. Schools have always been the site of struggle.

    And this is another moment when we need to dive in and say, “Yes, we need to struggle, and we need to put forward a much bolder vision than we’re currently pursuing.”

    ***

    JJ: That was author and advocate Kevin Kumashiro, talking with CounterSpin in 2019.

     

     

     

    The post ‘Schools Have Always Been the Site of Struggle’ appeared first on FAIR.


    This content originally appeared on FAIR and was authored by Janine Jackson.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/07/schools-have-always-been-the-site-of-struggle-counterspin-archival-interviews-with-alfie-kohn-diane-ravitch-and-kevin-kumashiro-on-education/feed/ 0 425573
    General Education Classes Strengthen Democracy https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/07/general-education-classes-strengthen-democracy/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/07/general-education-classes-strengthen-democracy/#respond Thu, 07 Sep 2023 19:33:24 +0000 https://progressive.org/op-eds/general-education-classes-strengthen-democracy-wynn-ziff-230907/
    This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Colleen Wynn.

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    Alarming Increase in Attacks on Education Worldwide https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/07/alarming-increase-in-attacks-on-education-worldwide/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/07/alarming-increase-in-attacks-on-education-worldwide/#respond Thu, 07 Sep 2023 15:05:35 +0000 https://www.commondreams.org/newswire/alarming-increase-in-attacks-on-education-worldwide

    More than 3,000 attacks on education were identified in 2022, a 17 percent increase over the previous year, the Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack (GCPEA) reported in a data release today. The data were released ahead of the fourth United Nations International Day to Protect Education from Attack, on September 9, 2023. Almost one-third of all attacks took place in just three countries: Ukraine, Myanmar, and Burkina Faso, with the war in Ukraine accounting for the majority.

    According to GCPEA, more than 6,700 students and educators were reportedly killed, injured, abducted, arrested, or otherwise harmed by attacks on education in 2022, an increase of 20 percent from 2021. Armed forces and non-state armed groups using schools for military purposes also rose in 2022, with over 510 cases reported, compared with around 450 the previous year. Explosive weapons, both targeted and indiscriminate, were frequently used in attacks on education, causing widespread damage. Unexploded ordnance will continue to pose a deadly risk for years to come.

    “The International Day to Protect Education from Attack serves as a stark reminder that schools are not always the safe refuges they should be, but instead are often the sites of extreme violence and terror,” said Diya Nijhowne, GCPEA executive director. “The distressing increase in attacks last year underscores the urgent need for both armed forces and non-state armed groups to safeguard education, including by avoiding using explosive weapons with wide-area effects in populated areas, such as near schools or universities, and refraining from using schools for military purposes.”

    The coalition also released a new 39-page report, Non-State Armed Groups and Attacks on Education: Exploring Trends and Practices to Curb Violations, which found that, in 2020 and 2021, more than half of all attacks on education, and a quarter of reported military use of schools and universities, were by non-state armed groups. The report highlights the various motivations these groups have for attacking schools and educators, and provides recommendations and strategies for reducing these attacks. In 2022 and 2023, non-state armed groups continued to perpetrate a significant proportion of all attacks. In just one example, Al-Shabaab, an insurgent group in Somalia, claimed responsibility for a car bomb attack in October 2022 against the Ministry of Education that killed at least 121 civilians and wounded hundreds more.

    The Safe Schools Declaration, a political commitment to protect students, educators, schools, and universities during armed conflict, endorsed by 118 countries, plays an essential role in preventing, and mitigating the impact of attacks on education. By endorsing the Declaration, governments also commit to using the Guidelines for Protecting Schools and Universities from Military Use during Armed Conflict.

    The use of schools as bases, firing positions, detention centers, training grounds, and for other military purposes, can convert the schools into military targets, putting the lives of those within them at risk, and deterring students and teachers from attending out of fear or because the schools are closed to education. Those who do attend are vulnerable to sexual violence and recruitment by soldiers. School infrastructure and learning materials are also damaged, affecting the quality of education, and sometimes making learning impossible.

    Since 2015, when the Safe Schools Declaration was launched, over a dozen governments have made changes to their national policies, practices, or military manuals, to limit the use of schools for military purposes. Non-state armed groups have also taken measures to safeguard education. In October 2022, several groups operating in Burkina Faso signed unilateral declarations committing to protect educational institutions. In Yemen, the Houthis – who control the capital and other parts of the country – signed an action plan in 2022 to end attacks on schools along with other grave violations against children.

    “Despite the chilling statistics on attacks on education and the staggering loss of life and potential that these numbers represent, there is still much hope,” Nijhowne said. “The Safe Schools Declaration and its guidelines on military use of schools provide a roadmap for preserving the lives and futures of students and teachers, and the communities they build. On this International Day to Protect Education from Attack, all countries should endorse the Declaration and put its commitments into action.”


    This content originally appeared on Common Dreams and was authored by Newswire Editor.

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    Poet and writer Giselle Buchanan on connecting through listening https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/05/poet-and-writer-giselle-buchanan-on-connecting-through-listening/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/05/poet-and-writer-giselle-buchanan-on-connecting-through-listening/#respond Tue, 05 Sep 2023 07:00:00 +0000 https://thecreativeindependent.com/people/poet-and-writer-giselle-buchanan-on-connecting-through-listening What is your creative practice?

    I primarily think of myself as a writer and a poet. That has been what I’ve done the longest, and it feels the most true to me. However, I also consider myself a multidisciplinary artist. I do a lot of zine making and mixed media projects with my poems. An interdisciplinary practice is what comes naturally to me, and it feels the most honest.

    And you’re also an educator.

    Yes.

    When did you start that branch of your practice?

    I think I learned that it was possible to be an educator when I was in high school. I was part of a poetry club, and one of the teachers who facilitated the club said, “You’re an amazing writer. There’s this organization that you should be a part of. They’re doing a contest.” It was for college scholarships. And so I said, “Okay, I’ll try.”

    I entered the poetry competition and an aspect of it was to participate in writing workshops leading up to the final performance. Studying with the facilitators in those workshops who were all “professional poets” was the first time I saw being a poet as a job. A real job that regular people who look like me could do. I became obsessed with that organization and went nearly every day for two years. It was there that I realized what I want to do in life is accessible. Maybe I won’t be a bestselling poet, but I could be a poet. I could do my work and do it sustainably. Teaching became an avenue for that.

    Around that time I participated in a design and screen-printing apprenticeship, with an organization that no longer exists called Harlem Textile Works. It was a space where I could approach using my skills in a multidisciplinary way. It was there where I was first introduced to actively facilitating my own workshops.

    What are some of the places you’ve given workshops at?

    Nonprofits, corporate offices, elementary schools, universities, museums, forests, even a jail. Anywhere. It has been a kind of fluid exploration. Creativity is a practice, a personal practice, but also a communal practice and an offering that I can give to people, all kinds of people.

    Do you adapt your workshops to your audience or is there a common denominator?

    The format stays the same, for the most part. A prompt, and then communal sharing. Within that formula, there’s so much room to experiment, so it takes on many different shapes. It morphs according to how I’m feeling. How the room feels. It’s a conversation. I never step into a room and feel like I know everything. Sometimes, what you think is supposed work doesn’t. You have to be adaptable.

    What I really liked about taking your workshop is that you seem genuinely curious and excited about people sharing their work even though you’ve been giving workshops for over 10 years.

    Yeah. I mean, it’s a little selfish. I genuinely love listening to people share their work. I remember the first time I took a writing workshop. It was in that after school program. I sat at a table with 30+ students. Before that, writing was a solo endeavor- me and my notebook, alone in a corner. When I got to that room, it became a communal practice where we were all given the same task, then we got to listen to each other. We got to see all the worlds that were created out of one shared exercise.

    I really love being around other creative people, and I love the practice of listening to poems. I think they’re magical. Poetry is a snapshot of one’s soul. That seems so cliche, but it really feels that way. Poetry is the language of symbols. Our symbols speak to something deeper within us. You feel connected to each other, just through listening.

    Yeah, it was so interesting to experience it communally, because writing is always seen to be such a solo task. And that can make it intimidating because we are often scared to sit in silence and with ourselves.

    Yes. I’m sure the pandemic showed us a lot of that. We had infinite amounts of time to just sit in silence, and a lot of people were not familiar with that act. The way our societies are designed keep us away from ourselves, and people as well. Although we’re around each other all the time, we’re kept surface level for the most part. When you’re accustomed to that and are given time alone, you might not be ready to plunge into your own depths when you don’t regularly do that. Which is why I think frequently going to that inner space of solitude and taking inventory of your internal landscape is necessary, because you won’t be caught off guard when life inevitably sits you down. And it will at some point in time. We all go through the transition of time, and we’re not young forever. There will be a moment where we are asked to sit down and be with ourselves. It’s either you choose to do that throughout your life, or you’re forced by the end of it. You want to be prepared for that. I think a lot of people don’t get the chance to be prepared, just because of the way things are structured.

    Consistency is tough for me as a freelancer. I try to have a consistent writing practice but my inconsistent schedule makes it hard. What are your thoughts to this?

    My relationship to consistency has changed a lot. I do recognize the value in regularly tending to your creative work, but I also recognize that life happens in seasons. Sometimes, if you’re facing a period in life where you’re not as generative as you would hope to be, maybe you can listen to it as an indicator that perhaps you need to do more living. I find that the more that I lean into my living, the more I have to pour into my art. Intentionally making the time to give to my art is something I must do, but if I ever find myself unable to pour out onto a page, maybe that means I haven’t filled myself enough. So, I’m not too harsh with myself when I encounter periods where I don’t have anything to give. I try not to make it a failure of my efforts. I make it more of an indicator that I have living to do, if that makes sense.

    Yeah, that makes sense. That’s really beautiful.

    It took a long time to get there, but I got there somehow.

    Would you say facilitating workshops help with your own writing?

    Facilitating workshops keeps me inspired. Community is such a source of nourishment. Sometimes we may believe that we are creatively blocked, but really we’re just cut off from the nourishment of community. When we are plugged into that, we’re able to learn from each other and be held in a space of remembering we’re not alone.

    One of the biggest things I’ve observed through repeatedly holding creative space is that at times we all tell ourselves the same stories, the same lies. We all tell ourselves the same lies about our personal possibility. When you listen to someone else telling the same lie you tell yourself, you’re able to see it for what it is much clearer than when you’re faced with your own mirror. That’s one of the many gifts of community: it’s a space to polish your mirror by looking at someone else.

    It’s also a space to grow, because we all approach our creative practice in so many different ways. You get to see that there’s no straight road. There are so many paths you can walk to get to a beautiful space. That exposure gives you permission to take your unconventional route.

    I used to feel like I had to be a certain way to be impactful. Through creating a community, I’ve learned that impact takes on many forms. Community gives you more examples of how you could lean into finding your own voice.

    You’ve given workshops in so many different contexts like in schools or on Riker’s Island. Is there a truth that shows up in all different sort of workshop formats?

    The biggest thing I’ve found is that there’s talent everywhere. The creative practice is a gift to ourselves. It’s a gift to children, and it’s a gift to people in circumstances that seem bleak. I’ve found that in holding space for people to find that gift within themselves, regardless of where they are in their lives, you are granting them access to an inner room they can return to for beauty, inspiration and sustenance the rest of their lives. I don’t necessarily think everybody in our society has been given permission to access this room, but when they are, they’re met with so much more possibility.

    What did you teach at Riker’s?

    I was brought on to teach poetry twice a week in the men’s prison. I think I was there for six months. It was an experience for sure, and it taught me so much.

    There’s so much talent that goes unseen and remains unseen. There’s such a lack of access that keeps people from being able to tap into the richest parts of themselves. Of even knowing that those rich parts exist. There were a few men in my class that discovered they were poets for the first time in my workshop. That’s one of the things I really observed when I was doing work there- seeing how if people were given more opportunity and weren’t just fighting to survive, how much richer their contribution to themselves and our world could be. But also, how rich it still is, despite the lack of access, despite limited opportunities or resources. How vibrant and rich the contributions still are. They were just needing space to be unearthed.

    You once said that you relearn yourself through your writing. Can you elaborate?

    Due to the nature of capitalism, we don’t often have time to take inventory of what we’ve learned, what we’ve noticed, and how we’ve changed. I think that when you sit down to write, you come face to face with your lessons, the wisdoms you have accumulated in your walk. We don’t know how much we’ve absorbed, how fully we’ve transformed, or how deeply we’ve integrated what we’ve lived, until we can sit down and sift through it. Writing is one of the ways we can do that. I’m surprised all the time by how I’ve synthesized my experiences and how they’ve expanded my capacity. How my perspective has adjusted in a way that’s new and interesting. Writing is a place to encounter yourself in all the ways you are shifting and being remolded by life.

    Yeah. You’re in dialogue with yourself.

    Exactly.

    Especially if you’re writing just for yourself, and you’re not doing it for an audience, or a deadline, or external pressure.

    We should first write for ourselves. It’s the most useful to you when it’s for you first.

    I was speaking to a friend a couple of days ago about the way poetry was taught in high school and, to me, it was taught in a way that seemed unaccessible and boring. I’ve always considered myself as a person who doesn’t get poetry.

    And that’s a shame, because you probably can find a poet that speaks your language. I believe the way poetry is taught in high school cheats us of many people who could potentially be poets. I relate poetry to language. There are thousands of languages in the world. Even within one language, there can be many dialects. I think it’s the same for poetry.

    Because we’re holding A language as the language, it limits how many people can find themselves at home in the medium. That’s a shame because I love poetry so much. I love all kinds of poems, and I love all kinds of poets. It actually saddens me to see see the reflection of poetry most front facing for young people- although there are many authors and educators that are changing the landscape of what poetry has historically been in early academia. There are so many languages, and it’s about finding the poets that speak yours. It’s not even necessarily about how precise this person’s form is, though that might be controversial to say.

    There are people who are students of the craft of poetry, and hold it to the highest standard—those are the people who really care about form. However, I think the average person just wants to be spoken to in a way that they understand, and they want to be moved. They want to feel. I think that you don’t have to be a swordsman with your language to move people.

    Yeah, exactly. Now that I look back at high school, I was listening to Hip Hop all the time. So I was actually consuming poetry all the time.

    Yes. I always say that my favorite rappers are actually poets. My favorite singers as well. I tend to gravitate towards singer/songwriters and rappers who are skilled storytellers. They are the ones who carry the magic of oral tradition alongside the poets and share it with the masses. Some people cannot access poetry through books and the written word alone, but when it’s accompanied by music, it can reach and transform them.

    Giselle Buchanan Recommends:

    Rosewater

    A Handful of Earth, A Handful of Sky: The World of Octavia Butler by Lynell George (Book)

    Maria Sabina: Selections (Book)

    Roadtrip down down the Pacific Coast Highway

    Rapture - Anita Baker (album)


    This content originally appeared on The Creative Independent and was authored by Grashina Gabelmann.

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    The Evolution of Multicultural Education: The CUNY Brooklyn College Story https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/01/the-evolution-of-multicultural-education-the-cuny-brooklyn-college-story/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/01/the-evolution-of-multicultural-education-the-cuny-brooklyn-college-story/#respond Fri, 01 Sep 2023 19:02:39 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=92d7be9374083abb7fb03bcc9b6ac300
    This content originally appeared on The Laura Flanders Show and was authored by The Laura Flanders Show.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/01/the-evolution-of-multicultural-education-the-cuny-brooklyn-college-story/feed/ 0 424537
    Alfie Kohn, Diane Ravitch and Kevin Kumashiro on Education https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/01/alfie-kohn-diane-ravitch-and-kevin-kumashiro-on-education/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/01/alfie-kohn-diane-ravitch-and-kevin-kumashiro-on-education/#respond Fri, 01 Sep 2023 15:00:02 +0000 https://fair.org/?p=9035201 It does no disservice to the education battles of the current day to connect them to previous battles and conversations.

    The post Alfie Kohn, Diane Ravitch and Kevin Kumashiro on Education appeared first on FAIR.

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          CounterSpin230901.mp3

     

    Student raising her hand in a classroom

    (CC photo: Paul Hart)

    This week on CounterSpin: It is back to school week in the US.  Schools—pre-K to college—have been on the front burner for at least a year now, but education has always been a contested field in this country: Who has access? What does it teach? What is its purpose? Do my kids have to go to school with those kids? So while what’s happening right now is new, it has roots. And it does no disservice to the battles of the current day to connect them to previous battles and conversations, and that’s what we’re going to do this week on the show.

    We hear from three of the many education experts that have been our pleasure to speak with: Alfie Kohn, Diane Ravitch and Kevin Kumashiro.

          CounterSpin230901Kohn.mp3

     

          CounterSpin230901Ravitch.mp3

     

          CounterSpin230901Kumashiro.mp3

     

    The post Alfie Kohn, Diane Ravitch and Kevin Kumashiro on Education appeared first on FAIR.


    This content originally appeared on FAIR and was authored by Fairness & Accuracy In Reporting.

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    Fiji’s Prasad reaches out to the NZ diaspora to help rebuild nation https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/01/fijis-prasad-reaches-out-to-the-nz-diaspora-to-help-rebuild-nation/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/01/fijis-prasad-reaches-out-to-the-nz-diaspora-to-help-rebuild-nation/#respond Fri, 01 Sep 2023 10:00:06 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=92589 By Venkat Raman, editor of Indian Newslink

    Fiji is on the road to economic recovery and the government looks forward to the support and assistance of the Fijian diaspora in its progress, says Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Professor Biman Prasad.

    Inaugurating the Fiji Centre, an entity established at the premises of the Whānau Community Centre and Hub in Mount Roskill last night, Dr Prasad said that while the challenges faced by his administration were many, he and his colleagues were confident of bringing the economy back on track.

    He said tourism was the first industry to recover after the adverse effects of the covid-19 pandemic, but foreign remittances by Fijians living overseas had been a major source of strength.

    Dr Prasad was elected to the Fiji Parliament and is the leader of the National Federation Party, which won five seats in the current Parliament.

    His NFP formed a Coalition government with Sitiveni Rabuka’s People’s Alliance Party and the Social Democratic Liberal Party (SODELPA).

    The general election held on 14 December 2023 ousted former prime minister Josaia Voreqe Bainimarama and his FijiFirst Party.

    Bainimarama took over the leadership after a military coup on 5 December 2006, but the first post-coup general election was not held until 17 September 2014.

    Individual foreign remittances
    “Tourism was quick to bounce back to pre-pandemic levels and personal remittances have been extremely helpful. The diaspora remitted about F$1 billion last year and I hope that the trend will continue,” Dr Prasad said.

    He appealed to New Zealand-resident Fijians to also invest in Fiji.

    “Fiji was under siege for 16 years and many suffered silently for fear of being suppressed and punished but that has changed with the election of the new Coalition government . . . The first law change was to amend the Media Industry Development Act which assures freedom of expression,” he said.

    “Freedom of the media is essential in a democracy.”

    Auckland's Fiji Centre
    Formal opening of Auckland’s Fiji Centre . . . the inauguration plaque. Image: APR

    Dr Prasad said that the pandemic was not the only reason for the state of the Fijian economy.

    “Our economy was in dire straits. We inherited a huge debt of F$10 billion after 16 years of neglect, wasteful expenditure on non-priority items and total disregard for public sentiment,” he said.

    “We believe in consultation and understanding the needs of the people. The National Business Summit that we organised in Suva soon after forming the government provided us with the impetus to plan for the future.”

    Dr Prasad admitted that governments were elected to serve the people but could not do everything.

    “We are always guided by what the community tells us. People voted for freedom at the . . . general election after an era of unnecessary and sometimes brutal control and suppression of their opinions,” he said.

    “They wanted their voices to be heard, be involved in the running of their country and have a say in what their government should do for them.

    “They wanted their government to be more accountable and their leaders to treat them with respect.”


    Professor Biman Prasad’s speech at Auckland’s Fiji Centre. Video: Indian Newslink

    Formidable challenges
    Later, speaking to Indian Newslink, Dr Prasad said that the first Budget that he had presented to Parliament on 30 June 2023 was prepared in consultation with the people of Fiji, after extensive travel across the islands.

    His Budget had set total government expenditure at F$4.3 billion, with a projected revenue of F$3.7 billion, leaving a deficit of F$639 million.

    The debt to GDP ratio is 8.8 percent.

    He said that education had the largest share in his budget with an allocation of F$845 million.

    “This includes the write-off of F$650 million [in the] Tertiary Scholarship and Loan Service Debt of $650 million owed by more than 50,000 students.

    “But this comes with the caveat that these students will have to save a bond. The bond savings will be years of study multiplied by 1.5, and those who choose not to save the bond will have to pay the equivalent cost amount,” he said.

    Dr Prasad allocated F$453.8 million for health, stating that there would be a significant increase in funding to this sector in the ensuing budgets.

    He said that the Fijian economy was expected to grow between 8 percent to 9 percent, revised from the earlier estimate of 6 percent since there is greater resilience and business confidence.

    According to him, the average economic growth for the past 16 years has been just 3 percent, despite various claims made by the previous regime.

    “We have promised to do better. We will stand by our commitment to integrity, honesty, accountability and transparency.

    “The consultative process that we have begun with our people will continue and that would our community in countries like Australia and New Zealand,” he said.

    He said that the Fiji diaspora, which accounted for about 70,000 Indo-Fijians in New Zealand and larger numbers in Australia, the United Kingdom, the United States of America and Canada, had the potential to support the rebuilding efforts of his government.

    Engagement with trading partners
    “Whenever I visit New Zealand, I like to spend more time with our community and listen to their views and aspirations.

    “I invite you to return to Fiji and help in rebuilding our economy. We are in the process of easing the procedures for obtaining Fijian citizenship and passport, including a reduction in the fees.

    “The future of Fiji depends on our communities in Fiji and across the world,” he said.

    Dr Prasad that he and his government were grateful to the Australian and New Zealand governments which had provided aid to Fiji during times of need including the pandemic years and the aftermath of devastating cyclones.

    “We want to re-engage with our traditional partners, including New Zealand, Australia, India, the USA, the UK and Japan (as a member of Quad),” he said.

    Dr Prasad said that while both Australia and New Zealand had had long ties with Fiji, he had always been drawn towards New Zealand.

    He said that his wife had completed her PhD at the University of Otago and that his children received their entire education, including postgraduate qualifications, in this country.

    Dr Prasad is in New Zealand to meet the Fiji diaspora, including the business community.

    He addressed a meeting of the New Zealand Fiji Business Council at the Ellerslie Convention Centre in Auckland today.

    Republished with permission from Indian Newslink.

    Fiji's Dr Prasad speaking at the Fiji Centre in Auckland last night
    Fiji’s Dr Prasad speaking at the Fiji Centre in Auckland last night . . . While both Australia and New Zealand have had long ties with Fiji, Dr Prasad has always been drawn towards New Zealand. Image: David Robie/APR


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Hipkins warns NZ voters against ‘turning the clock back’ on reforms https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/31/hipkins-warns-nz-voters-against-turning-the-clock-back-on-reforms/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/31/hipkins-warns-nz-voters-against-turning-the-clock-back-on-reforms/#respond Thu, 31 Aug 2023 22:24:04 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=92541 By Russell Palmer, RNZ News digital political journalist

    Parliament has ended for another term, shutting down ahead of the Aotearoa New Zealand election campaign with a debate where many focused on attacking their political opponents.

    Labour Party leader and Prime Minister Chris Hipkins warned New Zealanders: “We can continue to move forward under Labour, or we can face a coalition of cuts, chaos, and fear: A National/ACT/New Zealand First government that would be one of the most inexperienced and untested in our history.”

    Parliament typically rises at the end of a term with an adjournment debate, and Thursday’s seemed to confirm the coming election on October 14 would be full of negative campaigning.

    Here is a brief summary of the political leaders’ speeches:

    Chris Hipkins (Labour):

    Prime Minister Chris Hipkins on the last day of parliament before the 2023 election
    Labour Party leader and PM Chris Hipkins . . . “Ours is a government that has been forged through fire. Every challenge that has been thrown our way, we have risen to that.” Image: RNZ/Angus Dreaver

    Labour’s leader and incumbent Prime Minister Chris Hipkins launched into the closing adjournment debate reflecting on the eventful past six years. He said his own tenure in the role had not broken that mould, with the Auckland floods sweeping in just two days after he was sworn in, followed by Cyclone Gabrielle.

    “Ours is a government that has been forged through fire. Every challenge that has been thrown our way, we have risen to that,” he said.

    He said Labour had achieved a lot, but there was more to do — and much at stake in the coming election.

    “We can continue to move forward under Labour, or we can face a coalition of cuts, chaos, and fear: A National/ACT/New Zealand First government that would be one of the most inexperienced and untested in our history, a government who want to wind the clock back on all of the progress that we are making.”

    He praised Finance Minister Grant Robertson’s handling of the economy, highlighting a 6 percent larger economy than before the covid-19 pandemic, record low unemployment, and wages “growing faster under our government than inflation”.

    He soon returned to attacking political opponents, however.

    “Now is not the time to turn back. Now is not the time to stoke the inflationary fires with unfunded tax cuts as the members opposite promised, and it is not a time to turn our backs on talent by introducing a talent tax,” he said, referring to National’s plan to increase levies on visas.

    “National wants to turn the clock backwards; we want to keep moving forward.”

    He finished by saying Labour had a positive vision for New Zealand, before his final parting words: “and I wave goodbye to Michael Woodhouse, too, because he’s guaranteed not to be here after the election”.

    Christopher Luxon (National):

    Leader of the National Party Christopher Luxon
    National Party leader Christopher Luxon . . . “[The Labour government] turned out it was all words and no action, because, as we expected, [Hipkins] just carried on doing more of the same: Excessive, addicted government spending.” Image: RNZ/Angus Dreaver

    The National leader said Hipkins’ speech should be one of apology, “to the parents and the kids who actually have been let down by an education system …to all the people who have waited for endless times and hours in hospital emergency departments … to all the victims of ram raids in dairies and superettes … to all the people that are lying awake at night worried about how they’re going to make their payments and keep their house.”

    He continued with the requisite thanks such speeches so often sprinkle on officials, staff, supporters and workers before thanking the man he had been criticising.

    “I do want to thank, in particular, the Prime Minister Chris Hipkins for his services to the National Party, because he rode in very triumphantly in February, and he announced that he was sweeping away everything that Jacinda Ardern stood for-especially kindness. But I have to say it turned out it was all words and no action, because, as we expected, he just carried on doing more of the same: Excessive, addicted government spending.

    He turned to the slew of Labour personnel problems of the past year and more, likening the government to a car with the wheels falling off; the Greens were “in this rally too, they’re on their e-bikes, and they’re pedalling along the Wellington cycle lanes,” while Te Pāti Māori were “in their waka, but, sadly, they’re not the party of collaboration that they once were”.

    “Then there are the ACT folk. They’re off in their pink van, and it’s been wonderful. They’re travelling the countryside, and David’s reading Mandela’s Long Walk to Freedom, which is a good read, as you well know, Mr Speaker.”

    He lavished praise on his own team, singling out deputy Nicola Willis, then closed by promising National was “ready to govern, we are sorted, we are united, we have the talent, we have the energy, we have the ideas, we have the diversity to take this country forward”.

    David Seymour (ACT):

    ACT party leader David Seymour speaks at the censure of National MP Tim van de Molen
    ACT party leader David Seymour . . . “Half the people who voted for Labour at the last election have abandoned voting for Labour in three years. The question that they must be asking themselves is why that is.” Image: RNZ/Angus Dreaver

    ACT’s leader also honed in on his political opponents, targeting Labour’s polling.

    “It’s been a long three years in this Chamber and it has been characterised by one fact that lays bare what has happened, and that is the fact that the Labour Party, in Roy Morgan, polled 26 percent. That means that half the people who voted for Labour at the last election have abandoned voting for Labour in three years. The question that they must be asking themselves is why that is.”

    “I think the reason that we have so much change and support-Labour have lost half of their supporters in the last three years because, frankly, never has so much been promised to so many and yet so little actually delivered … New Zealanders overwhelmingly say this country is going in the wrong direction, and they also will tell you that their number one concern is the cost of living. That is Grant Robertson’s epitaph.”

    He targeted housing, debt, inflation, victimisation, and child poverty before targeting the government for taking “a divisive approach to almost every single issue”.

    “If you take the example of vaccination. Now, I’m a person who says that vaccination was safe and effective, yet by using ostracism as a tool to try and increase vaccination levels this government has eroded social cohesion and divided New Zealanders when they didn’t need to,” he said.

    “New Zealand have had enough of that style of politics. They’ve had enough of Chris Hipkins going negative. They’ve had enough of the misinformation.”

    He finished by saying the choice for New Zealanders now was not between swapping “Chris for Chris and red for blue”, but “we’ll actually deliver what we promise, we’ll cut waste, we’ll end racial division, and we’ll get the politics out of the classroom. Those aren’t just policies, those are values that we all share.”

    James Shaw (Greens):

    Green Party co-leader James Shaw
    Green Party co-leader James Shaw . . . “Our greenhouse gas emissions in Aotearoa are falling, and that is because — and it is only because — with the Green Party in government with Labour, we have prioritised that work every single day.” Image: RNZ/Angus Dreaver

    The Green co-leader took his own opening shot at Seymour, as “the leader of ‘New New Zealand First'”.

    “Mr Seymour must be feeling quite grumpy right now, because last term he worked so hard to get rid of Winston Peters so that this term he could become Winston Peters, and now Winston Peters is calling and he wants his Horcrux back because that blackened shard of a soul can only animate the body of one populist authoritarian at once.”

    He turned the hose on both major parties in one statement, saying it was odd National was proposing more new taxes than Labour while the Greens were promising bigger tax cuts than National. He criticised National over its plan to spend the funds from the Emissions Trading Scheme, before turning to climate change overall as — unusually — a source of positivity.

    “Our greenhouse gas emissions in Aotearoa are falling, and that is because — and it is only because — with the Green Party in government with Labour, we have prioritised that work every single day.”

    But positivity did not last long.

    “Under the last National government, one in 100 new cars sold in this country was an electric vehicle. Last June, it was one in two … and National want to cancel all of that so that they can have an election year bribe.”

    Rawiri Waititi (Te Pāti Māori):

    Te Pati Māori MPs Debbie Ngarewa-Packer and Rawiri Waititi (speaking) on the Budget debate, 18 May 2023
    Te Pati Māori MPs Debbie Ngarewa-Packer and Rawiri Waititi (speaking) . . . “Te Pāti Māori is a movement that leaves no one behind, whether you are tangata whenua or a tangata Tiriti, tangata hauā, takatāpui, wāhine, tāne, rangatahi, mokopuna — you are whānau.” Image: Johnny Blades

    The Pāti Māori leader Rawiri Waititi began with a fairy tale.

    “It seems like this side of the House can find a grain of salt in a sugar factory. I just wanted to say, as I heard the story about Goldilocks — Mama Bear, Papa Bear, Baby Bear — I tell you, it’s been very difficult to sit next to a polar bear and a gummy bear, and it’s been quite hard to contain the grizzly bear in me.”

    He spoke in te reo Māori before giving a speech which — unlike the other leaders — focused exclusively on his own party’s promises.

    “We are the only movement that will fight for our people,” he said.

    “What does an Aotearoa hou look like? It looks like how we would treat you on the marae. We will welcome you. We will feed you. We will house you. We will protect you. We will educate you. We will care you. We will love you.”

    “Te Pāti Māori is a movement that leaves no one behind, whether you are tangata whenua or a tangata Tiriti, tangata hauā, takatāpui, wāhine, tāne, rangatahi, mokopuna — you are whānau.”

    He spoke of the need to reduce poverty and homelessness, before making the second of two references to his suspension from Parliament this week, then said it was time to “believe in ourselves to be proud, to be magic, and to believe in your mana”.

    “I am proud of you all, I am proud of our movement, and I’m proud to head into this campaign, doing what we said we would do.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    A Higher Education: The Bottom Line https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/30/a-higher-education-the-bottom-line/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/30/a-higher-education-the-bottom-line/#respond Wed, 30 Aug 2023 05:50:19 +0000 https://www.counterpunch.org/?p=292860

    Photo by Dom Fou

    During the epic times of the baby boom generation cohort coming of age, the humanities were burgeoning fields of study. They were popular on college campuses. The liberal arts flourished. Students looked forward to having rewarding work lives, but learning about the world and the intellectual development of humanity through the arts, languages, history, literature, the social sciences, and philosophy was popular.

    This definition of the humanities includes learning or literature concerned with human culture, especially literature, history, art, music, and philosophy. Many students combined the study of the subjects in the humanities with business courses, education, or the sciences. Some studied the humanities for the pleasure of learning and learning how to think critically. Many students wanted to learn about the world with a measure in depth. Others augmented the humanities with so-called practical subjects so they would be employable after graduation.

    In 2012, a good year for the humanities, there were 235,966 bachelor degree graduates with a concentration of study in that area of study. By 2018, that figure had dropped to 202,665 humanities graduates.

    By the end of the 2021-2022 academic year there were 2,123,000 graduates, and of those graduates, 437,302 were in science, technology, engineering, or mathematics, the so-called STEM concentrations, with 146,573 humanities graduates. The trend of subjects studied and the number of graduates in those fields tells an obvious story of career/vocational choices and fewer and fewer humanities students. The impact on college and university departments is apparent with fewer liberal arts professors and departments and more STEM professors and departments.

    Many college students, burdened with ever-expanding tuition and skyrocketing living costs for study, chose to study STEM subjects. Many graduates, even if humanities majors as undergraduates, turn to graduate studies in medicine, law, business, or other professional courses of study.

    Here is an assessment of humanities programs:

    Informal discussions with students at one of the larger campuses of the State University of New York system in Albany, New York revealed that most students studied math, business and other STEM subjects, concentrations that could provide them with employment after graduation.

    Average student debt ranges from the $30,000+ range for public colleges and universities to $50,000+ for private schools. Many students report far more debt after four years of college than the figures above. A professional degree can add multiples of thousands of dollars to a student’s debt burden.


    This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Howard Lisnoff.

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    A Washington Special Education School That Was Accused of Harming Kids Is Now Barred From Taking New Students https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/24/a-washington-special-education-school-that-was-accused-of-harming-kids-is-now-barred-from-taking-new-students/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/24/a-washington-special-education-school-that-was-accused-of-harming-kids-is-now-barred-from-taking-new-students/#respond Thu, 24 Aug 2023 13:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/washington-special-education-school-faces-state-restriction by Mike Reicher and Lulu Ramadan, The Seattle Times

    This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with The Seattle Times. Sign up for Dispatches to get stories like this one as soon as they are published.

    Washington education officials have barred a private special education school from accepting new students this fall after a state investigation found “unacceptably high” levels of physical restraints and of staff isolating students in locked rooms.

    The state Office of Superintendent of Public Instruction launched the investigation after a Seattle Times and ProPublica series last year revealed that the Northwest School of Innovative Learning had long been the subject of allegations that it abused students, misused isolation rooms, let unqualified aides lead classes, and lacked basic educational materials, including textbooks.

    As of the 2021-2022 school year, Northwest SOIL was the largest institution in Washington’s network of privately owned “nonpublic agencies,” specialized facilities that serve public school students who have complex disabilities. Its three campuses served more than 100 public school students through contracts with school districts across western Washington.

    In June, regulators placed Northwest SOIL on “provisional status,” suspending new student placements. It also has to follow a corrective action plan this school year. But the state left open the possibility of reinstating the school’s status and lifting the admissions ban.

    Tania May, left, an official in Washington’s Office of Superintendent of Public Instruction, wrote that Northwest SOIL had an “unacceptably high” number of instances in which it restrained or isolated students. (Ken Lambert/The Seattle Times)

    “Our priority is to make sure that the students who are placed there are receiving their services and are safe,” Tania May, assistant superintendent for special education, said in an interview. “We recognize the improvements that the facilities made and will continue to support them however we can.”

    The school already was losing students in the wake of the news investigations, and Northwest SOIL had closed two of its three campuses by the time the state’s ban on new students was issued. In an email to staffers, Northwest SOIL attributed the closures to “declines in enrollment and budget shortfalls.”

    Some districts removed their students at the urging of parents, according to May. Tacoma Public Schools stopped sending students to Northwest SOIL altogether, according to a district spokesperson. Tacoma was once the school’s largest client, sending more than 20 students a year.

    Northwest SOIL, which is owned by Fairfax Behavioral Health, explains in court filings that it is now fighting for survival because it can’t fill slots left by students who transfer or graduate. Fairfax sued the state in late July to reverse the suspension of student placements.

    “As outlined in the lawsuit, the prohibition on new students is unlawful,” Christopher West, CEO of Fairfax Behavioral Health, said in an email. The superintendent’s office “is inserting the state agency into decisions that should be made by parents or guardians and local school districts about where a child with mental health issues should receive an education.”

    The state has asked the court to dismiss the lawsuit, and a hearing is set for Sept. 29. In a court filing, the state argues that Northwest SOIL has potentially violated the rights of special education students, that letting the lawsuit go forward would improperly bypass an administrative process the school can use to fight its state suspension, and that Northwest SOIL is overstating the potential harm of the suspension.

    Northwest SOIL only accepts students whose tuition is paid for by taxpayers. Across Washington, nonpublic agencies received more than $50 million in public funding in the 2021-2022 school year to serve roughly 500 students.

    The Times and ProPublica reported last year that police repeatedly visited Northwest SOIL to investigate allegations of abuse, including a claim that a teacher placed a 13-year-old boy in a chokehold. Former staffers said they felt pressured by Fairfax and its parent company, Universal Health Services, to cut back on staffing and basic resources and to enroll more students than the staff could handle.

    In a statement at the time, Northwest SOIL declined to comment on specific allegations of abuse but said “use of restraints and seclusion are always used as a last response when a student is at imminent risk of hurting themselves or others.” Fairfax denied allegations that it understaffed schools or pressured staff to take on more students. Its parent company declined to comment beyond pointing to Fairfax’s statement.

    The state’s failure to take action against Northwest SOIL amid the complaints highlighted major gaps in oversight, the Times and ProPublica reported.

    In January, the state superintendent’s office launched a rare probe into the school’s policies and practices. State regulators demanded records of allegations of “mistreatment, maltreatment, abuse or neglect” by school staff against students, as well as documents related to calls to law enforcement and restraint and isolation, among other records.

    Regulators visited Northwest SOIL’s three campuses in May to observe conditions and interview administrators, teachers and other instructional providers.

    Northwest SOIL closed its Tumwater and Redmond campuses at the end of the school year, on June 20, and consolidated operations in Tacoma. Roughly 50 students remain.

    Northwest SOIL’s Redmond campus closed in June. Enrollment dropped after The Seattle Times and ProPublica highlighted abuse allegations at the school. (Ken Lambert/The Seattle Times)

    Later that month, the state outlined some of the findings of its investigation in a letter to Northwest SOIL informing it of the enrollment ban. The state made no announcement to the public about its June decision, which surfaced last week at a meeting of Washington disabilities advocates.

    Based on initial restraint and isolation data provided by the school, the state found that “the current numbers are unacceptably high and that patterns of practice need to change,” the letter from the assistant superintendent reads. Physical restraints, or holding students to restrict their movement, are allowed under state law only when a student’s behavior “poses an imminent likelihood of serious harm.”

    In 2022, the most recent year for which data is available, Northwest SOIL reported isolating students 446 times and restraining students 475 times on its three campuses, which, as of June of that year, served 119 students.

    By comparison, in the 2021-2022 school year, Seattle Public Schools — the state’s largest district, with more than 6,000 students in special education programs — reported 16 incidents of isolation and 249 incidents of restraint. Seattle Public Schools banned isolation at the beginning of that school year.

    The state also found that Northwest SOIL had no handbooks for teachers and other staff outlining their roles and responsibilities. The school didn’t track its contacts with law enforcement agencies, nor did it track complaints about its services, among other deficiencies, according to the state.

    The superintendent’s office acknowledged that Northwest SOIL has made some improvements, including “taking steps to improve the quality of instruction provided to students and to support the teachers and staff responsible for implementing such changes.”

    Despite those improvements, the state found that the school needed to demonstrate it was making more progress. May, the assistant superintendent, said that the state has developed a corrective action plan in conjunction with Northwest SOIL but declined to provide a copy of that plan this week.

    West, the Fairfax Behavioral Health executive, said in an email that Northwest SOIL has improved its training for staff and teachers and has acquired new smartboards and new computers for students and teachers. But he said the improvements, which began in early 2022, “have been as a result of our internal assessments in the best interests of our students and not due to any external matters.”

    Fairfax contested the decision to restrict student placements in a filing with the state superintendent’s Office of Administrative Hearings and in its lawsuit, which was filed in Thurston County Superior Court. It was the first time a nonpublic agency legally contested the suspension or revocation of its status, May said.

    The school “strongly disagrees” with the state’s decision to place it in a provisional status and limit new admissions, West wrote in an email.

    Separate from the state’s legal actions, the Times sued Fairfax in 2022 to turn over documents under the state Public Records Act, arguing that Northwest SOIL should be subject to state transparency laws because it was acting as a public agency. These records would have shed light on some of the restraint and isolation trends later reported by the state superintendent’s office.

    A judge sided with the Times in January, but Fairfax appealed and the case remains in court.

    The Times and ProPublica’s reporting prompted lawmakers this year to strengthen regulations governing nonpublic agency schools, expanding the superintendent’s office’s responsibility to investigate complaints. As required under the new law, the superintendent’s office has scheduled on-site visits to new nonpublic agencies.

    The agency also plans to hire consultants to advise on how it can improve the application process for becoming a nonpublic agency and provide better guidance for families on navigating the special education system, May added.

    As the state steps up its oversight of nonpublic agencies, advocates and special education attorneys have called for closer scrutiny of Northwest SOIL. Some even want it to be closed completely.

    “While we would like to hope that increased oversight by OSPI” — the superintendent’s office — “will ensure that what happened at NW SOIL does not happen again, we will continue to advocate against placement there on behalf of students who require truly therapeutic programming,” said Lara Hruska, an attorney with Cedar Law. Her office represents families in litigation against four small rural school districts that either have students at Northwest SOIL or are trying to place students there.

    “I think it is good that OSPI is not allowing new students to enroll,” said Karen Pillar, director of policy and advocacy at TeamChild, an advocacy group for at-risk youth.

    But, Pillar and other education advocates say, the state education system’s shortcomings run deeper. Some point to a chronic underfunding of systems designed to help students with disabilities and say there’s a lack of appropriate programs in public schools. There needs to be “meaningful investment in both resources and policy that support students at home, at their local schools, and within their communities,” Pillar said.

    Taylor Blatchford of The Seattle Times contributed reporting.


    This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Mike Reicher and Lulu Ramadan, The Seattle Times.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/24/a-washington-special-education-school-that-was-accused-of-harming-kids-is-now-barred-from-taking-new-students/feed/ 0 421660
    Republicans Pushed Almost 400 “Education Intimidation” Bills in Past Two Years https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/23/republicans-pushed-almost-400-education-intimidation-bills-in-past-two-years/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/23/republicans-pushed-almost-400-education-intimidation-bills-in-past-two-years/#respond Wed, 23 Aug 2023 12:00:00 +0000 https://theintercept.com/?p=442233

    As students across the country grapple with mass shootings and the looming threat of a decimated planet, Republican lawmakers have trained their energy instead on education. 

    Over the last two-and-a-half years, state lawmakers introduced 392 so-called educational intimidation bills, according to a report from PEN America published on Wednesday. As of earlier this summer, only four state legislatures had not seen this type of bill, according to the report, which spans legislative activity from January 2021 to June 2023. All but 15 of the bills were sponsored solely by Republicans.

    The wave of legislation documented in the report is complementary to but distinct from “educational gag orders” that explicitly ban materials and content, the authors wrote. Educational intimidation bills create “the conditions for censorship indirectly, threatening the freedoms to teach and learn with death by a thousand cuts.” Such efforts, the authors explain, “pressure educators to be more timid in the content they teach, pressure librarians to be more restrictive in the books they make available to students, and pressure students to limit their self-expression.”

    Randi Weingarten, president of the American Federation of Teachers, said that “the fear is the point” for states passing such laws. “Teachers are walking on eggshells because their freedom to teach, and kids’ freedom to learn, is under siege,” Weingarten told The Intercept. “The freedom to express oneself is foundational to the idea of America: from the Revolutionary War onward. So, it is an anathema for any state or local government to engage in the practice of censoring the facts and the science that is taught to our students.”

    “Teachers are walking on eggshells because their freedom to teach, and kids’ freedom to learn, is under siege.”

    Practically speaking, the assault on education has resulted in wide-reaching book and content bans, rampant harassment against educators and teaching staff, and an inhibited educational environment for students. 

    “This rising tide of educational intimidation exposes the movement that cloaks itself in the language of ‘parental rights’ for what it really is: a smoke screen for efforts to suppress teaching and learning and hijack public education in America,” said Jonathan Friedman, director of free expression and education programs at PEN America, in a statement. 

    Legislators in Missouri introduced 30 educational intimidation bills, the most of any state identified by PEN America, followed by Texas, Oklahoma, South Carolina, Indiana, and Mississippi. Florida, meanwhile, led in the number of bills passed, with five of 15 such pieces of legislation signed into law.

    The high efficacy rate has been helped by Gov. Ron DeSantis, who has pursued an all-out assault against education, often under the guise of “parental rights.” DeSantis, who will appear in the first GOP presidential debate on Wednesday evening, has forced the College Board to water down its Advanced Placement African American studies course and overseen the effective banning of AP psychology in public schools. The legislature has expanded the state’s infamous “Don’t Say Gay” law to ban any classroom discussion of race and sexuality to every single grade in the state.

    Earlier this year, a Florida school district that covers 48 schools serving over 50,000 students banned a variety of titles — such as the graphic novel of Margaret Atwood’s “The Handmaid’s Tale,” the popular “A Court of Thorns and Roses” series of novels, and Khaled Hosseini’s “The Kite Runner” — from all school and classroom libraries. The sweeping ban came after the passage of a Florida law that mandates books in public schools be subject to review by a “specialist.”

    Friedman noted that parents have long rightfully had the chance to inspect and object to public school curricula. “This spate of provisions dramatically expands these powers in ways that are designed to spur schools and educators to self-censor.”

    Another new Florida law gives schools just five days to remove any book that is challenged for containing “sexual content” for review. The report notes that while any decision about a book can be appealed, school districts would foot the cost of such proceedings. “This provision is yet another form of intimidation: districts wary of incurring such costs will be more likely to simply preemptively remove from their collections any books that might be remotely controversial,” the authors wrote.

    In Iowa, a school library content moderation law pushed by Gov. Kim Reynolds has already spurred expansive bans. After the law was signed in May, school administrators in one district removed nearly 400 titles, including J. D. Salinger’s “The Catcher in the Rye,” George Orwell’s “1984,” and Toni Morrison’s “The Bluest Eye.”

    The district defended its actions by saying it “had to take a fairly broad interpretation of the law knowing that if our interpretation was too finite, our teachers and administrators could be faced with disciplinary actions according to the new law.”

    The PEN America researchers found that 45 percent of the educational intimidation bills introduced just this year contained an anti-LGBTQ+ provision, including the forced outing of LGBTQ+ students. This comes at a time when many school-age LGBTQ+ children have considered suicide in the past year, according to the Trevor Project. 

    One Texas law, for example, orders private vendors to categorize books prior to selling them to school libraries. Books marked as “sexually explicit” are banned, while those that are “sexually relevant” require parental permission for student access. 

    The law has put both educators and book vendors in a tight spot, notes the PEN America report. While teachers face the potential censorship of all books dealing with LGBTQ+ topics, booksellers may opt not to sell to Texas schools at all out of fear of violating the law’s burdensome requirements. 

    There is reason to think such laws will have a chilling effect. In an analysis of 82 schools in 43 districts, researchers at Boston University found that schools where someone had filed a challenge against a book in the 2021-2022 school year were 55 percent less likely to purchase books with LGBTQ+ content the following year.

    Educators are also faring poorly under these conditions. According to a January 2023 survey with 300 school district leaders across the country, 31 percent reported that their teachers received verbal or written threats related to politically controversial topics during the 2021-2022 school year. 46 percent said their ability to educate students has been compromised because of polarization surrounding LGBTQ+ issues, and 41 percent reported similar with regard to critical race theory. 

    Librarians, stewards of a school’s trove of books, have been particular targets of the vitriol. One Louisiana middle school librarian experienced months of targeted harassment after she spoke out against a local book ban proposal. “You can’t hide, we know where you live. You have a target on your back. Click click,” a stranger wrote to her in a message. Amid the online harassment, the librarian’s hair began falling out. Her body broke out into hives. She stopped sleeping, while suffering from panic attacks and severe weight loss. She stopped leaving her house.

    Meanwhile, states like Florida are struggling to fill public school jobs, while an overwhelming majority of teachers in Texas have considered leaving the field, according to a recent survey.

    69 percent of Americans are opposed to lawmakers passing bills to ban certain books and remove them from school libraries.

    The attack on education is unpopular with most of the American public. According to an NPR/Ipsos poll, 69 percent of Americans are opposed to lawmakers passing bills to ban certain books and remove them from school libraries; only 17 percent are in support. 

    “Americans don’t want divisive MAGA politics in schools: they want safe and welcoming classrooms with the resources and support for kids to recover and thrive,” said Weingarten, of the American Federation of Teachers. “And make no mistake: my union will defend each and every educator who stands up and teaches the truth because that is what teachers do.”

    Join The Conversation


    This content originally appeared on The Intercept and was authored by Prem Thakker.

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    Obituary: Meraia Taufa Vakatale – anti-nuclear activist and feminist trailblazer https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/22/obituary-meraia-taufa-vakatale-anti-nuclear-activist-and-feminist-trailblazer/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/22/obituary-meraia-taufa-vakatale-anti-nuclear-activist-and-feminist-trailblazer/#respond Tue, 22 Aug 2023 01:58:49 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=92084 By Asenaca Uluiviti and Sadhana Sen

    Fiji recently lost Dr Meraia Taufa Vakatale, a monumental woman leader who broke many glass ceilings with her numerous firsts. As an educationalist, diplomat and politician, she profoundly impacted on the lives of tens of thousands in Fiji and the Pacific region, particularly young women in politics and anti-nuclear activists.

    Dr Vakatale was Fiji’s first woman deputy prime minister, the first woman to be elected as a cabinet minister, the first female to be appointed as a deputy high commissioner, and the first Fijian woman principal of a secondary school in Fiji.

    Dr Vakatale was also a fervent anti-nuclear activist. In 1995 she took a costly stand against her party and the then Sitiveni Rabuka government on renewed French nuclear testing on Moruroa Atoll in “French” Polynesia.

    Joining a protest march against French testing led to her losing her cabinet position in the Rabuka-led government, in which she served as a member of the Soqosoqo ni Vakavulewa ni Taukei (SVT) party.

    She held the portfolio of Education, Science and Technology in two stints — from 1993 to 1995 and then, after being reinstated, from 1997 to 1999. In 1997, she was appointed Deputy Prime Minister.

    In 2000, she resigned as President of the SVT party over the 2000 coup fallout.

    She was a woman ahead of her time. Dedicated to her principles, she “paid it forward” to Pasifika generations by her fight to keep the Pacific a nuclear-free zone.

    Idealism inspired thousands
    Dr Taufa Vakatale’s spirited and unwavering determination, her activism, idealism and her principles inspired thousands of women and youth to fearlessly pursue their dreams.

    The name Taufa Vakatale was first linked to the renowned all-girls Adi Cakobau School when she became a pioneer student there in 1948, aged 10 years. She was also the first female student at the all-male Queen Victoria School.

    She completed her 6th form year at Suva Grammar School, where she became the first Fijian female to pass the NZ University Entrance. She entered the University of Auckland and in 1963 was the first Fijian woman to graduate with a Bachelor of Arts degree, privately funding her studies from her wages as a teacher in Fiji.

    Taufa Vakatale went on to further studies in the United Kingdom from 1963 to 1971. On return to Fiji, she became the first Fijian woman president of the Fiji YWCA and principal of her old school, the Adi Cakobau School.

    The YWCA in Fiji was the driving force of the anti-nuclear protest movement in the early 1970s, while she was president.

    In her time as an educator, Dr Vakatale disciplined fairly, understood her students, and entrusted them with positive goals for their future, instructing them to “leave the world better than we found it”.

    She was respected and honoured. Her feats helped ease the students’ own steps, to bring to life the Adi Cakobau School motto.

    Towering moral stature
    Of petite and elegant frame, in moral stature Dr Vakatale towered above many. In diplomacy she served as Fiji’s Deputy High Commissioner to the UK in 1980, while single-handedly raising her daughter to become a lawyer.

    The University of St Andrews in Scotland awarded her an Honorary Doctorate of Letters for her contribution to the cause of Pacific women, while Fiji bestowed her with the Order of Fiji in 1996.

    The extraordinary Dr Meraia Taufa Vakatale died on 24 June 2023, aged 84. She leaves behind her only daughter Alanieta Vakatale, three granddaughters, and many more following in her footsteps to leave this world a better place.

    Thirty eight years on from the sinking of the Rainbow Warrior and the adoption of the Pacific nuclear-free zone treaty, the Rarotonga Treaty, and with the imminent release of Japan’s Fukushima nuclear plant radioactive waste into the Pacific ocean, the leadership and sacrifices of Dr Vakatale must be hailed, and her life celebrated.

    Asenaca Uluiviti is a community legal officer in Auckland. She has worked as a state solicitor in Fiji and at its diplomatic mission in the UN, and has served as chairperson of Fiji YMCA, and on the NZ board of Greenpeace. She went to the Adi Cakobau School.

    Sadhana Sen is regional communications adviser at the Development Policy Centre. Republished from the DevPolicy blog through a Creative Commons licence.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    France aims to boost Pacific ‘cultural diplomacy’ with French lessons in Fiji https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/21/france-aims-to-boost-pacific-cultural-diplomacy-with-french-lessons-in-fiji/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/21/france-aims-to-boost-pacific-cultural-diplomacy-with-french-lessons-in-fiji/#respond Mon, 21 Aug 2023 05:00:36 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=92063

    RNZ Pacific

    France is upping its “cultural diplomacy” in the Pacific with the launch of its free French language classes for Fijian journalists and social innovators.

    The French Embassy in Suva said the fully-funded “landmark initiative” would “foster linguistic and cultural ties between France and Fiji”.

    “This initiative reflects France’s commitment to education, collaboration and cultural diplomacy,” it said.

    There are 300 million French speakers across five continents, and the International Organisation of La Francophone consists of 88 countries.

    The free language classes “recognises Fiji’s unique position in the Pacific and aims to align it to the broader Francophone community”.

    “Fiji’s geographical location positions it near a nexus of Francophone influence in the Pacific.”

    According to the embassy, there are around 500 French speakers in Fiji and France aims to increase that number,” a spokesperson said.

    “Neighbouring New Caledonia, a French overseas collectivity, and Vanuatu, a Francophone nation, represent strong regional ties to French culture and language,” it said.

    “Wallis and Futuna, a French territory, further illustrates the deep connections in the area. These connections highlight the importance of strengthening the Francophone presence in Fiji, aligning with shared interests, historical bonds, and common values.

    “This initiative is a bridge-building exercise in the vein of the new era of Franco-Fijian collaboration.”

    Offer hard to knock back
    The Fiji Times business reporter Aisha Azeemah said the embassy’s offer to learn French was hard to turn down because of her passion to learn new languages, adding “this way we’ll at least have a reporter or two that’s able to better engage with and publicise the long-standing and ever-growing bond between Fiji and France”.

    A member of the Social Innovators group of the French Embassy to Fiji, Temesia Tuicaumia, said: “The hearts of the Fijians chosen for this cohort will see the wider picture, which is that this is only the beginning for many Fijians to comprehend our French family through language, and that it is a bridge of hope, understanding, and many ties.”

    The embassy said France, as a Pacific nation, sees these classes as a natural extension of the existing affinities and relationships with Fiji, underscoring France’s commitment to positive social change and innovation.

    Embassy chargée d’affaires Laurence Brattin-Nerrière said the embassy was eager to see the success that the initiative would bring and strengthening the relationships between the two nations.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    An Experiment to Fight Pandemic-Era Learning Loss Launches in Richmond https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/18/an-experiment-to-fight-pandemic-era-learning-loss-launches-in-richmond/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/18/an-experiment-to-fight-pandemic-era-learning-loss-launches-in-richmond/#respond Fri, 18 Aug 2023 09:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/richmond-experiment-fight-pandemic-learning-loss by Alec MacGillis

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    The scene outside Fairfield Court Elementary School in Richmond, Virginia, at 7:40 last Thursday morning was so festive that one might have assumed it was the first day of school. Upbeat music blared from a speaker on the sidewalk. Sgt. Edward R. Gore II, the school’s “climate and culture specialist,” the district’s term for its school resource officers, opened his arms to the kindergartners and first graders who came running toward him, as well as to some who wavered. Also on hand to greet children and parents was the principal, Angela Wright.

    But in fact, the first day of school was receding in the distance: Fairfield Court was one of two local schools that had started the year on July 24, as part of a hotly contested trial: adding 20 days to the customary 180, to help make up ground lost after Richmond kept schools closed to in-person learning for 18 months during the pandemic. Families had only six weeks of summer vacation — closer to the European norm than the American one — before kids returned, and Wright and her staff were doing everything they could to make early-August school seem welcoming. Thus, the daily embraces and music, with a track list chosen by Gore.

    “It brings a smile to put on their face every morning,” he said. “I’m out here every day.”

    Beneath the good cheer of the greetings were weighty implications. The results of the 200-day academic years at Fairfield and Cardinal elementary schools will help determine whether Richmond adopts a similar approach at more schools across the 22,000-student district. For nearly three years, district leaders have been proposing to add days to the school calendar for some or all students or keep the same number of days but with a shorter summer break, to reduce what educators call “summer slide.” But, as ProPublica recently reported, that plan ran into stiff resistance from some school board members, teachers and parents. In the end, only two of the district’s 50-odd schools adopted the extended calendar for the coming year.

    The pilot is being watched more widely too, as one of the highest-profile examples nationwide of schools taking aggressive action to address the unprecedented declines in student achievement since the pandemic’s onset.

    The first big test has been simply seeing whether students show up. To qualify for the pilot, Fairfield Court, which has 217 students this year, had to demonstrate backing from its families, who are almost entirely African American and many of whom live in an adjacent public housing development. But a survey was one thing, warned skeptics of the proposal; getting kids to come to school in midsummer was quite another.

    The turnout lagged initially, with about 80% attendance in the first week, below Fairfield Court’s average rate of 91% last year. The school’s “attendance engagement team” made repeated calls and even some home visits to absent students, trying to discern why they were out. In some cases, it was simply a matter of lacking money for new clothes or a haircut. With these targeted efforts, which included Wright herself offering to pick up kids whose parents weren’t able to walk them to school, they lifted the rate to an average of 87% by last week. “We’re down to the ones that aren’t here, we know exactly why they aren’t here,” Wright said.

    The other school in the pilot project, Cardinal Elementary, which is three times larger than Fairfield Court and has a heavily Latino population, had strong attendance from the very start, 95% in the first week of the pilot, according to district data.

    Principal Angela Wright of Fairfield Court advocated for the extra days and even offered to pick up kids whose parents couldn’t walk them to school. (Brian Palmer for ProPublica)

    Not that everyone at Fairfield Court had needed cajoling. Several parents said their kids had been eager to return, a judgment buttressed by the alacrity with which the kids ran toward the music and into the building, where free breakfast awaited all. “They like going to school,” said Kay Brown, after her sons, a first grader and kindergartner, had dashed in. “Some kids give their parents a hard time. My kids love it.”

    Renarda Bacon’s daughter, who is in third grade, had spent most of her summer break at a day care program, but Bacon was glad to see her back at Fairfield Court, where she would be getting more actual instruction. “I’m all about progressing,” she said. “If they’re going to get in a couple more days of learning, it’s not going to hurt them.”

    Ashley Martin had driven her own two kids, a third grader and kindergartner, as well as three others from the neighborhood before heading to her job in a call center. She had been a staunch supporter of an extended school year from the get-go, she said, after seeing the news about Richmond’s plunging test scores during the past two years. She also thought that adding instructional time could help reduce the city’s high levels of youth violence. (Last year, a 17-­year-old boy was fatally shot and found in a garbage can in the adjacent housing development, and the school year ended two days early in June after a graduating senior and his father were shot and killed outside one high school’s commencement ceremony.)

    “I definitely love this program,” Martin said. “They should keep it, and hopefully the school board expands it, so we can get these kids back on track.”

    Inside school, veteran teacher Philip Canady started the day with math lessons for a dozen fifth grade boys. (This year, for the first time, the school had decided to separate fifth graders by sex, thinking it might improve outcomes.) Canady, regal-looking with a trim gray beard and wooden bowtie, moved back and forth among the desks, coaxing the boys through worksheets on identifying place value in numbers ranging to the millions.

    “How many hundreds in that number?” he asked one boy. “Five? OK, put five in the hundreds column. How many tens do I have? OK, add two tens. No, no, that’s not tens. Put a two there. How many ones do I have? Four ones. Now I want you to create 2,034 for me. Do you have any hundreds? No. So what are you going to put there? Zero. You got it.”

    And so on, on and on around the room, with only a few interruptions to address some minor squabbling at one table. If any calming was needed, a YouTube video waited on the big computer screen at the front of the room: “3 Hours of Amazing Nature Scenery and Relaxing Music for Stress Relief.” Nearby, some small fish swam in a tank.

    For this extra month in the classroom, Canady and his fellow teachers were receiving an extra month of salary — roughly 10% of the usual annual sum — plus a $10,000 incentive and the chance at an additional $5,000 if the school met certain “accelerated learning goals” set by its leadership team. The district was paying for this, a total of a couple million dollars between the two schools, out of its slice of the $190 billion in pandemic recovery funds that the federal government has sent schools since 2020. (District Superintendent Jason Kamras has said that if the district chooses to expand the initiative, it could apply for special state funding for innovative programs or other outside funding.)

    To qualify for the pilot, Fairfield Court also had to show support for it among its staff; only two employees had opposed it and transferred to other schools. In a room across from Canady’s, the operational base of the school’s academic dean and the instructional leaders for math and reading, the three educators said that they were liking the pilot. It had meant adjusting their vacation plans, but they had made good use of their five weeks off (faculty had started school a week before the kids, for professional development and classroom preparation), including going to a conference in Las Vegas with some R&R attached. And now, they were getting the satisfaction of seeing students get a head start on the year.

    “I know there were a lot of naysayers, but I see a lot of happy children every morning,” said the academic dean, Nsombi Morrison.

    It was time for one of the trio’s regular check-ins with the teachers for each grade level, this time with the third grade team. The three teachers came in, and together the six women reviewed tables with each student’s progress toward grade-level metrics in math and reading, and discussed upcoming assessments to gauge whether the school was reaching the goals it had set for the extra month. The educators were so fully into the stride of the year’s instructional march it was hard to believe that nearly all of the district’s other schools remained closed, with some 21,000 students not returning until Aug. 21.

    Back in the principal’s office, Wright said she was keenly aware of the responsibility the school bore in showing the rest of the district that the extra time can make a difference. She had recently attended a meeting with other principals, she said, and her message to them had been this: “My whole goal is for this to run so effectively and to see that data increase so much that when two or three schools come on board next year, that here’s a blueprint. Here’s what you need to do to make it.”

    She added: “I would love to hear, OK, this has now gone so well at these two schools, we’re bringing in four more schools next year.”


    This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Alec MacGillis.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/18/an-experiment-to-fight-pandemic-era-learning-loss-launches-in-richmond/feed/ 0 420118
    Visual artist Julia Maiuri on following a non-traditional path https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/14/visual-artist-julia-maiuri-on-following-a-non-traditional-path/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/14/visual-artist-julia-maiuri-on-following-a-non-traditional-path/#respond Mon, 14 Aug 2023 07:00:00 +0000 https://thecreativeindependent.com/people/visual-artist-julia-maiuri-on-following-a-non-traditional-path Could you talk a bit about your use of film noir stills? What drew you to that source material?

    I grew up hearing true crime stories: my mom was a big true crime person. So detective mysteries were always of interest. I wanted to explore that early period of the crime genre in film noir because I was interested in where the contemporary tropes come from.

    I felt like I became an amateur sleuth myself because I was trying to connect these dots between time periods, and I became really interested in the connection between film noir and the postwar period—there was a lot of disillusionment happening in American culture specifically, and that bleeds into film noir.

    I feel like we’re in a similar period of disillusionment, especially in the last few years. True crime is such a huge trend right now, too, so it seems like there’s something in the culture that responds to similar stories. There’s an anxiety that I want to probe further.

    I like your idea of the painter as a kind of sleuth—a detective. How does that manifest in your artistic practice?

    I think making art feels like problem solving. Sometimes I have to try a composition several times before it finally feels right. There’s a lot of trial and error before I finally land on it.

    And leading up to painting, I make a lot of digital collages. I watch the movies on my computer and take screenshots–then I catalog them all in different folders. I’m like that meme of Charlie in It’s Always Sunny. When I finally find that image that completes the composition, it does feel like I’ve solved this mystery. It was there all along, but I had to dig deep to finally figure it out.

    Dinner Party, 2023, 16x12 inches, oil on canvas

    Is there a point where you abandon the digital workflow in order to focus on the painting? Is that a conscious shift for you?

    Once I’m painting I’ll be in a flow, and I’ll only look at the computer to make sure what I’m doing maintains its relationship to the source material. But I think that the process of painting does change it a little bit. They will look different when they’re side by side. And I’m okay with that, too.

    I like to get lost in the feeling of alchemy that painting naturally has, where there’s a magic happening between what’s going on in your brain and what’s happening on the canvas. So I do let go a little bit, and that’ll come through in the brush strokes, the color scheme.

    Sometimes, too, I’ll think that it works in a digital collage, and then when I try to paint it, I’ll realize that something is missing. For every painting that actually happens, there are six or seven digital collages that didn’t work.

    When do you decide to abandon a painting?

    I only spend one session on a painting because I work wet into wet, so I always know by the end of the day. Once it dries a little bit, it’s harder, and I have a really hard time working back into it.

    Sometimes I’ll ask for feedback, but usually it’s up to me. People might tell me, “Oh, that looks good. You should keep trying it.” But I already know it’s over. I have to move on. I’m pretty quick to just discard and start over.

    I think part of it is the excitement in the moment, too. If it’s not exciting in the moment or I’m not getting there, then the way I find excitement is by starting again and figuring out a new entry point.

    Confessions, 2023, 14x18 inches, oil on canvas

    So there’s this preparatory work that you do, sourcing imagery and composing it online, but then the actual moment of painting is very instantaneous and intuitive.

    Yeah. Prep work helps me get into the flow quickly, too, once I get to the studio. It also gives me something to do at home. I don’t really do any of the digital work at the studio. That’s strictly painting time for me, and I usually know within a couple of hours if something is working or not.

    Are there certain things that you do in the studio to help cultivate your practice?

    I have rituals that I do when I get to the studio. I know some people have couches and nice lounge areas, but I don’t have that. I have one really uncomfortable chair that I sit in. I always have food on hand, and lots of water and coffee.

    Since I only paint at the studio, I think that makes it feel special, too. The studio is my retreat from my daily life or my home life. Having the studio as my designated painting space helps it stay sacred.

    I know that you work in St. Paul in the Twin Cities. How does that influence your practice? Is it important to you to stay in Minneapolis?

    I’m from Michigan originally, in Metro Detroit. I’m such a Midwesterner. I just get it here. I understand the pace. And it’s easier to find studio space for more affordable prices, although the Twin Cities is getting more expensive, but it’s still way less expensive than a coastal city.

    Growing up I was always hyper aware of financial issues in my family. It’s embedded in me that I need to save money, and that I need to find a place that’s affordable to make my practice sustainable, to feel secure.

    It also feels like it’s not necessary to live in [coastal American cities], especially with social media and Instagram. That’s been my main way of connecting with people. I think even if I did live in one of those places, I would still have a hard time meeting people. I am naturally very introverted and it’s hard for me to branch out socially. I feel safer on the internet.

    How do you see your Midwestern sensibility reflected in your work?

    I think my work has a voyeuristic quality, and I wonder if that’s part of my temperament from growing up in a “flyover state.” There is this feeling I have of being an outsider and looking in, spying on a part of culture that is very visible but that I’m not necessarily welcomed into.

    I grew up mostly in trailer parks. I lived in one house for a couple of years, but then moved back to a trailer park. There’s a lower middle class angle to my Midwestern existence that feeds into my attempt to interpret things that are happening in America, while my own backyard is not necessarily paid attention to.

    And that relates to my interest in David Lynch and Twin Peaks. In Twin Peaks, things may appear nice and wholesome, but when you peel back the layers, you start to find something else—something unsettling, mysterious.

    Are there certain emotions or moods that you’re interested in portraying?

    I think I’m mostly interested in creating tension, and that comes through in these images where you’re not really sure if we’re moving into the future or going into the past. But I don’t think I’m interested in nostalgia necessarily. I’m not interested in representing sadness or fear, which maybe you think of in horror or noir. I’m more interested in uncertainty.

    I watch a lot of older movies, so I’m always finding a balance between their time period and the present. I don’t want it to come off as nostalgic. I want my paintings to show that there is something about this image or story that is persisting through time. How do we relate to the past and learn from it rather than romanticize it?

    I was looking at some of your older work, and I noticed that there was a lot of natural life. There’s insects and bugs and spiderwebs.

    I think I was starting to do that more in grad school when the pandemic started and I was stuck in my apartment and we kept having these carpenter ant infestations. It felt like my apartment, the place where I’m supposed to feel safe, was being corrupted by bugs and by COVID. There was this transgression happening in the domestic space.

    In painting figures, I want to represent reality in a way that feels dreamlike and disjointed. There’s still a sense of uncertainty, where you’re not really sure where you start and another person begins. And that also coincided with going back into the public and being around people again.

    I am always working out something unconscious in the paintings: how I relate to people, how people relate to me, how I relate to the culture and how I relate to the past.

    Curtain, 2022, 8x10 inches, oil on canvas

    How did your MFA help you? How did it not help you?

    University of Minnesota was the only program I got into. I got rejected by so many programs over and over again. I applied multiple years. I got in [to Minnesota] off the wait list, which bruised my ego more than anything. It took me a couple months to think, “Okay, I actually deserve to be here.” But it was a really great program. It’s fully funded. I had to do a TA-ship 20 hours a week, but I was used to working 40 hours a week.

    It’s also a really big university with so many outside art classes. One of the best classes I took was a Scandinavian horror class. So we watched all these horror films and got to talk more in depth about the genre, which really informed my work now.

    The one thing, too, and I think this is an issue across art schools, is that I didn’t actually learn the business side of art. I had to figure that out myself. How do I file taxes? How do I track expenses? What does that look like? And how do I work with galleries? It almost seemed taboo to bring up. I just had to learn on the fly.

    How do you juggle professional obligations with your creative practice?

    I’m trying to give myself time to really experience things and not make impulsive decisions, because it can be really exciting to be offered an opportunity or a show. For the last year, I’ve been saying yes to so much. I overloaded myself. So now I’m like, “Okay, what could I maybe say no to?” I’m learning that I can say no to things, and that I can really think more about what context my work is in.

    I’ve spoken to a lot of painters that have day jobs or night jobs. Is that also something you do to supplement your creative career?

    I’ve always had a job on the side. I work better in the studio when I know there is some stability. Right now I only work a couple hours a week, so my full-time job is painting, which is really nice. But you never know when your paycheck’s going to come through from a gallery, so I feel much better knowing I have a small amount of money coming in every couple weeks from this regular job.

    I work at an art supply store. I get a discount, which is really cool. All my coworkers know everything there is to know about every art supply that you could possibly buy. I probably spend a lot of my paychecks just on buying paint and stuff, but one of my bosses bought a painting of mine from my show at Make Room. It’s been pretty nice to have that in my back pocket as another support system.

    What’s your perfect creative day?

    I would love to wake up early and not stare at Instagram on my phone for the first hour. I would get up and just get straight to the studio. I’d be perfectly hydrated. Then I would make a painting that I’m very happy with. And then I’d come back the next day, and I wouldn’t hate the painting.

    Julia Maiuri Recommends:

    Looking at pictures of tortoiseshell cats on the r/Torties subreddit

    Allegra non-drowsy gel cap allergy pills (must be the gel caps) so you can survive the changing seasons (and get a tortie cat that you are allergic to)

    Gnocchi in Pomodoro sauce

    Biena “Lil’ Bit of Everything” crunchy chickpeas

    Watching the movie What Ever Happened to Baby Jane? (1962) and everything about the making of it

    Remembering, 2023, 6x4 inches, oil on canvas


    This content originally appeared on The Creative Independent and was authored by Claudia Ross.

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    Vox’s Student Loan ‘Expert’ Is Paid by Debt Collectors https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/11/voxs-student-loan-expert-is-paid-by-debt-collectors/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/11/voxs-student-loan-expert-is-paid-by-debt-collectors/#respond Fri, 11 Aug 2023 21:25:10 +0000 https://fair.org/?p=9034790 A Vox piece insisted that "student debt forgiveness isn’t happening”--but didn't disclose the author's ties to the student loan industry.

    The post Vox’s Student Loan ‘Expert’ Is Paid by Debt Collectors appeared first on FAIR.

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    Vox: The White House should admit that student debt forgiveness isn’t happening

    Vox (8/7/23) should admit that student loan cancellation would be a costly policy for some of its writer’s funders.

    Vox (8/7/23) published a piece arguing that “the White House should admit that student debt forgiveness isn’t happening,” and instead make sure that borrowers are prepared for loan repayments to begin again in October. But it failed to disclose that the author is on the student loan industry’s payroll.

    The Debt Collective, the nation’s first debtor’s union, noted on Twitter (8/7/23) that the author, Kevin Carey, works for a corporate-backed think tank funded in part by the student loan industry, and has worked to undermine student debt cancellation for over a decade.

    As a result, Carey’s argument that cancellation is futile, and that the White House’s efforts should be focused on helping students restart payments and avoid delinquency, reeks of feigned sympathy. It calls to mind the white moderate from MLK’s “Letter from Birmingham Jail,” who despite claiming to support the civil rights movement, “paternalistically” advised African Americans to wait for a “more convenient season” to achieve them.

    Don’t try to cancel

    Kevin Carey

    New America’s Kevin Carey

    Carey praises the White House’s new income-driven repayment plan, but claims that in order to connect these services with the millions of borrowers who may not know their payments have restarted, the Biden Administration must end its flirtation with cancellation, which he argues diverts focus and represents a “confused” communications strategy.

    Making sure borrowers know what their repayment options are is a worthy cause, but at no point does Carey provide any real evidence that these two goals are incongruous. Instead, the article is riddled with phrases emphasizing the need for an “all-out effort” and “relentless focus,” seemingly hoping to convince the reader through repetition that trying to cancel student debt would be a hopeless distraction.

    In reality, given the current circumstances, an “all-out effort” to help student borrowers would look more like what the Biden administration is doing, and what borrowers and advocates say they want, and less like what the creditor shill is asking for. Hence the multi-faceted approach.

    Carey states that the Debt Collective is “actively discouraging their many followers from enrolling in repayment plans.” This is false. Instead, what advocates like the Debt Collective object to is taking tools off the table that help borrowers, like cancellation, especially given the rarity of an administration open to canceling student debt.

    Obvious conflict of interest

    Washingtonian: Has the New America Foundation Lost its Way?

    Washingtonian (6/24/18) reported that when New America’s Barry Lynn was organizing a conference on corporate concentration, his boss Anne-Marie Slaughter complained, “Just THINK how you are imperiling funding for others.”

    Carey is vice president of “education policy and knowledge management” at New America, and director of the think tank’s Education Center. The group is noted for it coziness with its corporate sponsors (Washingtonian, 6/24/18)–once firing a researcher, Barry Lynn, after he publicly criticized Google, a major donor. “We’re an organization that develops relationships with funders,” CEO Anne-Marie Slaughter told staffers by way of explaining his termination.

    As the Debt Collective highlighted on Twitter, another one of New America’s funders is the ECMC Foundation, the nonprofit branch of the Educational Credit Management Corporation–a debt collector for the Education Department. Another funder is the Lumina Foundation, whose deep pockets originate from the student loan industry.

    That Carey’s job is funded by corporations that stand to lose so much from Biden’s cancellation of federal student loans deserves a disclosure from Vox. Instead, the closest readers get is Casey noting that when asked for comment, a loan cancellation activist told him to “shill for student loan companies elsewhere”—followed by his ludicrous rebuttal that student loan companies “haven’t made federal student loans since 2010.”

    This is perhaps supposed to absolve Carey of having a vested interest in payments restarting. But this is not the same as saying that these corporations don’t make money off these loans, which they do when they collect them. ECMC in particular has a well-documented history of using “ruthless” tactics for collecting loans (New York Times, 1/1/14; Mother Jones, 8/23).

    It’s no surprise, then, that the main thrust of Carey’s argument, that the White House cannot walk and chew gum at the same time—that it can’t both help student borrowers avoid delinquency when payments restart in October and pursue its Plan B strategy to get debt cancellation through the Supreme Court—is exactly what ECMC and Lumina would be hoping for.

    To not only neglect to disclose this obvious conflict of interest but to instead obfuscate and pretend it couldn’t exist—all in the name of preventing student borrowers from much needed relief—is a failure of the highest order. As the Debt Collective tweeted, “Kevin Carey knows who butters his bread, and he writes as ‘a student loan expert’ for Vox promoting the status quo.”


    ACTION ALERT: You can send messages to Vox here (or via Twitter: @voxdotcom). Please remember that respectful communication is the most effective. Feel free to leave a copy of your message in the comments thread.

    The post Vox’s Student Loan ‘Expert’ Is Paid by Debt Collectors appeared first on FAIR.


    This content originally appeared on FAIR and was authored by Luca GoldMansour.

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    Shankar Narayan on Facial Misrecognition, Braxton Brewington on Student Debt Abolition https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/11/shankar-narayan-on-facial-misrecognition-braxton-brewington-on-student-debt-abolition/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/11/shankar-narayan-on-facial-misrecognition-braxton-brewington-on-student-debt-abolition/#respond Fri, 11 Aug 2023 15:48:43 +0000 https://fair.org/?p=9034769 Facial recognition, a technology that has been proven wrong, has been deemed harmful, in principle and in practice, for years now.

    The post Shankar Narayan on Facial Misrecognition, Braxton Brewington on Student Debt Abolition appeared first on FAIR.

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    NYT: Eight Months Pregnant and Arrested After False Facial Recognition Match (with photo of Porcha Woodruff)

    New York Times (8/6/23)

    This week on CounterSpin: Why was Detroit mother Porcha Woodruff, eight months pregnant, arrested and held 11 hours by police accusing her of robbery and carjacking? Because Woodruff was identified as a suspect based on facial recognition technology. The Wayne County prosecutor still contends that Woodruff’s charges—dismissed a month later—were “appropriate based upon the facts.” Those “facts” increasingly involve the use of technology that has been proven wrong; the New York Times report on Woodruff helpfully links to articles like “Another Arrest and Jail Time, Due to a Bad Facial Recognition Match,” and “Wrongfully Accused by an Algorithm.” And it’s especially wrong when it comes to—get ready to be surprised—Black people.

    Facial recognition has been deemed harmful, in principle and in practice, for years now. We talked in February 2019 with Shankar Narayan, director of the Technology and Liberty Project at the ACLU of Washington state.  We hear that conversation this week.

    Transcript:  ‘Face Surveillance Is a Uniquely Dangerous Technology’

          CounterSpin230811Narayan.mp3

     

    Newsweek: President Joe Biden's plan to cancel $39bn in student loans for hundreds of thousands of Americans

    Newsweek (8/7/23)

    Also on the show: Listeners may know a federal court has at least for now blocked Biden administration efforts to forgive the debt of student borrowers whose colleges lied to them or suddenly disappeared. The White House seems to be looking for ways to ease student loan debt more broadly, but not really presenting an unapologetic, coherent picture of why, and what the impacts would be. We talked about that with Braxton Brewington of the Debt Collective in March 2022. We’ll revisit that conversation today as well.

    Transcript: ‘Student Debt Hurts the Economy and Cancellation Will Improve Lives’

          CounterSpin230811Brewington.mp3

     

    Plus Janine Jackson takes a quick look at recent press coverage of Trumpism.

    The post Shankar Narayan on Facial Misrecognition, Braxton Brewington on Student Debt Abolition appeared first on FAIR.


    This content originally appeared on FAIR and was authored by Fairness & Accuracy In Reporting.

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    Shankar Narayan on Facial Misrecognition, Braxton Brewington on Student Debt Abolition https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/11/shankar-narayan-on-facial-misrecognition-braxton-brewington-on-student-debt-abolition-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/11/shankar-narayan-on-facial-misrecognition-braxton-brewington-on-student-debt-abolition-2/#respond Fri, 11 Aug 2023 15:48:43 +0000 https://fair.org/?p=9034769 Facial recognition, a technology that has been proven wrong, has been deemed harmful, in principle and in practice, for years now.

    The post Shankar Narayan on Facial Misrecognition, Braxton Brewington on Student Debt Abolition appeared first on FAIR.

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          CounterSpin230811.mp3

     

    NYT: Eight Months Pregnant and Arrested After False Facial Recognition Match (with photo of Porcha Woodruff)

    New York Times (8/6/23)

    This week on CounterSpin: Why was Detroit mother Porcha Woodruff, eight months pregnant, arrested and held 11 hours by police accusing her of robbery and carjacking? Because Woodruff was identified as a suspect based on facial recognition technology. The Wayne County prosecutor still contends that Woodruff’s charges—dismissed a month later—were “appropriate based upon the facts.” Those “facts” increasingly involve the use of technology that has been proven wrong; the New York Times report on Woodruff helpfully links to articles like “Another Arrest and Jail Time, Due to a Bad Facial Recognition Match,” and “Wrongfully Accused by an Algorithm.” And it’s especially wrong when it comes to—get ready to be surprised—Black people.

    Facial recognition has been deemed harmful, in principle and in practice, for years now. We talked in February 2019 with Shankar Narayan, director of the Technology and Liberty Project at the ACLU of Washington state.  We hear that conversation this week.

    Transcript:  ‘Face Surveillance Is a Uniquely Dangerous Technology’

          CounterSpin230811Narayan.mp3

     

    Newsweek: President Joe Biden's plan to cancel $39bn in student loans for hundreds of thousands of Americans

    Newsweek (8/7/23)

    Also on the show: Listeners may know a federal court has at least for now blocked Biden administration efforts to forgive the debt of student borrowers whose colleges lied to them or suddenly disappeared. The White House seems to be looking for ways to ease student loan debt more broadly, but not really presenting an unapologetic, coherent picture of why, and what the impacts would be. We talked about that with Braxton Brewington of the Debt Collective in March 2022. We’ll revisit that conversation today as well.

    Transcript: ‘Student Debt Hurts the Economy and Cancellation Will Improve Lives’

          CounterSpin230811Brewington.mp3

     

    Plus Janine Jackson takes a quick look at recent press coverage of Trumpism.

    The post Shankar Narayan on Facial Misrecognition, Braxton Brewington on Student Debt Abolition appeared first on FAIR.


    This content originally appeared on FAIR and was authored by Fairness & Accuracy In Reporting.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/11/shankar-narayan-on-facial-misrecognition-braxton-brewington-on-student-debt-abolition-2/feed/ 0 418641
    Years After Being Ticketed at School for a Theft She Said Never Happened, Former Student Prevails in Court https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/10/years-after-being-ticketed-at-school-for-a-theft-she-said-never-happened-former-student-prevails-in-court/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/10/years-after-being-ticketed-at-school-for-a-theft-she-said-never-happened-former-student-prevails-in-court/#respond Thu, 10 Aug 2023 17:30:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/school-ticketing-naperville-illinois-airpods-amara-harris-verdict by Jodi S. Cohen and Jennifer Smith Richards

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    Earlier this week, Amara Harris had one last chance to take a plea deal. For $100, she could have avoided a trial, the testimony of her former high school classmates and deans, and the stress of not knowing whether a jury would believe her when she said she had mistakenly picked up a classmate’s AirPods — not stolen them. It would’ve been over.

    Instead, as she had for more than 3 ½ years, she chose to fight. Like other families and students across Illinois who have been ticketed by police for alleged behavior at school, Harris and her mother saw the system as unfair and capricious.

    But in a rare move, Harris, now 20, went to trial, hoping to clear her name — even as she knew that municipal tickets are hard to beat because the burden of proof is so low.

    On Wednesday, she was cleared of violating Naperville’s ordinance against theft when a six-person jury decided that the city did not prove she’d knowingly taken a classmate’s AirPods.

    “I’m glad we were able to see it through,” Harris said Thursday morning before the verdict. She noted her story never changed.

    The verdict capped an extraordinarily unusual, drawn-out saga over a controversial municipal ticket issued to Harris when she was a junior at Naperville North High School, in DuPage County, west of Chicago.

    The ticket issued to Harris in 2019 (Redactions by ProPublica)

    The case was decided after a three-day trial heard by a jury of two young women, including an 18-year-old college student, and four men, three of whom are fathers of teenagers. A trial over an ordinance violation, which carries a fine only and no jail time, is so rare that the judge and lawyers had to repeatedly tweak instructions and other procedures to adapt to this type of case.

    Unlike in a criminal case, the prosecution only needed to prove that the allegation is more likely than not to have happened, a concept known as preponderance of the evidence.

    The jurors’ decision came down to whether they believed Harris, who said she did not realize she had the wrong AirPods until a dean pointed it out, or her two classmates, who believed Harris purposely took them. To rule against Harris, the jury had to believe both that she had someone else’s property and that she “knowingly” took it, according to the city ordinance.

    Between the time Harris was ticketed in 2019 and the trial this week, Illinois officials have taken steps to stop school administrators from working with police to punish students with municipal tickets for their behavior at school. Following a ProPublica and Chicago Tribune investigation, “The Price Kids Pay,” the Illinois schools superintendent told administrators to stop outsourcing discipline to police, and state lawmakers are considering ways to end school-based ticketing.

    The investigation found that an assembly-line system of justice for municipal tickets made it nearly impossible for students to avoid fines, and that fines and administrative fees could reach hundreds of dollars, money some families could not readily pay. (Harris’ theft ticket carried a maximum $500 fine.) Unlike in juvenile court, there is no option for a public defender. And taking the case to a jury, as Harris did, requires incredible resources and commitment.

    Students of color were ticketed more often than their white peers, the investigation found. At Naperville North, Black students were nearly five times more likely than white students to be ticketed by police over three school years examined, up until the spring of 2022. Racial disparities were not discussed in court; ahead of the trial, the prosecutor had successfully argued that the jury be instructed it could not decide the case based solely on race or other characteristics.

    Even as schools reevaluate ticketing, Harris was still holding the ticket she was written at 17. She continued to be weighed down by the accusation that she was a thief even as her life moved on: She graduated early from high school, earned an associate’s degree at a local community college and next week will move back to Atlanta to begin her senior year at Spelman College.

    Harris, near the campus of Spelman College in Atlanta. She graduated early from high school and earned an associate’s degree at a local community college. (Alyssa Pointer for ProPublica)

    Naperville police did not issue tickets at high schools through at least the first semester of last school year, and the district has tried to distance itself from Harris’ case, in part by saying the decision to ticket Harris was made by police. However, four school administrators, including the district superintendent, were called to testify and point out the defendant, their former student, in the courtroom. The principal said while she initially suggested that Harris get a one-day in-school suspension for the AirPod incident, the suspension was never issued.

    Minutes before jury selection began on the first day of trial Tuesday, Prosecutor Joseph Solon Jr. offered Harris a deal to settle the case with no fine and a $100 court fee — an offer he said he had made several times before. Harris would have had to agree that she could be found liable by a jury, something she said she could not accept since she says she accidentally picked up the AirPods and returned them to the rightful owner when school officials determined they weren’t hers.

    “We offered to waive the fine because the case dragged on so long,” Solon told reporters outside the courtroom.

    The testimony from nine witnesses, over two days, largely centered around two questions: How did Harris come into possession of AirPods that weren’t hers and when did she realize they weren’t hers?

    The prosecution argued that Harris must have realized she took someone else’s AirPods when they didn’t automatically connect to her iPhone.

    “She knew they weren’t hers and possessed them anyway,” Solon said. He said she didn’t turn them over until she was “caught with her hand in the cookie jar.”

    On the witness stand, Harris and her mother, Marla Baker, established that Harris owned her own pair of AirPods before being accused of taking her classmate’s.

    Harris took the stand in her own defense. (Cookie Cook, special to ProPublica)

    Harris’ defense team, which included two civil rights attorneys who volunteered to represent her, introduced into evidence the receipt for Harris’ AirPods and a photo of her wearing them at a dinner celebration for her 17th birthday, just days before the alleged theft. Then Harris explained to the jury what happened.

    On the morning of the alleged theft, Harris said she realized she’d left her own AirPods in a school common area, retraced her steps and saw an identical pair where she thought she left them. Thinking they were hers, she picked them up.

    They didn’t sync initially, which wasn’t a red flag for Harris, she testified. “AirPods were notorious for unsyncing. I thought I had to resync them,” she said. She said she easily resynced them and went on with her day, thinking they were hers, and got no alert on the device that they weren’t.

    But Solon questioned Harris’ explanation that the AirPods automatically showed up with her name. He said that at that moment, she must have known they weren’t hers and manually renamed them. Harris corrected him: “If you know how AirPods work, when you sync them up, whatever name appears on your phone, appears on AirPods,” she explained.

    From left to right, Prosecutor Joseph Solon Jr., attorney Juan Thomas, Harris and attorney S. Todd Yeary. At back right is Judge Monique O’Toole. (Cheryl Cook, special to ProPublica)

    No expert witness was called to testify about the technology and how it worked at that time. So the testimony about the device — about how those AirPods would have synced and been named at the time — was left unresolved.

    Testifying for the prosecution, Ashley Sanchez, now 19, explained that she could not find her AirPods that day, either.

    She told her father, who called the school to report them as stolen. (He was on the city’s witness list but did not show up at court; he previously told reporters he wanted nothing to do with the case.)

    Sanchez explained during her testimony why she believed Harris had stolen them.

    Ashley Sanchez, a former Naperville North High School student, is the owner of the AirPods that Harris is accused of stealing. (Cookie Cook, special to ProPublica)

    Days after Harris picked up the AirPods from the common area, Sanchez said a friend alerted her that she saw “Amara’s AirPods” show up as a paired device on her Chromebook, and “Ashley’s AirPods” no longer showed. (They had been paired before.) That friend, Gabriella Unabia, took a photo of what appeared on her Chromebook and sent the photo to Sanchez.

    Sanchez went to Harris and asked her about them directly, Harris testified.

    “She said, ‘Did you take my AirPods?’” Harris said, “I replied, ‘I don’t know what you’re talking about.’”

    But Sanchez relayed her suspicion to a school dean that Harris had taken them from her backpack during a class they shared — and where her bag had been left unattended.

    That became enough proof for the school police officer to accuse Harris of theft, and the prosecutor logged the photo as evidence in the trial.

    “You have no evidence that Amara stole your AirPods?” Harris’ attorney S. Todd Yeary asked Sanchez on the stand. Yeary is the former chief executive officer of the Rainbow PUSH Coalition, a Chicago-based civil rights organization founded by the Rev. Jesse Jackson.

    “Other than the picture, no,” she replied.

    A series of other city witnesses acknowledged a lack of direct evidence that Harris knowingly took AirPods that weren’t hers.

    Unabia, when pressed on how she could be sure Harris had stolen the device, said there wasn’t any direct evidence.

    “So, you made an assumption?” Yeary asked.

    “Yeah, I guess,” Unabia said.

    James Konrad, one of Naperville North’s deans, also testified he had “no reason to think” Harris, whom he described as a well-rounded student with no disciplinary history, had stolen them.

    Later in the day, after Sanchez went home and got the AirPods box, Konrad took Harris out of class and compared the serial number on the AirPods with the box. They matched. Solon repeatedly used that as evidence that Harris should have known the AirPods weren’t hers because of the serial number. But Harris said she had no idea about the serial number, and other witnesses testified that they also never had a reason to know the serial numbers on their devices.

    Harris testified that after realizing she had Sanchez’s AirPods, she had no qualms about turning them over to the dean.

    “I expressed to him that I don’t know how that happened, and if they’re not mine, I am not going to keep them,” Harris testified.

    “You didn’t object?” “You didn’t run?” “You didn’t yell?” Yeary asked in quick succession. She answered no after each question.

    The jury consists of two young women, including an 18-year-old college student, and four men, three of whom are fathers of teenagers. Also depicted is an alternate. (Cookie Cook, special to ProPublica)

    Even the officer who issued the ticket, Juan Leon, testified he had no direct evidence that Harris had sought to steal the AirPods instead of picking them up in error.

    “You never got any factual information that Amara Harris knew the AirPods were not hers?” Yeary asked.

    “No,” Leon said.

    Leon testified that he initially wanted to give Harris a “station adjustment,” which requires parental approval and involves the minor talking with police and possibly doing community service. But when Harris’ mother refused to discuss that option with him, Leon said, he issued the ticket.

    “Because she refused to have a conversation with you … you used your discretion to issue a ticket?” Yeary asked.

    “Correct,” Leon replied.

    Yeary reminded the jurors later in his closing argument of that testimony.

    “He decided he would get mad and write a ticket because he could,” Yeary said. “That should be chilling to anyone who has children.”

    After Leon issued Harris a ticket, the teenager refused to pay the fine. Naperville tickets are contested in DuPage County court proceedings, and after refusing to accept settlement offers in which Harris felt she’d still be admitting guilt, the case advanced to trial by jury.

    “I didn’t steal them, so there was no need for me to pay a fine,” Harris testified Wednesday afternoon, repeating for the jury what she has said for years about why she didn’t simply pay the fine that came with the ticket. “I didn’t take the AirPods.”

    Before the case went to the jury, Solon called Harris’ story “wholly unbelievable” and told jurors she must have gone into her classmate’s backpack, swiped the AirPods and then actively renamed them as her own.

    Yeary appealed directly to the parents among the jurors.

    “Imagine if it were your children sitting in Amara Harris’ seat. Would you want someone to tell you your child was liable for a mistake?” Yeary asked. “It’s almost like they are just saying pay the ticket and make it go away. Can you imagine how that sounds?”

    A Naperville spokesperson said the city hasn’t spent extra money on legal fees for the case because it’s being handled by a city prosecutor, though he has spent many days in court handling it. A school district spokesperson would not immediately say whether the district has incurred costs, but multiple attorneys representing it were at the trial this week.

    Harris and Baker outside the courthouse. “I’m glad we were able to see it through,” Harris said Thursday morning before the verdict. (Mustafa Hussain for ProPublica)

    Outside the courtroom, Baker and Harris prayed together throughout the trial, sometimes holding hands. Baker said the case was about more than the ticket issued to her daughter, pointing to the reporting that has exposed how students across Illinois are ticketed by police for their behavior at school —- with little chance of winning.

    “We now know it’s not just us. This is about the thousands of children being thrown into the system without proper legal representation,” she said. “We hope this encourages people to fight even the smallest of injustices and fight for the truth.”


    This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Jodi S. Cohen and Jennifer Smith Richards.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/10/years-after-being-ticketed-at-school-for-a-theft-she-said-never-happened-former-student-prevails-in-court/feed/ 0 418318
    Years After Being Ticketed at School for a Theft She Said Never Happened, Former Student Prevails in Court https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/10/years-after-being-ticketed-at-school-for-a-theft-she-said-never-happened-former-student-prevails-in-court/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/10/years-after-being-ticketed-at-school-for-a-theft-she-said-never-happened-former-student-prevails-in-court/#respond Thu, 10 Aug 2023 17:30:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/school-ticketing-naperville-illinois-airpods-amara-harris-verdict by Jodi S. Cohen and Jennifer Smith Richards

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    Earlier this week, Amara Harris had one last chance to take a plea deal. For $100, she could have avoided a trial, the testimony of her former high school classmates and deans, and the stress of not knowing whether a jury would believe her when she said she had mistakenly picked up a classmate’s AirPods — not stolen them. It would’ve been over.

    Instead, as she had for more than 3 ½ years, she chose to fight. Like other families and students across Illinois who have been ticketed by police for alleged behavior at school, Harris and her mother saw the system as unfair and capricious.

    But in a rare move, Harris, now 20, went to trial, hoping to clear her name — even as she knew that municipal tickets are hard to beat because the burden of proof is so low.

    On Wednesday, she was cleared of violating Naperville’s ordinance against theft when a six-person jury decided that the city did not prove she’d knowingly taken a classmate’s AirPods.

    “I’m glad we were able to see it through,” Harris said Thursday morning before the verdict. She noted her story never changed.

    The verdict capped an extraordinarily unusual, drawn-out saga over a controversial municipal ticket issued to Harris when she was a junior at Naperville North High School, in DuPage County, west of Chicago.

    The ticket issued to Harris in 2019 (Redactions by ProPublica)

    The case was decided after a three-day trial heard by a jury of two young women, including an 18-year-old college student, and four men, three of whom are fathers of teenagers. A trial over an ordinance violation, which carries a fine only and no jail time, is so rare that the judge and lawyers had to repeatedly tweak instructions and other procedures to adapt to this type of case.

    Unlike in a criminal case, the prosecution only needed to prove that the allegation is more likely than not to have happened, a concept known as preponderance of the evidence.

    The jurors’ decision came down to whether they believed Harris, who said she did not realize she had the wrong AirPods until a dean pointed it out, or her two classmates, who believed Harris purposely took them. To rule against Harris, the jury had to believe both that she had someone else’s property and that she “knowingly” took it, according to the city ordinance.

    Between the time Harris was ticketed in 2019 and the trial this week, Illinois officials have taken steps to stop school administrators from working with police to punish students with municipal tickets for their behavior at school. Following a ProPublica and Chicago Tribune investigation, “The Price Kids Pay,” the Illinois schools superintendent told administrators to stop outsourcing discipline to police, and state lawmakers are considering ways to end school-based ticketing.

    The investigation found that an assembly-line system of justice for municipal tickets made it nearly impossible for students to avoid fines, and that fines and administrative fees could reach hundreds of dollars, money some families could not readily pay. (Harris’ theft ticket carried a maximum $500 fine.) Unlike in juvenile court, there is no option for a public defender. And taking the case to a jury, as Harris did, requires incredible resources and commitment.

    Students of color were ticketed more often than their white peers, the investigation found. At Naperville North, Black students were nearly five times more likely than white students to be ticketed by police over three school years examined, up until the spring of 2022. Racial disparities were not discussed in court; ahead of the trial, the prosecutor had successfully argued that the jury be instructed it could not decide the case based solely on race or other characteristics.

    Even as schools reevaluate ticketing, Harris was still holding the ticket she was written at 17. She continued to be weighed down by the accusation that she was a thief even as her life moved on: She graduated early from high school, earned an associate’s degree at a local community college and next week will move back to Atlanta to begin her senior year at Spelman College.

    Harris, near the campus of Spelman College in Atlanta. She graduated early from high school and earned an associate’s degree at a local community college. (Alyssa Pointer for ProPublica)

    Naperville police did not issue tickets at high schools through at least the first semester of last school year, and the district has tried to distance itself from Harris’ case, in part by saying the decision to ticket Harris was made by police. However, four school administrators, including the district superintendent, were called to testify and point out the defendant, their former student, in the courtroom. The principal said while she initially suggested that Harris get a one-day in-school suspension for the AirPod incident, the suspension was never issued.

    Minutes before jury selection began on the first day of trial Tuesday, Prosecutor Joseph Solon Jr. offered Harris a deal to settle the case with no fine and a $100 court fee — an offer he said he had made several times before. Harris would have had to agree that she could be found liable by a jury, something she said she could not accept since she says she accidentally picked up the AirPods and returned them to the rightful owner when school officials determined they weren’t hers.

    “We offered to waive the fine because the case dragged on so long,” Solon told reporters outside the courtroom.

    The testimony from nine witnesses, over two days, largely centered around two questions: How did Harris come into possession of AirPods that weren’t hers and when did she realize they weren’t hers?

    The prosecution argued that Harris must have realized she took someone else’s AirPods when they didn’t automatically connect to her iPhone.

    “She knew they weren’t hers and possessed them anyway,” Solon said. He said she didn’t turn them over until she was “caught with her hand in the cookie jar.”

    On the witness stand, Harris and her mother, Marla Baker, established that Harris owned her own pair of AirPods before being accused of taking her classmate’s.

    Harris took the stand in her own defense. (Cookie Cook, special to ProPublica)

    Harris’ defense team, which included two civil rights attorneys who volunteered to represent her, introduced into evidence the receipt for Harris’ AirPods and a photo of her wearing them at a dinner celebration for her 17th birthday, just days before the alleged theft. Then Harris explained to the jury what happened.

    On the morning of the alleged theft, Harris said she realized she’d left her own AirPods in a school common area, retraced her steps and saw an identical pair where she thought she left them. Thinking they were hers, she picked them up.

    They didn’t sync initially, which wasn’t a red flag for Harris, she testified. “AirPods were notorious for unsyncing. I thought I had to resync them,” she said. She said she easily resynced them and went on with her day, thinking they were hers, and got no alert on the device that they weren’t.

    But Solon questioned Harris’ explanation that the AirPods automatically showed up with her name. He said that at that moment, she must have known they weren’t hers and manually renamed them. Harris corrected him: “If you know how AirPods work, when you sync them up, whatever name appears on your phone, appears on AirPods,” she explained.

    From left to right, Prosecutor Joseph Solon Jr., attorney Juan Thomas, Harris and attorney S. Todd Yeary. At back right is Judge Monique O’Toole. (Cheryl Cook, special to ProPublica)

    No expert witness was called to testify about the technology and how it worked at that time. So the testimony about the device — about how those AirPods would have synced and been named at the time — was left unresolved.

    Testifying for the prosecution, Ashley Sanchez, now 19, explained that she could not find her AirPods that day, either.

    She told her father, who called the school to report them as stolen. (He was on the city’s witness list but did not show up at court; he previously told reporters he wanted nothing to do with the case.)

    Sanchez explained during her testimony why she believed Harris had stolen them.

    Ashley Sanchez, a former Naperville North High School student, is the owner of the AirPods that Harris is accused of stealing. (Cookie Cook, special to ProPublica)

    Days after Harris picked up the AirPods from the common area, Sanchez said a friend alerted her that she saw “Amara’s AirPods” show up as a paired device on her Chromebook, and “Ashley’s AirPods” no longer showed. (They had been paired before.) That friend, Gabriella Unabia, took a photo of what appeared on her Chromebook and sent the photo to Sanchez.

    Sanchez went to Harris and asked her about them directly, Harris testified.

    “She said, ‘Did you take my AirPods?’” Harris said, “I replied, ‘I don’t know what you’re talking about.’”

    But Sanchez relayed her suspicion to a school dean that Harris had taken them from her backpack during a class they shared — and where her bag had been left unattended.

    That became enough proof for the school police officer to accuse Harris of theft, and the prosecutor logged the photo as evidence in the trial.

    “You have no evidence that Amara stole your AirPods?” Harris’ attorney S. Todd Yeary asked Sanchez on the stand. Yeary is the former chief executive officer of the Rainbow PUSH Coalition, a Chicago-based civil rights organization founded by the Rev. Jesse Jackson.

    “Other than the picture, no,” she replied.

    A series of other city witnesses acknowledged a lack of direct evidence that Harris knowingly took AirPods that weren’t hers.

    Unabia, when pressed on how she could be sure Harris had stolen the device, said there wasn’t any direct evidence.

    “So, you made an assumption?” Yeary asked.

    “Yeah, I guess,” Unabia said.

    James Konrad, one of Naperville North’s deans, also testified he had “no reason to think” Harris, whom he described as a well-rounded student with no disciplinary history, had stolen them.

    Later in the day, after Sanchez went home and got the AirPods box, Konrad took Harris out of class and compared the serial number on the AirPods with the box. They matched. Solon repeatedly used that as evidence that Harris should have known the AirPods weren’t hers because of the serial number. But Harris said she had no idea about the serial number, and other witnesses testified that they also never had a reason to know the serial numbers on their devices.

    Harris testified that after realizing she had Sanchez’s AirPods, she had no qualms about turning them over to the dean.

    “I expressed to him that I don’t know how that happened, and if they’re not mine, I am not going to keep them,” Harris testified.

    “You didn’t object?” “You didn’t run?” “You didn’t yell?” Yeary asked in quick succession. She answered no after each question.

    The jury consists of two young women, including an 18-year-old college student, and four men, three of whom are fathers of teenagers. Also depicted is an alternate. (Cookie Cook, special to ProPublica)

    Even the officer who issued the ticket, Juan Leon, testified he had no direct evidence that Harris had sought to steal the AirPods instead of picking them up in error.

    “You never got any factual information that Amara Harris knew the AirPods were not hers?” Yeary asked.

    “No,” Leon said.

    Leon testified that he initially wanted to give Harris a “station adjustment,” which requires parental approval and involves the minor talking with police and possibly doing community service. But when Harris’ mother refused to discuss that option with him, Leon said, he issued the ticket.

    “Because she refused to have a conversation with you … you used your discretion to issue a ticket?” Yeary asked.

    “Correct,” Leon replied.

    Yeary reminded the jurors later in his closing argument of that testimony.

    “He decided he would get mad and write a ticket because he could,” Yeary said. “That should be chilling to anyone who has children.”

    After Leon issued Harris a ticket, the teenager refused to pay the fine. Naperville tickets are contested in DuPage County court proceedings, and after refusing to accept settlement offers in which Harris felt she’d still be admitting guilt, the case advanced to trial by jury.

    “I didn’t steal them, so there was no need for me to pay a fine,” Harris testified Wednesday afternoon, repeating for the jury what she has said for years about why she didn’t simply pay the fine that came with the ticket. “I didn’t take the AirPods.”

    Before the case went to the jury, Solon called Harris’ story “wholly unbelievable” and told jurors she must have gone into her classmate’s backpack, swiped the AirPods and then actively renamed them as her own.

    Yeary appealed directly to the parents among the jurors.

    “Imagine if it were your children sitting in Amara Harris’ seat. Would you want someone to tell you your child was liable for a mistake?” Yeary asked. “It’s almost like they are just saying pay the ticket and make it go away. Can you imagine how that sounds?”

    A Naperville spokesperson said the city hasn’t spent extra money on legal fees for the case because it’s being handled by a city prosecutor, though he has spent many days in court handling it. A school district spokesperson would not immediately say whether the district has incurred costs, but multiple attorneys representing it were at the trial this week.

    Harris and Baker outside the courthouse. “I’m glad we were able to see it through,” Harris said Thursday morning before the verdict. (Mustafa Hussain for ProPublica)

    Outside the courtroom, Baker and Harris prayed together throughout the trial, sometimes holding hands. Baker said the case was about more than the ticket issued to her daughter, pointing to the reporting that has exposed how students across Illinois are ticketed by police for their behavior at school —- with little chance of winning.

    “We now know it’s not just us. This is about the thousands of children being thrown into the system without proper legal representation,” she said. “We hope this encourages people to fight even the smallest of injustices and fight for the truth.”


    This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Jodi S. Cohen and Jennifer Smith Richards.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/10/years-after-being-ticketed-at-school-for-a-theft-she-said-never-happened-former-student-prevails-in-court/feed/ 0 418319
    Indoctrination, Intimidation and Intolerance: What Passes for Education Today https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/09/indoctrination-intimidation-and-intolerance-what-passes-for-education-today/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/09/indoctrination-intimidation-and-intolerance-what-passes-for-education-today/#respond Wed, 09 Aug 2023 22:32:41 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=142974

    Every day in communities across the United States, children and adolescents spend the majority of their waking hours in schools that have increasingly come to resemble places of detention more than places of learning.

    — Annette Fuentes Investigative journalist, When the School House Becomes a Jail House

    This is what it means to go back-to-school in America today.

    Instead of being taught the three R’s of education (reading, writing and arithmetic), young people are being drilled in the three I’s of life in the American police state: indoctrination, intimidation and intolerance.

    Indeed, while young people today are learning first-hand what it means to be at the epicenter of politically charged culture wars, test scores indicate that students are not learning how to succeed in social studies, math and reading.

    Instead of raising up a generation of civic-minded citizens with critical thinking skills, government officials are churning out compliant drones who know little to nothing about their history or their freedoms.

    Under the direction of government officials focused on making the schools more authoritarian (sold to parents as a bid to make the schools safer), young people in America are now first in line to be searched, surveilled, spied on, threatened, tied up, locked down, treated like criminals for non-criminal behavior, tasered and in some cases shot.

    From the moment a child enters one of the nation’s 98,000 public schools to the moment he or she graduates, they will be exposed to a steady diet of:

    • draconian zero tolerance policies that criminalize childish behavior,
    • overreaching anti-bullying statutes that criminalize speech,
    • school resource officers (police) tasked with disciplining and/or arresting so-called “disorderly” students,
    • standardized testing that emphasizes rote answers over critical thinking,
    • politically correct mindsets that teach young people to censor themselves and those around them,
    • and extensive biometric and surveillance systems that, coupled with the rest, acclimate young people to a world in which they have no freedom of thought, speech or movement.

    This is how you groom young people to march in lockstep with a police state.

    As Deborah Cadbury writes for The Washington Post, “Authoritarian rulers have long tried to assert control over the classroom as part of their totalitarian governments.”

    In Nazi Germany, the schools became indoctrination centers, breeding grounds for intolerance and compliance.

    In the American police state, the schools have become increasingly hostile to those who dare to question or challenge the status quo.

    America’s young people have become casualties of a post-9/11 mindset that has transformed the country into a locked-down, militarized, crisis-fueled mockery of a representative government.

    Roped into the government’s profit-driven campaign to keep the nation “safe” from drugs, disease, and weapons, America’s schools have transformed themselves into quasi-prisons, complete with surveillance cameras, metal detectors, police patrols, zero tolerance policies, lock downs, drug sniffing dogs, strip searches and active shooter drills.

    Students are not only punished for minor transgressions such as playing cops and robbers on the playground, bringing LEGOs to school, or having a food fight, but the punishments have become far more severe, shifting from detention and visits to the principal’s office into misdemeanor tickets, juvenile court, handcuffs, tasers and even prison terms.

    Students have been suspended under school zero tolerance policies for bringing to school “look alike substances” such as oregano, breath mints, birth control pills and powdered sugar.

    Look-alike weapons (toy guns—even Lego-sized ones, hand-drawn pictures of guns, pencils twirled in a “threatening” manner, imaginary bows and arrows, fingers positioned like guns) can also land a student in hot water, in some cases getting them expelled from school or charged with a crime.

    Not even good deeds go unpunished.

    One 13-year-old was given detention for exposing the school to “liability” by sharing his lunch with a hungry friend. A third grader was suspended for shaving her head in sympathy for a friend who had lost her hair to chemotherapy. And then there was the high school senior who was suspended for saying “bless you” after a fellow classmate sneezed.

    Having police in the schools only adds to the danger.

    Thanks to a combination of media hype, political pandering and financial incentives, the use of armed police officers (a.k.a. school resource officers) to patrol school hallways has risen dramatically in the years since the Columbine school shooting.

    Indeed, the growing presence of police in the nation’s schools is resulting in greater police “involvement in routine discipline matters that principals and parents used to address without involvement from law enforcement officers.”

    Funded by the U.S. Department of Justice, these school resource officers have become de facto wardens in elementary, middle and high schools, doling out their own brand of justice to the so-called “criminals” in their midst with the help of tasers, pepper spray, batons and brute force.

    In the absence of school-appropriate guidelines, police are more and more “stepping in to deal with minor rulebreaking: sagging pants, disrespectful comments, brief physical skirmishes. What previously might have resulted in a detention or a visit to the principal’s office was replaced with excruciating pain and temporary blindness, often followed by a trip to the courthouse.”

    Not even the younger, elementary school-aged kids are being spared these “hardening” tactics.

    On any given day when school is in session, kids who “act up” in class are pinned facedown on the floor, locked in dark closets, tied up with straps, bungee cords and duct tape, handcuffed, leg shackled, tasered or otherwise restrained, immobilized or placed in solitary confinement in order to bring them under “control.”

    In almost every case, these undeniably harsh methods are used to punish kids—some as young as 4 and 5 years old—for simply failing to follow directions or throwing tantrums.

    Very rarely do the kids pose any credible danger to themselves or others.

    Unbelievably, these tactics are all legal, at least when employed by school officials or school resource officers in the nation’s public schools.

    This is what happens when you introduce police and police tactics into the schools.

    Paradoxically, by the time you add in the lockdowns and active shooter drills, instead of making the schools safer, school officials have succeeded in creating an environment in which children are so traumatized that they suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder, nightmares, anxiety, mistrust of adults in authority, as well as feelings of anger, depression, humiliation, despair and delusion.

    For example, a middle school in Washington State went on lockdown after a student brought a toy gun to class. A Boston high school went into lockdown for four hours after a bullet was discovered in a classroom. A North Carolina elementary school locked down and called in police after a fifth grader reported seeing an unfamiliar man in the school (it turned out to be a parent).

    Police officers at a Florida middle school carried out an active shooter drill in an effort to educate students about how to respond in the event of an actual shooting crisis. Two armed officers, guns loaded and drawn, burst into classrooms, terrorizing the students and placing the school into lockdown mode.

    These police state tactics have not made the schools any safer.

    The fallout has been what you’d expect, with the nation’s young people treated like hardened criminals: handcuffed, arrested, tasered, tackled and taught the painful lesson that the Constitution (especially the Fourth Amendment) doesn’t mean much in the American police state.

    So what’s the answer, not only for the here-and-now—the children growing up in these quasi-prisons—but for the future of this country?

    How do you convince a child who has been routinely handcuffed, shackled, tied down, locked up, and immobilized by government officials—all before he reaches the age of adulthood—that he has any rights at all, let alone the right to challenge wrongdoing, resist oppression and defend himself against injustice?

    Most of all, how do you persuade a fellow American that the government works for him when, for most of his young life, he has been incarcerated in an institution that teaches young people to be obedient and compliant citizens who don’t talk back, don’t question and don’t challenge authority?

    As we’ve seen with other issues, any significant reforms will have to start locally and trickle upwards.

    As I make clear in my book Battlefield America: The War on the American People and in its fictional counterpart The Erik Blair Diaries, if we want to raise up a generation of freedom fighters who will actually operate with justice, fairness, accountability and equality towards each other and their government, we must start by running the schools like freedom forums.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by John W. Whitehead and Nisha Whitehead.

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    PNG’s literacy rate ‘lowest in Pacific’, but government plans boost to 70% https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/08/pngs-literacy-rate-lowest-in-pacific-but-government-plans-boost-to-70/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/08/pngs-literacy-rate-lowest-in-pacific-but-government-plans-boost-to-70/#respond Tue, 08 Aug 2023 04:00:37 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=91593 By Joy Olali and Max Oraka

    Papua New Guinea’s literacy rate stands at 63.4 percent — the lowest in the Pacific — with the government planning for it to reach 70 percent by 2027, an official says.

    Career Trackers chief executive Ellenor Lutikoe told the National Content Conference in Port Moresby that according to the medium-term development goal, the literacy rate should reach 70 percent by 2027.

    She highlighted three skills lacking in the workforce:

    READ MORE: Illiteracy: A growing concern in PNG

    • Basic English skills;
    • Basic business skills including digital literacy; and
    • Relevant and practical working knowledge related to the role they apply for.

    “Personally, I strongly believe that literacy is the foundation for an individual,” she said.

    In 2000, PNG had a literacy rate of 57.34 percent, in 2010 the rate increased by 4.26 percent to 61.6 percent and today it was 63.4 percent — an increase of 1.8 percent.

    It needs to increase by 6.6 percent to reach the 2027 target of 70 percent.

    On-the-job training
    Lutikoe said one of the ways to address these challenges was through on-the-job training programmes offered by companies, including Career Trackers.

    Adventist Development and Relief Agency (ADRA) chief executive officer Darren Yorio agreed that one way of addressing such challenges faced by employees was through literacy programmes.

    Yorio said many parts of PNG faced many social issues because illiteracy had continued to delay the progress of national development.

    He said the literacy rate was low compared to other Pacific island countries, and the government must work with other players to address the issue.

    “If there is a serious area we need to address, it is the issue of illiteracy. It is important that we maintain that level of rigorous focus on partnership to effectively continue the progress of development,” he said.

    Dr Kilala Devette-Chee, a senior research fellow and programme leader of the Education Research Programme at the National Research Institute, said PNG could reduce its high illiteracy rate by implementing the strategies recommended in her research report “Illiteracy: A growing concern in Papua New Guinea“.

    “The literacy level in different parts of PNG has continued to be a matter of national concern,” she said.

    “Although the government has taken a number of measures to improve literacy in the country, more and more students who are dropping out of school are either semi-literate or illiterate.”

    The strategies included:

    • Reviewing the provision of free education to allow more children to attend school;
    • Developing awareness on the importance of education;
    • Encouraging night classes for working people ;and
    • Re-establishing school libraries to promote a culture of reading.

    According to Dr Devette-Chee’s study, the root causes of the poor literacy outcomes include weak teaching skills and knowledge, diverse languages, frequent teacher and student absenteeism’ and lack of appropriate reading books and teaching support materials.

    The Outcome-Based Education (OBE) which promoted the use of vernacular languages in elementary schools with a transition period to English in Grade 3 failed a lot of students due to improper implementation of the programme.

    Joy Olali and Max Oraka are reporters with The National newspaper. Republished with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    AP Psychology Effectively Banned in Florida Over Lesson on Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/04/ap-psychology-effectively-banned-in-florida-over-lesson-on-sexual-orientation-gender-identity/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/04/ap-psychology-effectively-banned-in-florida-over-lesson-on-sexual-orientation-gender-identity/#respond Fri, 04 Aug 2023 02:55:45 +0000 https://www.commondreams.org/news/florida-ap-psychology

    The Republican-controlled Florida Board of Education on Thursday effectively banned Advanced Placement Psychology by notifying school district superintendents that teaching about sexual orientation and gender identity—key subjects in college-level psychology curricula—is prohibited under the state's so-called "Don't Say Gay or Trans" law.

    That means class schedules for the fall semester—which begins next week in most Florida school districts—are in limbo for thousands of students. Last year, around 28,000 pupils in more than 500 Florida high schools took AP Psychology.

    What a terrible decision that is 100% politically motivated."

    In a statement, the College Board—the New York-based national body that approves AP courses and runs SAT testing—called sexual orientation and gender identity "essential topics" in psychology.

    "The AP course asks students to 'describe how sex and gender influence socialization and other aspects of development,'" the board explained. "This element of the framework is not new: gender and sexual orientation have been part of AP Psychology since the course launched 30 years ago."

    "We cannot modify AP Psychology in response to regulations that would censor college-level standards for credit, placement, and career readiness," the body continued. "Our policy remains unchanged. Any course that censors required course content cannot be labeled 'AP' or 'Advanced Placement,' and the 'AP Psychology' designation cannot be utilized on student transcripts."

    "To be clear, any AP Psychology course taught in Florida will violate either Florida law or college requirements," the College Board added. "Therefore, we advise Florida districts not to offer AP Psychology until Florida reverses their decision and allows parents and students to choose to take the full course."

    As originally signed into law by Republican Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis in March 2022, H.B. 1557—dubbed the "Don't Say Gay or Trans" bill by critics—"prohibits classroom discussion about sexual orientation or gender identity" in grades K-3 or at any level "that is not age appropriate." In May, DeSantis expanded the legislation to include all grades K-12.

    Randi Weingarten, president of the American Federation of Teachers, condemned the "slippery slope of government censorship and bans" in DeSantis' Florida.

    "Sadly, it's all part of the DeSantis playbook of eroding rights, censoring those he disagrees with, and undermining access to knowledge," Weingarten said of the 2024 GOP presidential candidate, whose campaign has been accused of embracing homophobia.

    "Just this year, countless educators have been forced to remove or cover up their classroom libraries under threat of sanctions and jail, countless students have lost out because the governor ended AP African American Studies, and now this assault on AP Psychology," she added. "It's an unconscionable but far-from-surprising move from an extremist and increasingly unpopular leader who is fast becoming both a national pariah and a global embarrassment."

    At the Human Rights Campaign, the nation's largest LGBTQ+ advocacy group, president Kelley Robinson said that "psychology is centered around people—all people."

    "Erasing us from the curriculum ignores our existence, sets back Florida students who want to pursue psychology in higher education, and disrupts pathways for future mental health professionals to provide comprehensive, culturally competent mental healthcare for the LGBTQ+ community," she continued.

    "College Board's AP Psychology curriculum is science-driven and endorsed by both educators and experts," Robinson noted. "Educational systems that reject the inclusion of LGBTQ+ people from their psychology courses are failing in their commitment to students."

    "As anti-LGBTQ+ lawmakers pass discriminatory legislation and spread dangerous misinformation, we're continuing to see disturbing attempts to rewrite history and censor education, misaligned with the realities of our country," she added.

    Florida State Rep. Anna Eskamani (D-42) said in a statement, "As someone who graduated from Florida public schools with college credit via AP classes, I know how powerful and effective these classes are and I am sick to my stomach to see what Gov. Ron DeSantis and the Republican Party are doing in our state."

    Florida Department of Education Spokesperson Cassie Pelelis accused the College Board of "attempting to force school districts to prevent students from taking the AP Psychology."

    "The department didn't 'ban' the course," she insisted. "The course remains listed in Florida's Course Code Directory for the 2023-24 school year. We encourage the College Board to stop playing games with Florida students and continue to offer the course and allow teachers to operate accordingly."

    During the previous academic year, educators, students, parents, and Democratic lawmakers reacted angrily after the DeSantis administration rejected a new high school AP African American Studies course—without even seeing its syllabus—claiming it violated the state's ban on "woke" education and lacked "educational value."

    In March, the 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals upheld a lower court's preliminary injunction against the Stop WOKE Act.


    This content originally appeared on Common Dreams and was authored by Brett Wilkins.

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    Fiji faces more children being in trouble over ‘ice’, warns FCOSS https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/30/fiji-faces-more-children-being-in-trouble-over-ice-warns-fcoss/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/30/fiji-faces-more-children-being-in-trouble-over-ice-warns-fcoss/#respond Sun, 30 Jul 2023 23:49:46 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=91256 By Rakesh Kumar in Suva

    The Fiji Council of Social Services (FCOSS) has warned that the nation needs to prepare itself to face more children being in conflict with the law.

    Chief executive officer Vani Catanasiga highlighted this while responding to Attorney-General Siromi Turaga’s revelation at the Lomaiviti Provincial Council meeting last week that schoolchildren were being used to peddle the highly addictive illegal drug methamphetamine, commonly known as “ice”.

    She said a concerted and coordinated approach was needed to tackle this issue.

    If the issue was not resolved, there could be a drop in education attainment rates and pressure on national social services systems, she added.

    Methodist Church in Fiji and Rotuma president Reverend Ili Vunisuwai said poverty was the root cause of the problem.

    He said the issue was serious and the government, church and vanua should come together to solve the issue.

    Rakesh Kumar is a Fiji Times reporter. Republished with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    China-Russia Scientific Cooperation Increases https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/29/china-russia-scientific-cooperation-increases/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/29/china-russia-scientific-cooperation-increases/#respond Sat, 29 Jul 2023 16:36:02 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=142626 This week’s News on China.

    • Fewer Chinese researchers in the US
    • Shenzhen magnetic resonance machine
    • Relics affected by climate change


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Dongsheng News.

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    The Cold War, Desegregation, and Affirmative Action https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/29/the-cold-war-desegregation-and-affirmative-action/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/29/the-cold-war-desegregation-and-affirmative-action/#respond Sat, 29 Jul 2023 15:25:39 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=142559 As the US Supreme Court aspires to drive a nail into the coffin of affirmative action, it is important to recognize how the Cold War helped to shape the mid-twentieth-century civil-rights people’s victories and the consequent policy of Affirmative Action in education.

    Some may find that connecting the conflict between the US and the USSR to the formal establishment of African American citizen rights is far-fetched.

    But the facts speak otherwise.

    The US ruling class crudely portrayed the Cold War as a contest between those defending freedom and equality versus those imposing tyranny and enslavement. The US launched multiple cultural offensives to reinforce these views, sending books, movies, and diverse artistic figures and athletes throughout the world to signal its commitment to those lofty values.

    But as the great postwar wave of decolonization swept the world and the US appeared too often on the side of the colonists, the moral high ground seemed impossible to maintain in the eyes of the critical non-aligned nations.

    Even more devastating was the ugly face of racial segregation that existed de jure in the Southern, formerly Confederate states, and de facto in the rest of the US, with its accompanying violent enforcement. To the non-white majority of the world, this inhuman practice negated any proclaimed commitment to freedom or equality.

    To meet this Cold War crisis, the US ruling class chose an approach that was both least costly to capital and its minions and most burdensome on the working people. Rather than returning to the unfinished business of post-Civil War Reconstruction, rather than attacking segregated housing patterns (disrupting profits in the finance, insurance, and real estate sector), rather than pressing fair employment (impacting corporate and business profits), rather than guaranteeing voting rights and fair representation (disrupting the political status quo), the US ruling class placed the burden of desegregation on those who were among the most vulnerable in US society: children. It was public schools and not neighborhoods, housing, public accommodations, businesses, government agencies, or corporations that would bear the brunt of desegregation.

    With the Supreme Court decision — Brown versus Board of Education — US elites offered a “victory” against segregation to place before world public opinion. Because it was a court decision made by lifetime appointees, it had little negative impact on elected officials or the fate of their political parties.

    Of course, the court decision was only symbolic unless backed up with enforcement. It is likely that Brown versus Board of Education would have remained symbolic and another gesture of self-righteousness in the cultural Cold War since officials took little interest in forcing it on the bastions of racial segregation.

    But Brown versus Board of Education did elevate racism to a place in the public debate. Also, it energized a growing resistance to segregation, adding a new generation of fighters to the struggle and legitimizing the fight. Without the growth and militancy of the peoples’ struggle, any promise offered by the Supreme Court decision would have faded, however.

    For the most part, officialdom and the Civil Rights movement operated on parallel tracks, with Federal policies focused on school desegregation in the South and the movement tackling voting rights and desegregating public spaces. Elites largely sought to confine and retard the struggle for racial justice.

    Nonetheless, the movement for racial justice forced a series of civil rights acts in the mid-1960s that addressed the harshest aspects of Southern segregation, supporting voting rights and the use of public accommodations, as well as denying workplace and housing discrimination in the US.

    With the murder of the most influential anti-racist leaders, the suppression of urban risings, and the political backlash of Southern reactionaries, the US ruling class called a halt to the school desegregation project. The landmark Millikin versus Bradley Supreme Court decision of 1974 settled the limits of public education desegregation at the border of wealthier suburbs. Desegregation was meant only for poor and working-class schools, and not for the schools of the elite. For US elites — Cold War optics be damned — the costs of racial justice would not be borne by wealth and power. No bus would transport urban Blacks to the rolling hills of suburbia; nor would any children of the petty-bourgeois find seats awaiting in city public schools.

    Class critically intersected race at that juncture, a reality that continues to shape the contours of anti-racism going forward.

    Of course, despite this setback, the struggle against racism continued, but as affirmative action– a project to go beyond formal, level-playing field equality and place material support behind the economic mobility necessary for substantial equality. Behind affirmative action was the understanding that racial justice was an active process and not a static state of affairs, i.e. nominal equality. In other words, those disadvantaged by racism needed substantial advantages to continue their journey to equality.

    Ideally, the impact of affirmative action would be race-neutral. African Americans could gain “advantages” without disadvantaging anyone else: jobs could be created in workplaces where they were underrepresented without denying jobs to any non-Black worker; mentorships and job-training could be made available to all; subsidized new or existing housing could be established; health care could be universal, etc. To use the term popular with pundits, affirmative action could be “win-win.”

    When the win-win logic is true of society at large, it is the basis for socialism.

    But that is not the logic of capitalism. Capitalism is relentless competition: what the same pundits call “zero-sum.” Someone must win, someone must lose. When someone applies to the best public school, there is room for one more. When someone applies to a private school, some win, some lose.

    Consequently, the logic of capitalist society produces smug winners and disgruntled losers. And affirmative action that advantaged African Americans produced many who were or felt they were disadvantaged. Under capitalism, social progress is always the class struggle over who will sacrifice, who will pay.

    Nevertheless, well-intentioned, anti-racist liberals pressed affirmative action on US capitalism with some success. Gertrude Ezorsky, a leading theorist of affirmative action, notes that “A dramatic increase in black employment and promotion occurred at specific companies that adopted affirmative action plans. These companies include AT&T, IBM, Levi-Strauss, and Sears Roebuck,” (Racism And Justice, the Case for Affirmative Action) She also noted that by ”…1982, 20,000 black officers had been added to police forces around the nation.” This squares with the ruling class’s determination to make police and military action against the colored peoples not look like white on Black or white on non-white violence.

    Ironically, one of the greatest successes of the affirmative action era was Richard Nixon’s Justice Department-initiated Philadelphia plan to integrate the building trades. Blacks in the Philadelphia building trades went from one per cent of all workers to twelve per cent by 1982.

    But as Ezorsky concedes, affirmative action declined drastically in the 1980s: “After 1980 there was a dramatic decline in the enforcement of AA [affirmative action] through the federal compliance program. The effectiveness of AA also declined as a result of Supreme Court decisions during the 1980s.”

    With the courts, politicians, and the media fleeing affirmative action remedies that would address material class inequality, liberals and social democrats shaped anti-racism into “glass-ceiling” anti-racism. That is, the battle for racial justice became merely an effort to absorb more African Americans into the petty-bourgeoisie and into elite circles.

    Token or role-model representation is sold as an incentive for working class and poor Blacks. This pick-yourself-up-by-your-bootstrap version of anti-racism reached its zenith with the elevation of Barack Obama into the highest seat of political power. The celebration of Obama, and the relatively robust growth of a Black petty-bourgeoisie, left the inner-city impoverished, powerless, and nourished only by symbolic victories.

    The gap between white and Black income and wealth remains relatively the same as half-century ago — worse for most, better for some. Educational inequities, segregated housing, poor infrastructure, and marginal employment remain the fate of many, if not most African Americans. Urban ghettoization — once a basis for a measure of racial solidarity — has been shattered, not by emancipation, but by colonization: the brute force of gentrification.

    For the “new” anti-racism — with its rejection of the class dimension — language, gestures, symbols, and manners are the target of self-satisfied justice warriors and not material deprivation or class exploitation. Where a leader like Martin Luther King found the continuation of the Black struggle in the fight of Memphis garbage workers seeking better pay, today’s NGO-sponsored “organizers” look to call out verbal clumsiness, historical anachronisms, and “microaggressions.” They look to create “safe spaces” where diversity can be smugly celebrated. They can locate the roots of racism in the twisted minds of white racists, but not in a socio-economic system that benefited, and continues to benefit, from the competition that racism generated and from the super-profits that flowed from a racial division of labor.

    Accordingly, the “new” anti-racists are less attentive to the macro-aggressions of inferior health care, low-paying jobs, substandard housing, and still segregated, poor education. Since exploitation, poverty, and despair have come into existence, privileged reformers have blamed the victims for the evils that exploitation, poverty, and despair spawn. It is no different with today’s liberals who organize marches, seminars, and rallies decrying the violence and drug use plaguing our poorest communities, while overlooking the meager material conditions that are the fertile soil of social self-destruction.

    When commentators announce the death of affirmative action, citing the recent decision, Students for Fair Admissions versus Presidents and Fellows of Harvard College, they are profoundly mistaken. Affirmative action has been dead for a long time, eviscerated, ignored, evaded, and demonized since the 1980s.

    Racial preference is deemed necessary at elite, ruling-class training academies like the Ivies because their admissions policies are so riddled with legacy, athletic, donor, and faculty admissions. As guardians of ruling-class liberalism and custodians of ruling-class mythology, these largely private institutions hide the unjustifiable privilege shown to those without merit behind a cynical veneer of racial and ethnic sensitivity, hoping that it will mask class privilege. The Supreme Court decision was not a blow to long-abused affirmative action, but to a cynical system of elite privilege; it was a reminder of its hypocrisy.

    Affirmative action in higher education — offering, affirming, and sustaining opportunities for Black students — is easily achievable today in community colleges, colleges, and public universities by simply eliminating the huge student-loan debt that burdens those without means now and going forward. The thousands of public institutions of higher learning are eager to accept students.

    Free admissions — a realistic demand for a peoples’ movement — would be a long step toward restoring the promise of authentic affirmative action.

    Rather than indulging the current class-blind anti-racist fashion of policing speech, humor, body language, books, and statues, an authentic anti-racism can seek to remove the material roadblocks to equality, as King and his predecessors sought. Of course, there is a cost to equality, a cost to real, and not fanciful, formal opportunity. And that burden should be borne by those who have benefited from racism: the rich and powerful.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Greg Godels.

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    Writer, teacher, and publisher Jennifer Lewis on giving your creative work the time it needs https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/28/writer-teacher-and-publisher-jennifer-lewis-on-giving-your-creative-work-the-time-it-needs/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/28/writer-teacher-and-publisher-jennifer-lewis-on-giving-your-creative-work-the-time-it-needs/#respond Fri, 28 Jul 2023 07:00:00 +0000 https://thecreativeindependent.com/people/writer-teacher-and-publisher-jennifer-lewis-on-giving-your-work-the-time-it-needs Your short story collection just came out, and you also run Red Light Lit which is both an event series for the community, and a small press. I know you also teach. How do you balance time for other projects? For instance, this novel that you have planned. What’s a day or a week like in your life?

    I try to balance promoting other writers or helping other writers and working for myself. I get a lot of the same energy I get when I’m in the writing zone, when I’m editing someone else’s work, or when I’m promoting someone else’s work that I believe in, so I definitely get something back from helping other authors. It’s really easy for me to promote other people. And I enjoy doing it. There really isn’t any formula to it, but each day I like to spend my time either editing student papers or promoting someone else’s book or reading a draft of someone’s work. Then spend a couple of hours a day on my own work.

    I totally agree that there is so much energy that being part of community gives. And in some ways I feel like that’s where I go when I need inspiration. But I also feel like sometimes, when I’m having a creative block with my own work, it’s procrastination, or just a fear of returning to my work. How do you make sure you keep coming back?

    I’m probably not doing this well. I hear you on the procrastination aspect of it. And so, sometimes you’re dreading going back to your own work or reading it again. But I’ve been trying to make deadlines for myself.

    I’ve realized how important other people’s work is for me, but I’m trying to learn how to value my work and carve out time for myself. I just spent a week in Joshua Tree where I tried not to use my phone. I really blocked out everyone else’s work. And for one week I just focused on my own work. I couldn’t believe how much I got done.

    Honestly, if I got my phone out of the way I would get so much more done. I think that my distractions are more like Instagram and being on my phone than other people’s work because their work keeps me in the zone. When I’m editing someone else’s work I can really see clearly what they’re doing wrong or how they’re not evoking emotion. But when it’s my work, I’m like, “Oh, I can’t tell,” But I can learn from someone else and I come back to my work. It really balances out.

    How do you stay level-headed or right-sized when you’re editing your own work? I hear you saying that reading other people’s work you can see clearly areas for suggestion, but how do you do that for yourself? How do you stay editorial while also being kind to yourself?

    I feel like in some ways that’s easy for me because I do think everyone’s story is important. I really do just believe in self-expression. I have a genuine enthusiasm for other people’s work that I think I’ve always had.

    I’m studying craft all the time to teach a lesson to my class. This week we’re talking about the “descriptive pause,” and how to add tension with no action. As I’m teaching this lesson I can see the class’s head exploding like, “Oh my god. That’s an amazing trick or move.” And then, I’m like, “Oh, yeah, let me go back to my chapter and find the tense place and create this descriptive pause.” And then it’s like, “Oh, this is fun, it’s working here.” I feel really lucky that it’s all communicating with each other.

    Yeah, of course. I know that on top of all the creative work you do, you’re a mom, which is a big theme in your short story collection, The New Low. How do you balance your writing and editing with your other adult responsibilities?

    Now my kids are older, but what I will say is that most of the collection was written in my car waiting on a soccer field. I got a lot of it written in these small increments of time. Most of my graduate school classes were at night to 7:00 or 9:00. And I’d come home and write until 1:00 in the morning, when everyone was asleep. So, for a very long time, I lived with little sleep. I needed that intellectual fill to become a better mother. A lot of motherhood was trying to be present for it because I knew my writing would always be there.

    The moms you write about are not your typical mom characters. They’re sneaking cigarettes and taking edibles in Palm Springs and having these existential identity crises about how to be a parent and a person. What was that process of writing into some of those more nuanced spaces of parenting?

    That’s it exactly. Compartmentalized motherhood. I do think we were all so many other things before becoming mothers. When a man becomes a dad, he continues to be all those things. There is a tone of resentment in the stories I tried to explore a little bit. I think there’s been so much balance in the world because of conversations like this. And because of stories like this. I felt like there’s a whole different batch of mothers. So here are these people [asking], “What is motherhood? Is motherhood just driving kids around? Motherhood has changed a lot? And is motherhood providing care and providing love? Does motherhood means staying home with your kids?” I don’t really have any of the answers. But I’m just trying to show this variety of mothers and how in some ways everyone felt like they’re failing because they’re not this ideal mom.

    An idea that kept coming up as I was reading your collection was the split-self. The character Amme comes to mind. She’s this yogi, but then she’s doing all these drugs and smoking. I think that’s something a lot of people could probably relate to—this idea of trying to become more than one thing. What drew you to that particular topic?

    I think a lot of it that I explore is contradictions. Can you be a yoga teacher and still smoke cigarettes? It’s like the image you’re projecting and the reality. I think a lot of the times where there’s so much fragmentation is when there’s this diverse image that you’re protecting in reality. But can there be this whole self? Can we hold space for these two different things? Can you be a flawed mother without being absolutely torn apart? Is there a space for you to be imperfect and be a mother and trying to be an artist and trying to make money from your art because you have to live in the city?

    One of the things that I hear a lot is this sense of imposter syndrome that comes with how one spends their emotional time versus all the unpaid or low paid labor that comes with a creative practice. How have you found balance between those two things?

    When I became a mother, I think I was so present with it that when I was having conversations with people, I didn’t necessarily have to talk about it all the time. I feel like there’s so much work with motherhood that it becomes all-consuming. When I go out in the world I don’t want to talk about those things. I want to keep some identity of myself as an artist, as a writer, and as a human. I was 28 when I had my daughter, but a lot of people I hung out with in the world weren’t mothers yet. In fact, some of my friends are just starting to be mothers now.

    When did you know that you really wanted to commit yourself to being a writer and to doing the work?

    I always knew I wanted to write. I just loved reading. I love the craft of storytelling. And then, you have to go through this like, “Am I good at this?” kind of questioning. But I really did commit to writing every day. I think I did The Artist’s Way writing pages for like five years in a row. I would write those three pages before I did anything else. A lot of that, for me was just organizing my thoughts. But I committed to it. Some of the stories in my collection I started 18 years ago. So, I’ve committed to writing for probably more than 20 years. Writing has always been a love of mine.

    What was the moment where writing those stories shifted and they became a book? What was that shift like?

    A lot of it was just studying collections and asking “What is a short story collection?” It’s usually just what we can get away with. I think when I read Olive Kitteridge, and saw it had the recurring characters, I was hooked on that. The thing about a short story is you may love it, but at the end the characters are done. The 14 stories in my collection are standalone, but the characters come back and you get to see them again. I had a lot of fun and they arc like a novel in some ways.

    What is your process like when you’re writing a story?

    I’m not an outline writer at all. I’m definitely more of a “seat of your pants” writer. I like finding out the story from within the story. For many of the stories in my collection I was like, “I want to do a craft move, I want to do a monologue.” So, I practiced a monologue. For some others I wanted to write an omniscient narrator or I wanted to play around with point of view changes. I probably have my own process, but I’m definitely, not someone who has an outline and says, “This is where it’s going to start. This is where it’s going to end.”

    What is your revision process like?

    I mean, there’s a lot of play. I love dialogue, so much of it is asking when something becomes dialogue and when dialogue becomes summary. A lot of it for me will start with dialogue, going back and forth, and then coming back to the scene and then realizing 90% of that dialogue I did was unnecessary and not needed, and then scaling back the dialogue, and putting in more of the scene. How I revise is different for each story depending on what I’m trying to do with it.

    A major theme that I saw in the book was around the relationship between youth and beauty and becoming. I think about this a lot with art where there’s all these “best under 35” or whatever lists. What do you think that obsession with youth and productivity and blooming as early as possible is?

    I think I’m just picking up on something like this cultural pressure. I’ve overheard conversations with people saying, “If I’m not published by 30 I’ll kill myself.” There is this pressure to make a great piece of art while you’re still young and attractive enough for the book cover or whatever it is. I do feel there’s a cultural pressure. I think in general people believe we lose our intelligence or our work decreases with age. I don’t think any of those things are true. Those are false beliefs that have been pumped into our heads, maybe for women more so than others. There’s this fear of irrelevance—that we’re losing something. I guess in my mind, I feel quite the opposite. I feel I’ve become more empowered. I’ve become more whole. I’ve become more connected to myself and my work. I’ve carved out that time for myself. That’s been a really great thing about getting older.

    If you were getting a lot of that messaging, did you ever feel the pressure to publish by a certain age or finish something by a certain age? And what was your relationship with that messaging?

    I do trust in divine timing of things. Even with the stories. I’m really happy they came out so much later, that I have this distance from them, and I can approach them differently. I don’t know. I’m not in a huge rush. But with that said, talking about the novel, I also feel like, “Okay, I need to put a little bit of fire under my butt to keep myself accountable, keep myself on these deadlines.” Because the novel is good and I want it to be out in the world. And it’s fun having people engage in your work.

    How do you get to that place of having a bit of pressure to stay accountable, but not so much it makes you crazy?

    I’ve had a meditation practice for around five years. I’ve been doing that 20 minutes, twice a day situation. I think that helps me a lot. I am a big believer of not being precious with my words, of just writing a lot, because I know I’m going to write more. I try not to be attached to the result. Of course, I want it to be good. But I also know that there’ll be another book after this book, and I’m constantly improving.

    What are some of the ways that meditation has shown up for you in your writing?

    I can give the example. I was in Joshua Tree working on my novel, and red-tailed hawk flew into the glass window, there were no stickers on the window, and it flew into the window where I was sitting typing. It just sounded like a brick, and it fell on the earth. I was looking for some metaphor of how this character felt and I was like, “Oh, we felt like a red-tailed hawk blindly hitting a glass window.”

    I guess I allow the story to come to me more. I try to be a vessel for the story. In a way, I never felt that writing was something I was doing. It’s something I’m witnessing. If you’re quiet, sounds are going to appear. You can use the sounds that you’re hearing to put them into your work. A lot of it is just being present.

    Jennifer Lewis Recommends:

    I recommend more live music and less screen time. This April, I saw Tomo Nakayama at The Hotel Utah in San Francisco, Lola Kirke and Pearl Charles at Pappy & Harriet’s, and This Lonesome Paradise and Timber Timbre at Giant Rock Meeting Room in Joshua Tree.

    Reading poetry. Just one poem a day can inspire you to express a truth in a creative way. I recommend Unearth [The Flowers] by Thea Matthews and looking forward to reading Vanishing Point by Kimberly Reyes.

    Attend Open Mics. It’s inspiring to see people’s material in various states of development.

    Support local artists. Buy one less drink and support a different artist each Bandcamp Friday. Or buy a small painting from a local artist instead of a large-framed print from a corporate chain.

    When in San Francisco, eat at Puerto Alegre. It’s a family-owned restaurant in the Mission district that has been open for 50-years. I’ve been going to it for over 20 years and it’s still my favorite place.


    This content originally appeared on The Creative Independent and was authored by Shelby Hinte.

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    Legacy Admissions Are Actually the Opposite of Affirmative Action https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/27/legacy-admissions-are-actually-the-opposite-of-affirmative-action/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/27/legacy-admissions-are-actually-the-opposite-of-affirmative-action/#respond Thu, 27 Jul 2023 21:23:51 +0000 https://fair.org/?p=9034583 These headlines' play on "affirmative action" reflects the right wing's use of the term to mean "unfair advantage."

    The post Legacy Admissions Are Actually the Opposite of Affirmative Action appeared first on FAIR.

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    AP: Affirmative action for white people? Legacy college admissions come under renewed scrutiny

    No, AP (7/1/23), built-in advantages for well-connected students are not kind of like positive steps to remedy discrimination, except that they benefit white people.

    A recent NPR headline (7/24/23) declared: “Affirmative Action for Rich Kids: It’s More Than Just Legacy Admissions.” The accompanying story explained: “Affirmative action for minority kids may now be dead. But a blockbuster new study, released today, finds that, effectively, affirmative action for rich kids is alive and well.”

    Likewise, a Vox headline (7/25/23) reported that “Affirmative Action for White College Applicants Is Still Here.” A Daily podcast (7/27/23) from the New York Times is headlined “Affirmative Action for the 1 Percent,” explaining “just how much elite colleges admissions in the US systematically favor the rich and the superrich.” New York magazine’s Eric Levitz (7/25/23) wrote about “Why Elite Colleges Do Affirmative Action for the Rich.”

    These articles helpfully expose the hypocrisy of an educational system that continues to favor the wealthy and privileged—and of a Supreme Court that feels the need to bar attempts to remedy this situation. But these headlines’ play on “affirmative action” reflects the right wing’s use of the term to mean “unfair advantage”; they only work if the term signifies an arbitrary, unjustified preference.

    What affirmative action actually is, the way it’s been used for over 60 years now, is a proactive response to structural discrimination, particularly the persistence of racism in education. Is that what legacy admissions are? No, they’re the opposite of that. Then how are they “affirmative action for the rich”?

    This trope only makes sense if you’re actually against affirmative action, and against legacy admissions, too—like John McWhorter, who wrote the New York Times op-ed “End Affirmative Action for Rich White Students, Too” (2/1/23). He’s comparing a thing he doesn’t like to another thing he doesn’t like, so that works.

    But you can’t defend the fairness of affirmative action by using it as a label for something that’s obviously unfair.


    Research assistance: Lara-Nour Walton

     

    The post Legacy Admissions Are Actually the Opposite of Affirmative Action appeared first on FAIR.


    This content originally appeared on FAIR and was authored by Jim Naureckas.

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    Urban Planner and futurist Lafayette Cruise on what creativity tells us about ourselves and our world https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/26/urban-planner-and-futurist-lafayette-cruise-on-what-creativity-tells-us-about-ourselves-and-our-world/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/26/urban-planner-and-futurist-lafayette-cruise-on-what-creativity-tells-us-about-ourselves-and-our-world/#respond Wed, 26 Jul 2023 07:00:00 +0000 https://thecreativeindependent.com/people/urban-planner-and-futurist-lafayette-cruise-on-what-creativity-tells-us-about-ourselves-and-our-world How would you describe your creative practice?

    I’m an urban planner and a futurist, and my practice sits at the intersection of urban planning policy and speculative fiction. Speculative fiction refers to everything from imagining whole new histories to very small what if’s. In my practice, I think through what would have emerged if at a certain inflection point in history—or in the near future—we made a different decision. I think that urban planning is a form of speculative fiction, and popular fiction informs our expectations of policy and planning. At that nexus a lot of different things explode, and I’ve been experimenting with different media to explore that question.

    Given that imagination is so essential to creativity no matter what kind of artist you are, what strategies or recommendations do you have for people who are trying to tap into their own imaginative or speculative power?

    When I think of how to get people started, I bring them through a line of inquiry. I ask, “What is one thing that is frustrating about your city, or about where you live?” or even, “What’s one thing that you wish was expanding? What would it look like in 100 years?” Maybe something like, “What is your community? How do you define your community? What are some things that they are struggling with, or that you are hoping for for them? What questions do you have for them? What do you think they will think about you? How do you think they’ve learned about you?” Just taking the time to sit there and think through questions of the kind of world that we exist in and what we are hoping for is a good place to start.

    What does your curiosity look like? How do you find you best explore or analyze things?

    It is both slow and social. Work is a way to socialize, collaboration is a way to socialize. For me, curiosity is about exploring what it means to experience connection with other people. What does it mean to relate to other things? At this moment, I’m curious about how different modes of artistic creation and being help us learn about relationships.

    A lot of people have this notion around a spectrum of creativity. At one end, we have the utility of things, at the other end, we have the beauty and artfulness of things. Is that something that you think about in your work, the utility of things versus their aesthetic nature?

    I think there is a racist, modernist and sexist undergirding of positing utility and aesthetics as separate things. We know that the way things look affect us—that is how we’ve evolved as a species. Just because a certain number of men were incapable of reading the meaning behind ornament, or the reading behind beautiful things, they took them to be superfluous. I’m trying to challenge the hierarchy of that learning. And as much as it’s constrained our imagination of the past, it is constraining our imagination of the future.

    When you think through “architectural purity,” that’s a thing that never existed, but we’ve constructed it and created a value system around it. What does it mean, then, to get away from valuing aesthetics, and ideas of “utility,” and see that there is an expansive form of utility that communicates different things? Your anti-ornamentation is a form of ornament to communicate what you hope people interpret you to be, or how you hope to differentiate yourself from someone else. I don’t want to separate them. I think they communicate.

    What do you do when you feel like you’re creatively stuck? How do you find peace when your work feels like it’s at its most high stakes?

    It’s funny, I think by focusing on the future, I’ve removed some of the stakes for myself. I kept having these visions when I was thinking about urban planning, and just seeing the stakes of the future of our cities, and how dire the status quo is. I kept having these visions of Black ancestors pulling me, trying to hold up a cave-in, and pushing me forward, and having this pressure to try and figure out how to hold it up. That still sometimes is there. I broke down, and was like, “What am I doing?” The problems I’m responding to now were started long ago, by many people. It has taken centuries for these things to manifest themselves in this way, so it’ll take that a certain amount of time to get somewhere new. It’s not on me as an individual to change everything in that way. When I’m getting really nihilistic, [I think of how] in a couple of billion years, this planet’s going to be burned to a crisp, and it won’t remember my name. It’s funny—I tell that to my students sometimes, and they’re like, “Why would you say that?” You get to choose how you respond to what’s in front of you, whether it is to die or not. You can choose to live or die.

    In this era we’re living in, with the resources that are available to us to create—and your work with imagination and speculation—what do you think the future of creativity is?

    I’ll say what I hope it is. In this moment, there is an inability to play. I find an inability to play, create, and imagine. When I think of creativity, I’m hoping we have a future where we respect the labor of the creative process and creative production. We’re seeing it a lot with just the number of strikes that are going on in this country. We’re in the middle of a writer’s strike. This country was founded on extracting—extracting labor through slavery and through land theft. We, as a culture, need to think of creativity as valuable. Something that we can sustain and allow to flourish. And as best as possible, we have to respect the labor of, and compensate folks who are, creating.

    Lafayette Cruise Recommends:

    headphones (constantly listening to music)

    Journey Through the Secret Life of Plants by Stevie Wonder

    Dancing to good DJ in crowd with good vibes

    Late night walks especially when the moon is out

    Dark Matter: A Century of Speculative Fiction from the African Diaspora, edited by Sheree R Thomas


    This content originally appeared on The Creative Independent and was authored by Pola Pucheta.

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    “We’re Huge in Learning Loss!” Cashing in on the Post-Pandemic Education Crisis. https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/24/were-huge-in-learning-loss-cashing-in-on-the-post-pandemic-education-crisis/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/24/were-huge-in-learning-loss-cashing-in-on-the-post-pandemic-education-crisis/#respond Mon, 24 Jul 2023 09:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/education-technology-covid-pandemic-crisis-schools by Alec MacGillis

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    For the nation’s schoolchildren, the data on pandemic learning loss is relentlessly bleak, with education researchers and economists warning that, unless dramatic action is taken, students will suffer a lifelong drop in income as a result of lagging achievement. “This cohort of students is going to be punished throughout their lifetime,” noted Eric Hanushek, the Stanford economist who did the income study, in ProPublica’s recent examination of the struggle to make up for what students missed out on during the era of remote learning.

    For the burgeoning education technology sector, however, the crisis has proven a glimmering business opportunity, as a visit to the industry’s annual convention revealed. The federal government has committed $190 billion in pandemic recovery funds to school districts since 2020, and education technology sales people have been eagerly making the case that their products are just what students and teachers need to make up lost ground.

    “We’re huge in learning loss,” said Dan DiDesiderio, a Pittsburgh-area account manager for Renaissance Learning, a top seller of educational software and assessments. He was talking up his company’s offerings in the giant exposition hall of the Philadelphia Convention Center, where dozens of other vendors and thousands of educators gathered for three days late last month at the confab of the International Society for Technology in Education. For DiDesiderio, who was a school administrator before joining Renaissance, this meant explaining how schools have been relying on Renaissance products to help students get back on track. “During COVID, we did see an increase across the board,” he said.

    Renaissance is far from the only player in the ed tech industry that is benefiting from the surge in federal funding, and the industry enjoyed a huge wave of private funding as the federal tap opened: The annual total of venture capital investments in ed tech companies rose from $5.4 billion to $16.8 billion between 2019 and 2021 before tailing off.

    The largest chunk of the federal largess, $122 billion that was included in the American Rescue Plan signed by President Joe Biden in March 2021, requires that schools put at least 20% toward battling learning loss, and companies are making the case that schools should spend the money on their products, in addition to intensive tutoring, extended-day programs and other remedies. “The pandemic has created a once-in-a-lifetime economic opportunity for early stage companies to reach an eager customer base,” declared Anne Lee Skates, a partner at venture capital firm Andreessen Horowitz, in a recent article. (Her firm has invested in ed tech companies.) The federal funds “are the largest one-time infusion of funds in education from the federal government with almost no strings attached.”

    Five days before the convention, the National Center for Education Statistics had released the latest devastating numbers: The decline in math scores for 13-year-olds between the 2019-20 and 2022-23 school years was the largest on record, and for the lowest-performing students, reading scores were lower than they were the first time data was collected in 1971.

    But the mood was festive in Philadelphia. The educators in attendance, whose conference costs are generally covered by their district’s professional development funds, were excited to try out the new wave of nifty gadgets made possible by the advances in artificial intelligence and virtual reality. “For a lot of us, it’s like coming to Disneyland,” said one teacher from Alabama.

    One could also detect the slightly urgent giddiness of a big bash in its final stages. Schools need to spend most of their recovery funds by 2024, and many have already allocated much of that money, meaning that this golden opportunity would soon close. And summer is the main buying season, with the fiscal year starting July 1 and with educators wanting their new tools delivered in time for school to start in the fall.

    Hanging over the proceedings was an undeniable irony: The extent of learning loss was closely correlated to the amount of time that students had spent doing remote learning, on a screen, rather than receiving direct instruction, and here companies were offering more screen-based instruction as the remedy. Few of the companies on hand were proposing to replace the classroom experience entirely with virtual instruction, but to the degree that their offerings recalled the year-plus of Zoom school, it could be a bit awkward. “A lot of people don’t like us, because we can do remote-school stuff,” said Michael Linacre, a salesperson for StarBoard Solution, before demonstrating one of the cool things a StarBoard whiteboard could do: He jotted 1+2= with his finger and up popped 3. “There’s a mixed feeling about that now.”

    Most of the vendors were not about to let that awkwardness get in their way, though, as they cajoled teachers to listen to their pitch, often with the lure of free swag.

    “I love the shirt — I’m a huge ’N Sync fan,” said a library technology specialist from a New Jersey elementary school at the booth for BrainPOP, a group of educational animation websites whose display included a T-shirt that nodded to the 1990s boy band. The vendor praised the teacher for getting the reference — the union guys setting up the expo had totally missed it, he said — and told her that all one had to do to get one of the shirts was attend one of several pitch sessions during the day. “Students who use BrainPOP two or more times a month show measurable gains toward grade-level proficiency,” asserted a large poster listing the various sessions.

    Nearby, a Microsoft salesperson named Mike had a full audience sitting on white settees arrayed in his zone as he launched into his demonstration of the company’s new AI tools for helping kids learn to read aloud. He showed how a program called Reading Coach captured video of a student reading a passage aloud and flagged mispronunciations, with an automated voice declaring, “These words were the most challenging for you.” There were even more features in the offing, Mike said; the program would soon produce comprehension questions to ask about whatever passage the teacher gave the students to read, and it would soon be able to gauge students’ level of expressiveness, too.

    One might wonder what all this would leave to the actual teacher, but Mike assured the audience that Reading Coach would simply allow educators to focus on other tasks. “It’s a time saver,” he said.

    In fact, education technology is replacing teachers in another sense: A large share of the vendors on hand were themselves former educators who had left the classroom for jobs with tech companies, where they could still feel like they were involved in education, but without the stresses of the classroom and often with higher pay. One former first grade teacher who had made this transition herself two years ago said she had seen the trend accelerate among her colleagues during the pandemic, when the challenges of juggling hybrid online and in-person instruction and managing students who were struggling with learning loss and delayed socialization had made jobs in ed tech seem especially alluring.

    Remote learning “flipped the field on its head,” she said. “We were getting a lot more responsibilities than before, a lot more hours, a lot more stress.” At the first of the two ed tech companies she has worked for, she said, “almost everyone was an ex-teacher hired the past couple years. Ed tech is a good space for teachers to go to: It’s a corporate job, but they respect the skills that teachers have.”

    Knowing that the ed tech sector was not only seeking a large share of federal recovery funds for schools but also playing a role in the teacher shortage gave the proceedings an extra edge. The profusion of inventively named vendors was overwhelming: Beanstack, Impero, Bluum, Archangel, Teq, Ozobot, Nuiteq, Vivacity, Figma. Kami and Hāpara sounded more like Ikea furniture, but no, they were here, too.

    Among the rookie attendees wandering the hall was Joseph Tey, a Stanford computer science major. He was there with a classmate to ask teachers how they felt about the rise of AI. Were they worried about students cheating? Were they going to incorporate AI into their instruction? “Tech adoption in education is tough,” Tey said. “Do you adopt something only when the fire is under your ass? COVID was one fire. This is another fire.”

    The COVID-19 fire had been great for one vendor, Wakelet, a website that allows users to pull together videos, images and text files into a single webpage, for use by individuals who want to to promote a resume or body of work or by teachers seeking to present information on a given subject. Its use by teachers had boomed during remote learning, said co-founder Rick Butterworth. “The pandemic was really a benefit for us because we had so many users who came on board,” he said. “2020 was an interesting year for us.” The site has been free to use, with the company funded for several years by angel investors, he said, but it was now about to start offering tiered paid plans for schools, ranging up to $6,000 per year. Among the features available to paying customers: “bespoke professional development.”

    Across the aisle, a vendor named Whitney, a former elementary school librarian, was corralling passersby for her next pitch session for MackinMaker. “Have a seat! We’re about to have a demo. It’s really fun. Just fill out the card for the giveaway.” The giveaways were T-shirts that were waiting on each chair.

    “It’s all about the giveaway,” said one teacher, with gentle sarcasm, as she took her seat.

    Whitney gave her pitch for MackinMaker’s online e-book marketplace. After she was done, her colleague Ethan told the teachers, “If you need a different size T-shirt, let us know.”

    Luring teachers into pitches was easiest at the various sellers of virtual reality headsets, some of which had long lines of educators waiting their turn. I tried a headset from ClassVR that was playing virtual reality programs from Eduverse. The first scene was a pastoral landscape of fields and stone walls whose context was unclear until the vendor explained that it was a scene from the Civil War. She clicked over to another of Eduverse’s 500-odd options, this one featuring men building railroads in the 19th century, where I accidentally got myself hit in the head, virtually, by a sledgehammer.

    Schools could buy eight of the headsets for $4,299, or 30 for $16,999, the vendor said. Sales in recent years had been “amazing, in terms of rapid growth.”

    The afternoon of the convention’s opening day was wearing on, and the conference tote bags were already getting overstuffed with all the free swag. Conveniently, Kahoot (an Oslo-based operation with the slogan “Make learning awesome”) was giving out tote bags as prizes for those who won in demonstrations of its AI-generated quiz games. I participated in a game with questions about the Fourth of July and was frustrated to accidentally input the wrong answer on my smartphone in response to a question about the size of the U.S. population in 1776. (The correct answer was 2.5 million.)

    The Kahoot vendor handed out the three tote bags to the victorious educators, who would have two more days of conventioneering to fill them up. “Did you learn something about Independence Day?” she said.

    A few weeks later came a reminder that the stakes for the ed tech sector went far beyond tote bags and T-shirts: Kahoot announced that a group led by Goldman Sachs’ private equity division was buying it for $1.7 billion.


    This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Alec MacGillis.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/24/were-huge-in-learning-loss-cashing-in-on-the-post-pandemic-education-crisis/feed/ 0 414073
    “We’re Huge in Learning Loss!” Cashing in on the Post-Pandemic Education Crisis. https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/24/were-huge-in-learning-loss-cashing-in-on-the-post-pandemic-education-crisis/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/24/were-huge-in-learning-loss-cashing-in-on-the-post-pandemic-education-crisis/#respond Mon, 24 Jul 2023 09:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/education-technology-covid-pandemic-crisis-schools by Alec MacGillis

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    For the nation’s schoolchildren, the data on pandemic learning loss is relentlessly bleak, with education researchers and economists warning that, unless dramatic action is taken, students will suffer a lifelong drop in income as a result of lagging achievement. “This cohort of students is going to be punished throughout their lifetime,” noted Eric Hanushek, the Stanford economist who did the income study, in ProPublica’s recent examination of the struggle to make up for what students missed out on during the era of remote learning.

    For the burgeoning education technology sector, however, the crisis has proven a glimmering business opportunity, as a visit to the industry’s annual convention revealed. The federal government has committed $190 billion in pandemic recovery funds to school districts since 2020, and education technology sales people have been eagerly making the case that their products are just what students and teachers need to make up lost ground.

    “We’re huge in learning loss,” said Dan DiDesiderio, a Pittsburgh-area account manager for Renaissance Learning, a top seller of educational software and assessments. He was talking up his company’s offerings in the giant exposition hall of the Philadelphia Convention Center, where dozens of other vendors and thousands of educators gathered for three days late last month at the confab of the International Society for Technology in Education. For DiDesiderio, who was a school administrator before joining Renaissance, this meant explaining how schools have been relying on Renaissance products to help students get back on track. “During COVID, we did see an increase across the board,” he said.

    Renaissance is far from the only player in the ed tech industry that is benefiting from the surge in federal funding, and the industry enjoyed a huge wave of private funding as the federal tap opened: The annual total of venture capital investments in ed tech companies rose from $5.4 billion to $16.8 billion between 2019 and 2021 before tailing off.

    The largest chunk of the federal largess, $122 billion that was included in the American Rescue Plan signed by President Joe Biden in March 2021, requires that schools put at least 20% toward battling learning loss, and companies are making the case that schools should spend the money on their products, in addition to intensive tutoring, extended-day programs and other remedies. “The pandemic has created a once-in-a-lifetime economic opportunity for early stage companies to reach an eager customer base,” declared Anne Lee Skates, a partner at venture capital firm Andreessen Horowitz, in a recent article. (Her firm has invested in ed tech companies.) The federal funds “are the largest one-time infusion of funds in education from the federal government with almost no strings attached.”

    Five days before the convention, the National Center for Education Statistics had released the latest devastating numbers: The decline in math scores for 13-year-olds between the 2019-20 and 2022-23 school years was the largest on record, and for the lowest-performing students, reading scores were lower than they were the first time data was collected in 1971.

    But the mood was festive in Philadelphia. The educators in attendance, whose conference costs are generally covered by their district’s professional development funds, were excited to try out the new wave of nifty gadgets made possible by the advances in artificial intelligence and virtual reality. “For a lot of us, it’s like coming to Disneyland,” said one teacher from Alabama.

    One could also detect the slightly urgent giddiness of a big bash in its final stages. Schools need to spend most of their recovery funds by 2024, and many have already allocated much of that money, meaning that this golden opportunity would soon close. And summer is the main buying season, with the fiscal year starting July 1 and with educators wanting their new tools delivered in time for school to start in the fall.

    Hanging over the proceedings was an undeniable irony: The extent of learning loss was closely correlated to the amount of time that students had spent doing remote learning, on a screen, rather than receiving direct instruction, and here companies were offering more screen-based instruction as the remedy. Few of the companies on hand were proposing to replace the classroom experience entirely with virtual instruction, but to the degree that their offerings recalled the year-plus of Zoom school, it could be a bit awkward. “A lot of people don’t like us, because we can do remote-school stuff,” said Michael Linacre, a salesperson for StarBoard Solution, before demonstrating one of the cool things a StarBoard whiteboard could do: He jotted 1+2= with his finger and up popped 3. “There’s a mixed feeling about that now.”

    Most of the vendors were not about to let that awkwardness get in their way, though, as they cajoled teachers to listen to their pitch, often with the lure of free swag.

    “I love the shirt — I’m a huge ’N Sync fan,” said a library technology specialist from a New Jersey elementary school at the booth for BrainPOP, a group of educational animation websites whose display included a T-shirt that nodded to the 1990s boy band. The vendor praised the teacher for getting the reference — the union guys setting up the expo had totally missed it, he said — and told her that all one had to do to get one of the shirts was attend one of several pitch sessions during the day. “Students who use BrainPOP two or more times a month show measurable gains toward grade-level proficiency,” asserted a large poster listing the various sessions.

    Nearby, a Microsoft salesperson named Mike had a full audience sitting on white settees arrayed in his zone as he launched into his demonstration of the company’s new AI tools for helping kids learn to read aloud. He showed how a program called Reading Coach captured video of a student reading a passage aloud and flagged mispronunciations, with an automated voice declaring, “These words were the most challenging for you.” There were even more features in the offing, Mike said; the program would soon produce comprehension questions to ask about whatever passage the teacher gave the students to read, and it would soon be able to gauge students’ level of expressiveness, too.

    One might wonder what all this would leave to the actual teacher, but Mike assured the audience that Reading Coach would simply allow educators to focus on other tasks. “It’s a time saver,” he said.

    In fact, education technology is replacing teachers in another sense: A large share of the vendors on hand were themselves former educators who had left the classroom for jobs with tech companies, where they could still feel like they were involved in education, but without the stresses of the classroom and often with higher pay. One former first grade teacher who had made this transition herself two years ago said she had seen the trend accelerate among her colleagues during the pandemic, when the challenges of juggling hybrid online and in-person instruction and managing students who were struggling with learning loss and delayed socialization had made jobs in ed tech seem especially alluring.

    Remote learning “flipped the field on its head,” she said. “We were getting a lot more responsibilities than before, a lot more hours, a lot more stress.” At the first of the two ed tech companies she has worked for, she said, “almost everyone was an ex-teacher hired the past couple years. Ed tech is a good space for teachers to go to: It’s a corporate job, but they respect the skills that teachers have.”

    Knowing that the ed tech sector was not only seeking a large share of federal recovery funds for schools but also playing a role in the teacher shortage gave the proceedings an extra edge. The profusion of inventively named vendors was overwhelming: Beanstack, Impero, Bluum, Archangel, Teq, Ozobot, Nuiteq, Vivacity, Figma. Kami and Hāpara sounded more like Ikea furniture, but no, they were here, too.

    Among the rookie attendees wandering the hall was Joseph Tey, a Stanford computer science major. He was there with a classmate to ask teachers how they felt about the rise of AI. Were they worried about students cheating? Were they going to incorporate AI into their instruction? “Tech adoption in education is tough,” Tey said. “Do you adopt something only when the fire is under your ass? COVID was one fire. This is another fire.”

    The COVID-19 fire had been great for one vendor, Wakelet, a website that allows users to pull together videos, images and text files into a single webpage, for use by individuals who want to to promote a resume or body of work or by teachers seeking to present information on a given subject. Its use by teachers had boomed during remote learning, said co-founder Rick Butterworth. “The pandemic was really a benefit for us because we had so many users who came on board,” he said. “2020 was an interesting year for us.” The site has been free to use, with the company funded for several years by angel investors, he said, but it was now about to start offering tiered paid plans for schools, ranging up to $6,000 per year. Among the features available to paying customers: “bespoke professional development.”

    Across the aisle, a vendor named Whitney, a former elementary school librarian, was corralling passersby for her next pitch session for MackinMaker. “Have a seat! We’re about to have a demo. It’s really fun. Just fill out the card for the giveaway.” The giveaways were T-shirts that were waiting on each chair.

    “It’s all about the giveaway,” said one teacher, with gentle sarcasm, as she took her seat.

    Whitney gave her pitch for MackinMaker’s online e-book marketplace. After she was done, her colleague Ethan told the teachers, “If you need a different size T-shirt, let us know.”

    Luring teachers into pitches was easiest at the various sellers of virtual reality headsets, some of which had long lines of educators waiting their turn. I tried a headset from ClassVR that was playing virtual reality programs from Eduverse. The first scene was a pastoral landscape of fields and stone walls whose context was unclear until the vendor explained that it was a scene from the Civil War. She clicked over to another of Eduverse’s 500-odd options, this one featuring men building railroads in the 19th century, where I accidentally got myself hit in the head, virtually, by a sledgehammer.

    Schools could buy eight of the headsets for $4,299, or 30 for $16,999, the vendor said. Sales in recent years had been “amazing, in terms of rapid growth.”

    The afternoon of the convention’s opening day was wearing on, and the conference tote bags were already getting overstuffed with all the free swag. Conveniently, Kahoot (an Oslo-based operation with the slogan “Make learning awesome”) was giving out tote bags as prizes for those who won in demonstrations of its AI-generated quiz games. I participated in a game with questions about the Fourth of July and was frustrated to accidentally input the wrong answer on my smartphone in response to a question about the size of the U.S. population in 1776. (The correct answer was 2.5 million.)

    The Kahoot vendor handed out the three tote bags to the victorious educators, who would have two more days of conventioneering to fill them up. “Did you learn something about Independence Day?” she said.

    A few weeks later came a reminder that the stakes for the ed tech sector went far beyond tote bags and T-shirts: Kahoot announced that a group led by Goldman Sachs’ private equity division was buying it for $1.7 billion.


    This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Alec MacGillis.

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    How Book-Banning Campaigns Have Changed the Lives and Education of Librarians https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/24/how-book-banning-campaigns-have-changed-the-lives-and-education-of-librarians/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/24/how-book-banning-campaigns-have-changed-the-lives-and-education-of-librarians/#respond Mon, 24 Jul 2023 05:36:47 +0000 https://www.counterpunch.org/?p=289744 Despite misconceptions and stereotypes – ranging from what librarians Gretchen Keer and Andrew Carlos have described as the “middle-aged, bun-wearing, comfortably shod, shushing librarian” to the “sexy librarian … and the hipster or tattooed librarian” – library professionals are more than book jockeys, and they do more than read at story time. They are experts More

    The post How Book-Banning Campaigns Have Changed the Lives and Education of Librarians appeared first on CounterPunch.org.


    This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Nicole A. Cooke.

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    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/24/how-book-banning-campaigns-have-changed-the-lives-and-education-of-librarians/feed/ 0 414055
    Projects to Shift Media Further Rightward Get Kid Glove Treatment From Centrist Press Journal https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/21/projects-to-shift-media-further-rightward-get-kid-glove-treatment-from-centrist-press-journal/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/21/projects-to-shift-media-further-rightward-get-kid-glove-treatment-from-centrist-press-journal/#respond Fri, 21 Jul 2023 21:56:19 +0000 https://fair.org/?p=9034473 Illuminating information could have been found if Quill had looked into sources of funding for right-wing media training.

    The post Projects to Shift Media Further Rightward Get Kid Glove Treatment From Centrist Press Journal appeared first on FAIR.

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    Quill is the magazine of the oldest press organization in the United States, the Society of Professional Journalists (SPJ), which describes itself as having “roughly 6,000 members” and being “the nation’s most broad-based journalism organization.” It features a five-page story  in its current issue (Summer/23) headlined “Refreshing the Pool: Right-Leaning Organizations Keep the Conservative Press Pipeline Flowing.”

    Quill: Refreshing the Pool

    Quill (7/11/23) presents at face value the rationalization offered by right-wing billionaire-funded projects as to why journalism needs to be pushed farther to the right.

    The piece, touted on Quill‘s cover, is a largely uncritical and superficial look at efforts to push journalism further to the right.

    It begins with Corey Walker, who “didn’t major in journalism” and only “took one journalism class” at the University of Michigan, but “got more journalism experience and training through Campus Reform and the College Fix, organizations that help students prepare for careers in conservative media.”

    “Walker graduated in 2021 and is now a reporter at the Daily Caller, a conservative digital publication co-founded by former Fox News host Tucker Carlson,” the piece went on:

    Although he considers himself a conservative, Walker says he has always kept his political leaning out of his stories, a practice he says was reinforced during all of his journalism training and at the Caller. Besides, he said, so many issues pushed by liberals are so wacky, they don’t need an editorial comment for news consumers to see how outlandish they are.

    The piece says: “Campus Reform and the College Fix are among several organizations that help connect a pool of fresh, young journalists with right-leaning views—such as Walker—to jobs in conservative media.”

    The story unquestioningly echoes the right-wing critique of corporate media:

    Administrators at the organizations say the news ecosystem is too entrenched with liberal journalists working for news outlets that promote liberal ideology while underplaying, ignoring or misrepresenting conservative perspectives on stories those on the right care about.

    There’s no skeptical perspective included to point out that corporate media routinely report major news topics like crime, the economy and military intervention through conservative frameworks.

    Don’t follow the money

    Inside Higher Ed: Family Ties

    Inside Higher Ed (2/6/17) noted that College Fix touted Betsy DeVos’s nomination to be education secretary without noting that her son is on the board of the site’s parent organization.

    There is also no following the money that finances Campus Reform and the College Fix, and the other organizations involved in right-wing media training.

    For example, in 2017, Inside Higher Ed (2/6/17), a website that provides “news, analysis and solutions for the entire higher education community” and has “more than 2 million monthly readers,” investigated the involvement of the family of Betsy DeVos, the Trump administration education secretary, in College Fix. It reported:

    Her son sits on the board of directors of the Student Free Press Association, a non-profit group that runs the [College Fix] site…. Federal tax forms for the Student Free Press Association list five directors for 2015…. One of them is Rick DeVos, one of Betsy DeVos’s sons…. Tax documents show the DeVos family has donated money to a conservative fund that in turn has donated large sums of money to the Student Free Press Association.

    This is the Donors Capital Fund, which, Inside Higher Ed continued,

    gave $265,600 to the student Free Press Association in 2014. That was more than half of the $482,729 in total revenue the group disclosed that year…. “Donors Capital Fund only supports a class of public charities firmly committed to liberty,” the fund says on its website. “These charities all help strengthen American civil society by promoting private initiatives rather than government programs as the solution to the most pressing issues of the day.”

    Illuminating information could have been found if Quill had looked into sources of funding for right-wing media training. But the piece by Rod Hicks, director of ethics and diversity at SPJ, instead quotes those who are in it, often making dubious assertions:

    The organizations want to make sure the next generation of right-leaning journalists is prepared to enter the job market ready to compete for positions at both conservative and mainstream outlets. The training they provide stresses the basic tenets of journalism, such as accuracy, fairness and balance. Some strongly discourage students from writing commentary, at least for now.

    ‘Mainstream media failures’

    Emily Jashinsky

    Emily Jashinsky (Quill, Summer/23): “The failure of the mainstream media is a failure of liberal ideology.” (CC photo: Gage Skidmore)

    What about Fox News, a leader among conservative media in dispensing misinformation? “Critics have long complained that Fox News airs false and misleading content,” the article acknowledged:

    Fox declined to comment to Quill on those characterizations, but Fox Corp. Chairman Rupert Murdoch admitted under oath that some network hosts gave viewers false information alleging the 2020 presidential election was stolen.

    There is no elaboration on the multi-million dollar-lawsuit against Fox for serial lying.

    Instead, there is a line: “It is not perplexing to Emily Jashinsky why conservatives trust Fox more than they do the mainstream press.” (Jashinsky is director of one of the conservative media training grounds, the National Journalism Center. There are internships four days a week, and “Friday is training day.”) She says:

    What we study is mainstream media failures, and the bulk of those tend to be from the left, not from the right. We come from a belief that, fundamentally, the failure of the mainstream media is a failure of liberal ideology.

    Quill has occasionally published critical pieces on right-wing media, such as one in 2018 headlined “Sinclair’s Mandates Threaten Independent, Local Journalism” (4/3/18) or an interview (9/15/20) with Brian Stelter on his 2020 book Hoax: Donald Trump, Fox News and the Dangerous Distortion of Truth. But the current issue of Quill offers, at best, a softball from an organization, SPJ, which says: “We build public trust in the media and greater accountability in the profession…”

    The post Projects to Shift Media Further Rightward Get Kid Glove Treatment From Centrist Press Journal appeared first on FAIR.


    This content originally appeared on FAIR and was authored by Karl Grossman.

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    Writer and sociologist Dalton Conley on developing a process that works for you https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/21/writer-and-sociologist-dalton-conley-on-developing-a-process-that-works-for-you/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/21/writer-and-sociologist-dalton-conley-on-developing-a-process-that-works-for-you/#respond Fri, 21 Jul 2023 07:00:00 +0000 https://thecreativeindependent.com/people/writer-and-sociologist-dalton-conley-on-developing-a-process-that-works-for-you Is there a story behind writing your 2001 book Honky?

    In my 20s, I had written, mostly as a form of therapy, a novel about a guy who is from the Lower East Side, he’s in California, he falls in love with a woman, he goes through a breakup. It was supposed to be a bildungsroman, a coming of age story. And it was okay enough that it got me an agent, which is the first hurdle. She sent it out to all the publishers and it was rejected everywhere. And the ones that were nice enough to send a note back with some comments, there was a unifying theme and it was that the most interesting parts of this are not the romance or anything happening in California. They’re the flashbacks to the Lower East Side of this fish out of water story of this white kid, the narrator, who grew up in a Puerto Rican and African American neighborhood, a low income neighborhood. So I filed that in my head and then one day I was back in California for work.

    I was stuck in the interminable traffic on the Bay Bridge and on Fresh Air was being interviewed a teacher who I was not lucky enough to have in high school, but who taught at my school, Frank McCourt, whose memoir was on the New York Times bestseller list for three years. He won the Pulitzer Prize.

    And also a friend of mine from college at that time was about to sign a book deal for her own memoir [To See and See Again by Tara Bahrampour] about growing up in Iran and then coming to the United States. She left on the day the Shah left, as her family fled the approaching revolution. And I just had this light bulb go on over my head of, “Why am I trying to bang my head against the wall trying to get a literary novel published when there’s better opportunity for me to write a memoir?” And immediately the word “honky” came in my mind as that’s what it was about.

    And I didn’t realize at the time, but going from fiction to memoir made the book more political. It made it more thematic about issues in the United States in particular about how you can understand the power of race and class through the exception that is me that proves the rule. And I immediately called my agent and she said, “Slow down, slow down. Do not go and write a whole book again. Write a proposal. There’s a lot of similarities between memoir and fiction.”

    Evidently if it’s officially nonfiction, you can sell a proposal for a book rather than having to write the whole book itself. So I did that. I wrote a proposal, we sent it out again to all the publishers, and this time it was rejected by everybody except for two. And that was good enough for me. I went with the university press at first and then the mainstream publisher bought the rights for the paperback. That’s almost 25 years ago now and I’m actually working on a new afterward because the original publisher’s going to put it out again.

    You’re helping my thought process because I have no idea right now what I’m actually going to write in the afterward. I have to get those juices flowing.

    What makes it totally unique to my mind’s ear is the smoothness and frequency of zooming all the way out and back in again.

    I call it a sociological memoir. I don’t think it would work if I was trying to explicitly hammer home a sociological message. And I don’t think it would work if it were just totally novelistic where there’s zero context given in the book. And so I try to balance that. Once I had that lens that I was going to tell a story about race and class in America and how it works, through not the obvious lenses or the obvious mechanisms what we think about, that you can be someone who’s solidly middle class and has white privilege even though your parents are on food stamps and you’re living in a neighborhood of projects because there’s all these much more subtle things going on.

    Once I had that frame, the rest fell into place. Different chapters deal with different issues like crime and family life and so forth. And the other aspect of a memoir that is self-organizing is that usually it’s chronologically organized. So that takes a lot off of your shoulders. Compared to a novelist when you’re balancing it, “Should I be telling this in flashback? Should I jump forward?” So that was a very straightforward book. It starts from literally when I’m three years old and kidnap a girl who I want to be my baby sister and goes all the way through the cusp of high school. A developing child who’s learning about the world has its own narrative momentum. I’m actually trying to go back to memoir now. I mean, I’ve written other books as you know in between and they’re more sociological, straight nonfiction.

    How do you balance confessional and professional?

    I don’t know if I do a good job balancing it. I just know that I do that because even though my day job is as a social scientist and an academic, I’m really literally the child of artists and I still think of myself as that, even though I’m ensconced in the institutional structures of the ivory tower. So the more I can do that and sneak it into other venues like social science writing, which is where I have expertise to offer and where I have institutional platform to deliver, I enjoy that.

    I’m not a journalist/reporter out there in the world. I’m much more an introvert observing things in my immediate household milieu. So that’s why I end up writing about that kind of stuff.

    It’s funny because I don’t get introvert from your writing. It’s like a place where you’re an extrovert.

    That’s where I express myself much more than in everyday life. I like trying to connect the personal to the bigger issues. So that’s what C. Wright Mills said in the 1950s was what sociology should do is make personal troubles into public problems. Not seeing yourself as a sui generis individual, but actually seeing yourself as part of broader strokes of history and social structures and forces.

    I’m doing a new memoir. It’s not about race and class exactly, but it’s trying to locate the intimate personal details of everyday life within the broader scope of history that would be who we’ve experienced since the 1980s, the technological change, the big events like 9/11 and the pandemic and so forth. So that’s what I’m working on now.

    Can you give me more insight as to your methods?

    I can share a parable from my college writing teacher Leonard Michaels. He was a brilliant writer who didn’t get as much notoriety as he should have. He said the difference between a journalist and a writer is that, let’s say, we look out on the street and we see that a car accident has happened. A car has front ended one of these oak trees.

    And the journalist will immediately get the basic “facts” down of the situation. How many passengers were there? Did they seem to have been drunk? Is anyone seriously injured or killed? What’s the make of the car? Is there foul play involved? All those who, what, when, where, why, how questions.

    The novelist notices this particularly strange looking knot in the tree’s trunk and lingers over that and is obsessed with that. It starts there, ignoring the steaming, broken engine of the car or the blood on the windshield because something is drawing them to the knot on the tree. They may eventually get to the blood on the windshield or how many people were in the car and what caused the accident, but they start with somewhere else and they might linger on that tree knot for quite some time.

    And I would say the sociologist does neither of those. They focus on the broader themes and it’s not really even a narrative. It’s like, “Well yes this is a tragic accident, but we know that traffic fatalities have actually been going down steadily for the last three decades, except for little blips since the pandemic maybe.

    What is the demographic and social positions of the people who were in the car? How might that explain why this happened? Why did it happen in this neighborhood? Is this a neighborhood without adequate public infrastructure?”

    So what I try to do, is bring all those three things together and start with the knot and the tree, but don’t ignore the other things and weave them all together. That’s what I’m trying to do.

    So far, your memoirs cover childhood and parenthood. What is the inevitable third thing?

    It’s about what have we gained and what have we lost in the incredible technological transformation we’ve had. A lot of the stuff I’m refashioning is work that I wrote in notebooks or in drafts back in real-time in 1988, in 1995, in 2001. I’m trying to anchor it with each sort of section being built around a big event in the world. There’s a whole section on when the Soviet Union fell, but that’s really in the background and it’s just giving a sense of what’s different about the world then and, of course, the experience of the characters without cell phones, without anything.

    I want to really communicate what that was like over a single person’s life span to live in what are radically different social worlds from then until now. So there’s a whole period that is about conflict in my first marriage, that’s all around 9/11 and the invasion of Iraq. That’s another section of the book. So it actually spans quite a long timeframe, but we see how the characters change along with the sort of daily rhythm of life as cell phones emerge, as the security state emerges after 9/11, all those kind of things, but I’m trying to tell it through the details of intimate family life and relationships.

    Is your new partner at all apprehensive about being in the-

    Yes. She’s a much more private person. But I told her, “You knew what you were getting yourself into.” It’s not like I was an accountant and then I had a midlife crisis and decided to write a memoir.

    Dalton Conley Recommends:

    Five favorite memoirs

    Karl Ove Knausgård’s Min Kamp, Volumes 1-5


    This content originally appeared on The Creative Independent and was authored by Paul Barman.

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    Fiji media condemn ‘distasteful, unacceptable’ threats by former PM https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/21/fiji-media-condemn-distasteful-unacceptable-threats-by-former-pm/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/21/fiji-media-condemn-distasteful-unacceptable-threats-by-former-pm/#respond Fri, 21 Jul 2023 06:19:16 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=90960 By Rakesh Kumar in Suva

    The Fijian Media Association (FMA) has labelled comments made by former prime minister Voreqe Bainimarama this week to media workers of Mai TV, Fijivillage and Fiji Sun outside the Suva courthouse as “distasteful, unbecoming, and unacceptable”.

    Bainimarama told the Mai TV cameraman in the iTaukei language on Tuesday: “Qarauna de dua tacaqe, au na qai caqeta yani na muna.” (“Be careful no one stumbles, for I will then kick your backside.”)

    The former prime minister also told the Fijivillage cameraperson “watch out, you slip, and then I will kick your backside”.

    Earlier in the week, Bainimarama also told a Fiji Sun press photographer “kwan kwan”, a derogatory term commonly used to chase away dogs or animals.

    In a statement, FMA said they found these comments highly offensive.

    “The FMA continues to reiterate that journalists, photographers and videographers are doing an important work of informing the public, and threats of violence against them is unacceptable,” the statement read.

    The FMA stated that journalists had come through a period — 17 years of media repression since the 2006 military coup — where they had been beaten, intimidated, and abused and would not let these threats to deter them from doing their duty.

    Former prime minister Bainimarama and suspended police commissioner Sitiveni Qiliho are on trial on a count each of attempting to pervert the course of justice and abuse of office over an abandoned investigation relating to the University of the South Pacific in 2020.

    Rakesh Kumar is a Fiji Times reporter. Republished with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    How School Board Meetings Became Flashpoints for Anger and Chaos Across the Country https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/19/how-school-board-meetings-became-flashpoints-for-anger-and-chaos-across-the-country/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/19/how-school-board-meetings-became-flashpoints-for-anger-and-chaos-across-the-country/#respond Wed, 19 Jul 2023 09:00:00 +0000 https://projects.propublica.org/school-board-meetings-flashpoints-for-anger-chaos/ by Nicole Carr and Lucas Waldron

    Time and again over the last two years, parents and protesters have derailed school board meetings across the country. Once considered tame, even boring, the meetings have become polarized battlegrounds over COVID-19 safety measures, LGBTQ+ student rights, “obscene” library books and attempts to teach children about systemic racism in America.

    On dozens of occasions, the tensions at the meetings have escalated into not just shouting matches and threats but also arrests and criminal charges.

    ProPublica identified nearly 90 incidents in 30 states going back to the spring of 2021. (That’s when the majority of boards resumed gathering in-person after predominantly holding meetings virtually.) Our examination — the first wide-ranging analysis of school board unrest — found that at least 59 people were arrested or charged over an 18-month period, from May 2021 to November 2022. Prosecutors dismissed the vast majority of the cases, most of them involving charges of trespassing, resisting an officer or disrupting a public meeting. Almost all of the incidents were in suburban districts, and nearly every participant was white.

    In the course of our analysis, we examined hundreds of hours of footage — school board meeting feeds, social media posts and police bodycam videos — that revealed how the meetings became a forum for simmering anger over pandemic restrictions and, soon after, widespread fury over the belief that school boards are infringing on parental rights. In many cases, the heated discourse that started in the meetings spawned sweeping debates that ultimately restricted what could be taught in classrooms and reshaped the school boards themselves.

    Explore our interactive story.


    This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Nicole Carr and Lucas Waldron.

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    Mandatory Media Literacy Education Could Be Coming to California Schools Soon https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/19/mandatory-media-literacy-education-could-be-coming-to-california-schools-soon/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/19/mandatory-media-literacy-education-could-be-coming-to-california-schools-soon/#respond Wed, 19 Jul 2023 02:18:58 +0000 https://www.projectcensored.org/?p=31901 By Nolan Higdon and Mickey Huff California is currently considering two media literacy bills, both of which have sailed through the California State Assembly and are being reviewed by the…

    The post Mandatory Media Literacy Education Could Be Coming to California Schools Soon appeared first on Project Censored.


    This content originally appeared on Project Censored and was authored by Project Censored.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/19/mandatory-media-literacy-education-could-be-coming-to-california-schools-soon/feed/ 0 412768
    The Importance of Independent Media and Critical Media Literacy Education in a Democratic Society https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/17/the-importance-of-independent-media-and-critical-media-literacy-education-in-a-democratic-society/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/17/the-importance-of-independent-media-and-critical-media-literacy-education-in-a-democratic-society/#respond Mon, 17 Jul 2023 21:53:50 +0000 https://www.projectcensored.org/?p=31884 Raza Rumi, director of the Park Institute for Independent Media at Ithaca College in NY, joins Mickey for a wide-ranging conversation about the importance of non-corporate media and media literacy.…

    The post The Importance of Independent Media and Critical Media Literacy Education in a Democratic Society appeared first on Project Censored.


    This content originally appeared on Project Censored and was authored by Project Censored.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/17/the-importance-of-independent-media-and-critical-media-literacy-education-in-a-democratic-society/feed/ 0 412366
    Samoa’s Brown Girl Woke initiative fights culture of silence on violence https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/17/samoas-brown-girl-woke-initiative-fights-culture-of-silence-on-violence/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/17/samoas-brown-girl-woke-initiative-fights-culture-of-silence-on-violence/#respond Mon, 17 Jul 2023 11:00:57 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=90735 By Leitu Fereti in Suva

    The Brown Girl Woke initiative hopes to continue empowering Samoan youth in fighting against the culture of silence over violence.

    Founder Maluseu Doris Tulifau says it is essential to support young people in finding their voice and speaking out on these issues.

    Tulifau, 29, launched the non-profit feminist organisation in the US in 2014, and used the platform to share her own experience as a survivor of violence. She worked in community development and human rights in California before moving to Samoa.

    “I’m a survivor of sexual abuse and when I started to tell my story in America, I was already an activist promoting Pacific Islanders in higher education,” Tulifau said.

    Brown Girl Woke founder Maluseu Tulifau
    Brown Girl Woke founder Maluseu Tulifau (left) delivers supplies to families in Samoa. Image: Wansolwara

    In 2018, she began the second chapter of Brown Girl Woke initiative in Samoa where she uncovered the culture of silence and factors that fueled this.

    “There are many reasons a lot of us don’t reach that pedigree because of social issues, economic background and our environment around taboo issues and not speaking  out.

    “I wanted to empower young women and men on these taboo issues in the community, especially on domestic violence and sexual abuse,” Tulifau said.

    Suffering in silence
    The organisation’s humble beginnings motivated her to create an environment of refuge for girls who were suffering in silence.

    “I started Brown Girl Woke as a club university for girls to be a part of a support group, with the understanding that they would find solutions, understand patriarchy and why women don’t speak up,” she explained.

    Today, Brown Girl Woke is working with primary and secondary schools to educate and create awareness on a range of social issue.

    “We now run after school programmes that teach literary, safety kids, climate change, stem and more. We teach about human rights and as a feminist organisation, we also teach about systems that protect gender inequality,” said Tulifau.

    “We now have two Brown Girl Woke clubs — at the National University of Samoa and The University of the South Pacific.”

    The performing arts has also become a safe space for Brown Girl Woke to raise awareness and provide a voice for young people.

    ‘Shame or blame’
    “We would conduct workshops using songs, dance, spoken word poetry and skits. This is the way to tell their story and feel safe and supported, and unmasking themselves without feeling shame or blame,” she said.

    Aside from supporting those affected by violence, Tulifau and her group of activists at BGW have also been helping with a range of issues such as sexual health, youth development, mental health, as well as awareness on the representation of women in Parliament.

    The teams have also helped children in intensive care, funding scholarships for undergraduate students and providing monthly groceries for families in need in the  country.

    Tulifau acknowledged the many donations and contributions to their cause over the years.

    Leitu Fereti of Samoa is a final-year journalism student at USP’s Laucala campus. She is also a reporter for Wansolwara, USP Journalism’s flagship student journalist training newspaper and online publication. Asia Pacific Report and Wansolwara collaborate.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Catching Heat from Big Brother: Education and Climate in MAGAland https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/17/catching-heat-from-big-brother-education-and-climate-in-magaland/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/17/catching-heat-from-big-brother-education-and-climate-in-magaland/#respond Mon, 17 Jul 2023 06:00:23 +0000 https://www.counterpunch.org/?p=289094 Surging attempts to MAGAfy red-state education systems could lead future cohorts of young people to become less eager than the Montana 16 to challenge the fossil-fuel juggernaut. Anya Kamenetz recently reported for Grist on an especially egregious effort now underway: a campaign to completely purge the subject of climate change from public school curricula. The story focused on a May 3 school board hearing in New Jersey at which activists raised a ruckus over a board policy (of a kind adopted in various forms by 20 states) to encourage teaching of climate in public schools. The arguments they put forward were very much in the vein of those against, for example, teaching the truth about US racial history: climate education, the activists argued, constitutes “indoctrination,” is too “divisive,” and scares children. More

    The post Catching Heat from Big Brother: Education and Climate in MAGAland appeared first on CounterPunch.org.


    This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Stan Cox.

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    Cliff Jumpers https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/12/cliff-jumpers/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/12/cliff-jumpers/#respond Wed, 12 Jul 2023 15:24:48 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=141995


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Allen Forrest.

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    Nuclear-free campaigners warn against AUKUS raising Pacific tensions https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/10/nuclear-free-campaigners-warn-against-aukus-raising-pacific-tensions/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/10/nuclear-free-campaigners-warn-against-aukus-raising-pacific-tensions/#respond Mon, 10 Jul 2023 09:10:35 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=90580 Asia Pacific Report

    Advocates and defenders of a nuclear-free Pacific have condemned the AUKUS military pact and warned New Zealand that the agreement would make the world “more dangerous” and should not join.

    Participants at a Nuclear-Free and Independent Pacific (NFIP) movement teachers’ wānanga launched a petition against the pact with one of the “elders” among the activists, Hilda Halkyard-Harawira (Te Moana Nui a Kiwa), symbolically adding the first signature.

    Speaking about the petition declaration in a ceremony on the steps of the Auckland Museum marking the 10 July 1985 bombing of the Greenpeace flagship Rainbow Warrior, Reverend Mua Strickson-Pua explained that the AUKUS agreement was a military pact between Australia-UK-US that was centred on Canberra’s acquisition of nuclear propelled submarines.

    “The pact also includes sharing weapons and other military technologies,” Reverend Strickson-Pua said, reading from the declaration.

    “The New Zealand government is considering joining part of this pact. This petition opposes AUKUS and calls for a foreign policy centred on an independent, demilitarised and nuclear-free Pacific.”

    Reverend Strickson-Pua asked why this was important.

    “AUKUS is an aggressive military pact. Security in New Zealand and the Pacific can only be ensured by centring sustainable development, Indigenous rights, and environmental protection.

    ‘Deepen geopolitical tensions’
    “AUKUS makes the world more dangerous. New Zealand participation in AUKUS would deepen geopolitical tensions in the Pacific, and threaten Pacific nations’ long held policy of ‘friends to all and enemies to none’.

    “AUKUS impedes climate action. Climate change remains the single greatest threat to the livelihoods, security and wellbeing of all peoples of the Pacific.

    “The threat of climate change requires international diplomacy and cooperation, not militarism.

    “AUKUS threatens our nuclear free legacy. Aotearoa New Zealand has a proud history of anti-nuclearism and solidarity with the Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific movement.”

    Reverend Strickson-Pua also stressed that AUKUS was not based on public consultation.

    “It accelerates climate injustice, violates our treaties and regional commitments, and erodes regional decolonisation efforts.”

    The petition urges the New Zealand government to reject any role in the AUKUS military pact and condemns the use of nuclear weapons and non-peaceful nuclear technologies in the Pacific.

    Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific Movement (NFIP) campaigners Hone Harawira, Hilda Halkyard-Harawira and Reverend Mua Strickson-Pua
    Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific Movement (NFIP) campaigners Hone Harawira, Hilda Halkyard-Harawira and Reverend Mua Strickson-Pua on the steps of Auckland Museum today. Image: David Robie/APR

    ‘French Letter’
    After the reading of the declaration, participants sang the popular Herbs anti-nuclear song “French Letter.”

    This petition is led by Te Kuaka.

    The petition launch and Rainbow Warrior reflection followed the teachers’ wānanga which featured many veteran activists of the NFIP and New Zealand nuclear-free movements such as Hilda Halkyard-Harawira, Hone Harawira, Reverend George Armstrong and others discussing past actions and strategies for the future.

    “Today we heard from movement elders and educators about the ongoing relevance of the history of the NFIP movement for Aotearoa,” said Marco de Jong, a Pacific historian working for WERO (Working to End Racial Oppression) who is the wānanga co-convener.

    “Our nuclear-free legacy is an important part of national identity, but it is important to make sure we approach it critically so we are not teaching mythology to our learners.

    “Today we heard about regional and Māori dimensions that might add diverse historical perspectives, tomorrow we will work on translating them into resources for a range of different learning environments.”

    "Independence in the Pacific" posters at the teachers' wānanga at the Auckland Museum
    “Independence in the Pacific” posters at the teachers’ wānanga at the Auckland Museum today. Image: David Robie/APR


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/10/nuclear-free-campaigners-warn-against-aukus-raising-pacific-tensions/feed/ 0 410569
    Nuclear-free campaigners warn against AUKUS raising Pacific tensions https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/10/nuclear-free-campaigners-warn-against-aukus-raising-pacific-tensions/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/10/nuclear-free-campaigners-warn-against-aukus-raising-pacific-tensions/#respond Mon, 10 Jul 2023 09:10:35 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=90580 Asia Pacific Report

    Advocates and defenders of a nuclear-free Pacific have condemned the AUKUS military pact and warned New Zealand that the agreement would make the world “more dangerous” and should not join.

    Participants at a Nuclear-Free and Independent Pacific (NFIP) movement teachers’ wānanga launched a petition against the pact with one of the “elders” among the activists, Hilda Halkyard-Harawira (Te Moana Nui a Kiwa), symbolically adding the first signature.

    Speaking about the petition declaration in a ceremony on the steps of the Auckland Museum marking the 10 July 1985 bombing of the Greenpeace flagship Rainbow Warrior, Reverend Mua Strickson-Pua explained that the AUKUS agreement was a military pact between Australia-UK-US that was centred on Canberra’s acquisition of nuclear propelled submarines.

    “The pact also includes sharing weapons and other military technologies,” Reverend Strickson-Pua said, reading from the declaration.

    “The New Zealand government is considering joining part of this pact. This petition opposes AUKUS and calls for a foreign policy centred on an independent, demilitarised and nuclear-free Pacific.”

    Reverend Strickson-Pua asked why this was important.

    “AUKUS is an aggressive military pact. Security in New Zealand and the Pacific can only be ensured by centring sustainable development, Indigenous rights, and environmental protection.

    ‘Deepen geopolitical tensions’
    “AUKUS makes the world more dangerous. New Zealand participation in AUKUS would deepen geopolitical tensions in the Pacific, and threaten Pacific nations’ long held policy of ‘friends to all and enemies to none’.

    “AUKUS impedes climate action. Climate change remains the single greatest threat to the livelihoods, security and wellbeing of all peoples of the Pacific.

    “The threat of climate change requires international diplomacy and cooperation, not militarism.

    “AUKUS threatens our nuclear free legacy. Aotearoa New Zealand has a proud history of anti-nuclearism and solidarity with the Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific movement.”

    Reverend Strickson-Pua also stressed that AUKUS was not based on public consultation.

    “It accelerates climate injustice, violates our treaties and regional commitments, and erodes regional decolonisation efforts.”

    The petition urges the New Zealand government to reject any role in the AUKUS military pact and condemns the use of nuclear weapons and non-peaceful nuclear technologies in the Pacific.

    Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific Movement (NFIP) campaigners Hone Harawira, Hilda Halkyard-Harawira and Reverend Mua Strickson-Pua
    Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific Movement (NFIP) campaigners Hone Harawira, Hilda Halkyard-Harawira and Reverend Mua Strickson-Pua on the steps of Auckland Museum today. Image: David Robie/APR

    ‘French Letter’
    After the reading of the declaration, participants sang the popular Herbs anti-nuclear song “French Letter.”

    This petition is led by Te Kuaka.

    The petition launch and Rainbow Warrior reflection followed the teachers’ wānanga which featured many veteran activists of the NFIP and New Zealand nuclear-free movements such as Hilda Halkyard-Harawira, Hone Harawira, Reverend George Armstrong and others discussing past actions and strategies for the future.

    “Today we heard from movement elders and educators about the ongoing relevance of the history of the NFIP movement for Aotearoa,” said Marco de Jong, a Pacific historian working for WERO (Working to End Racial Oppression) who is the wānanga co-convener.

    “Our nuclear-free legacy is an important part of national identity, but it is important to make sure we approach it critically so we are not teaching mythology to our learners.

    “Today we heard about regional and Māori dimensions that might add diverse historical perspectives, tomorrow we will work on translating them into resources for a range of different learning environments.”

    "Independence in the Pacific" posters at the teachers' wānanga at the Auckland Museum
    “Independence in the Pacific” posters at the teachers’ wānanga at the Auckland Museum today. Image: David Robie/APR


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    ]]>
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    NZ universities eye new tie-ups with Indian institutions to attract international students https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/09/nz-universities-eye-new-tie-ups-with-indian-institutions-to-attract-international-students/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/09/nz-universities-eye-new-tie-ups-with-indian-institutions-to-attract-international-students/#respond Sun, 09 Jul 2023 13:56:42 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=90569 By Blessen Tom, RNZ News journalist

    A third New Zealand university is close to signing with Mumbai’s Bombay Stock Exchange Institute, opening up opportunities for Indian students to study in Aotearoa.

    The Bombay Stock Exchange Institute is a subsidiary of Bombay Stock Exchange, which at 148 years old, is the oldest stock exchange in Asia.

    Managing director and CEO of the Bombay Stock Exchange Institute Ambarish Datta said it was a privilege to partner with universities in New Zealand.

    “New Zealand education is recognised worldwide, and students are offered a fantastic opportunity to learn in a great country,” he said.

    The University of Canterbury signed a memorandum of understanding in late 2018, allowing students to study in New Zealand for two of its master’s programmes.

    It allows students to start their course in India and then travel to New Zealand to graduate while still qualifying for a Post Study Work Visa.

    University of Canterbury Business Taught Masters programme director Stephen Hickinson said the agreement was beneficial to universities because they get students in different levels of study.

    Cheaper for students
    “It is also cheaper for students because they spend the first half of their study in India.”

    The University of Otago reached agreements with five Indian institutions in 2017.

    International director Jason Cushen said staff were also looking to develop further partnerships across India, particularly in the southern region and in the state of Maharashtra.

    He said these programmes offer more opportunities for international students that may not be accessible in their home country

    RNZ understands that another New Zealand university is in the final stages of signing an agreement with the Bombay Stock Exchange Institute.

    A spokesperson for the institute said they are currently finalising the curriculum and planning to start the programme by February next year.

    Covid-19 impact
    According to a recent Education New Zealand study, international students contributed $3.7 billion to New Zealand’s economy in 2019, with a sizeable portion going to universities.

    But the pandemic changed everything.

    “We started the course in 2019 and then covid hit, so we have only had a few students so far,” Hickinson said.

    “At the moment, it’s a little unknown how things will turn out.”

    Education Minister Jan Tinetti and Finance Minister Grant Robertson recently announced extra funding for struggling universities and tertiary institutions.

    An additional $128 million will be invested to increase tuition subsidies at degree-level and above by a further 4 percent in 2024 and 2025. This is in addition to the 5 percent funding increase that was included in the 2023 Budget, which the government described as the most significant funding increase in 20 years.

    “The government has heard the concerns of the sector,” Tinetti said.

    “When we began our Budget process, universities and other degree providers were forecasting enrolment increases. The opposite has occurred, and it is clear that there is a need for additional support.”

    A new approach
    However, Quality NZ Education chief executive Sandeep Sharma believed the pandemic offered a fresh perspective.

    The organisation was formed during covid-19 and played a major role in creating the pathway programmes that connect Indian students with New Zealand universities.

    “The pandemic was a good time for us because all our shareholders were in New Zealand, and they found that the pandemic [changed] a lot of things in the education industry, especially the traditional way of recruiting students,” he said.

    Quality NZ Education's CEO Sandeep Sharma
    Quality NZ Education head Sandeep Sharma . . . “the pandemic [changed] a lot of things in the education industry, especially the traditional way of recruiting students.” Image: RNZ News

    He mentioned that there was considerable interest among Kiwis to go to India to learn about “wellbeing, Ayurveda and yoga”.

    Sharma believed that it was time for universities to introduce programmes that were not dependent on border control.

    He also highlighted the importance of Indian contributions to New Zealand’s education sector in the coming years.

    “India is going to be the largest pool of international students, overtaking China by 2027,” Sharma said.

    “It’s vital to have these pathway programmes and I think New Zealand should capitalise on these opportunities.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/09/nz-universities-eye-new-tie-ups-with-indian-institutions-to-attract-international-students/feed/ 0 410446
    NZ universities eye new tie-ups with Indian institutions to attract international students https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/09/nz-universities-eye-new-tie-ups-with-indian-institutions-to-attract-international-students/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/09/nz-universities-eye-new-tie-ups-with-indian-institutions-to-attract-international-students/#respond Sun, 09 Jul 2023 13:56:42 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=90569 By Blessen Tom, RNZ News journalist

    A third New Zealand university is close to signing with Mumbai’s Bombay Stock Exchange Institute, opening up opportunities for Indian students to study in Aotearoa.

    The Bombay Stock Exchange Institute is a subsidiary of Bombay Stock Exchange, which at 148 years old, is the oldest stock exchange in Asia.

    Managing director and CEO of the Bombay Stock Exchange Institute Ambarish Datta said it was a privilege to partner with universities in New Zealand.

    “New Zealand education is recognised worldwide, and students are offered a fantastic opportunity to learn in a great country,” he said.

    The University of Canterbury signed a memorandum of understanding in late 2018, allowing students to study in New Zealand for two of its master’s programmes.

    It allows students to start their course in India and then travel to New Zealand to graduate while still qualifying for a Post Study Work Visa.

    University of Canterbury Business Taught Masters programme director Stephen Hickinson said the agreement was beneficial to universities because they get students in different levels of study.

    Cheaper for students
    “It is also cheaper for students because they spend the first half of their study in India.”

    The University of Otago reached agreements with five Indian institutions in 2017.

    International director Jason Cushen said staff were also looking to develop further partnerships across India, particularly in the southern region and in the state of Maharashtra.

    He said these programmes offer more opportunities for international students that may not be accessible in their home country

    RNZ understands that another New Zealand university is in the final stages of signing an agreement with the Bombay Stock Exchange Institute.

    A spokesperson for the institute said they are currently finalising the curriculum and planning to start the programme by February next year.

    Covid-19 impact
    According to a recent Education New Zealand study, international students contributed $3.7 billion to New Zealand’s economy in 2019, with a sizeable portion going to universities.

    But the pandemic changed everything.

    “We started the course in 2019 and then covid hit, so we have only had a few students so far,” Hickinson said.

    “At the moment, it’s a little unknown how things will turn out.”

    Education Minister Jan Tinetti and Finance Minister Grant Robertson recently announced extra funding for struggling universities and tertiary institutions.

    An additional $128 million will be invested to increase tuition subsidies at degree-level and above by a further 4 percent in 2024 and 2025. This is in addition to the 5 percent funding increase that was included in the 2023 Budget, which the government described as the most significant funding increase in 20 years.

    “The government has heard the concerns of the sector,” Tinetti said.

    “When we began our Budget process, universities and other degree providers were forecasting enrolment increases. The opposite has occurred, and it is clear that there is a need for additional support.”

    A new approach
    However, Quality NZ Education chief executive Sandeep Sharma believed the pandemic offered a fresh perspective.

    The organisation was formed during covid-19 and played a major role in creating the pathway programmes that connect Indian students with New Zealand universities.

    “The pandemic was a good time for us because all our shareholders were in New Zealand, and they found that the pandemic [changed] a lot of things in the education industry, especially the traditional way of recruiting students,” he said.

    Quality NZ Education's CEO Sandeep Sharma
    Quality NZ Education head Sandeep Sharma . . . “the pandemic [changed] a lot of things in the education industry, especially the traditional way of recruiting students.” Image: RNZ News

    He mentioned that there was considerable interest among Kiwis to go to India to learn about “wellbeing, Ayurveda and yoga”.

    Sharma believed that it was time for universities to introduce programmes that were not dependent on border control.

    He also highlighted the importance of Indian contributions to New Zealand’s education sector in the coming years.

    “India is going to be the largest pool of international students, overtaking China by 2027,” Sharma said.

    “It’s vital to have these pathway programmes and I think New Zealand should capitalise on these opportunities.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/09/nz-universities-eye-new-tie-ups-with-indian-institutions-to-attract-international-students/feed/ 0 410447
    Iran Joins Shanghai Cooperation Organization https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/08/iran-joins-shanghai-cooperation-organization/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/08/iran-joins-shanghai-cooperation-organization/#respond Sat, 08 Jul 2023 19:41:03 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=141968 This week’s News on China.

    • SCO’s 23rd Summit
    • Measures to protect the chip industry
    • Over-reliance on seed imports
    • Fewer Chinese students in the US


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Dongsheng News.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/08/iran-joins-shanghai-cooperation-organization/feed/ 0 410378
    Anti-nuclear movements need to return to table, says FANG activist https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/01/anti-nuclear-movements-need-to-return-to-table-says-fang-activist/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/01/anti-nuclear-movements-need-to-return-to-table-says-fang-activist/#respond Sat, 01 Jul 2023 04:16:02 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=90314 By Rachael Nath, RNZ Pacific journalist

    Securing a nuclear-free region has been a long battle for the Pacific.

    After the Second World War, the United States, along with its French and British allies, frequently tested nuclear weapons in the region.

    In 1963 the British, American and Soviet governments agreed to ban atmospheric tests, but India, China and France were among those countries which did not.

    The NFIP Teachers' Wānanga
    The NFIP Teachers’ Wānanga at the Auckland Museum on 10-11 July 2023. Image: Marco de Jong

    Nuclear testing in French Polynesia — Moruroa Atoll and Fangataufa became the focal point for both the tests and resistance towards this military activity.

    It was also during this time that the Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific Movement (NFIP) and the Fiji Anti-Nuclear Group (FANG) came about — they played a significant role in influencing regional politics.

    Rachael Nath talked to FANG’s advocate and then treasurer Nik Naidu and began by looking back to the 1970s.

    Fiji Anti-Nuclear Group activists protest in Suva
    Fiji Anti-Nuclear Group activists protest in Suva harbour against a visit by a US warship. Image: Rocky Maharaj/Nik Naidu


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/01/anti-nuclear-movements-need-to-return-to-table-says-fang-activist/feed/ 0 408779
    SCOTUS’ Affirmative Action Ban Undermines Education Equity and Intellectual Exchange https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/29/scotus-affirmative-action-ban-undermines-education-equity-and-intellectual-exchange/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/29/scotus-affirmative-action-ban-undermines-education-equity-and-intellectual-exchange/#respond Thu, 29 Jun 2023 15:33:41 +0000 https://www.commondreams.org/newswire/scotus-affirmative-action-ban-undermines-education-equity-and-intellectual-exchange

    Residents of Michigan and other U.S. states reported smelling burning plastic, prompting toxicologists at Michigan's Department of Environment, Great Lakes, and Energy to observe that "wood fires emit a lot of volatile organic compounds (VOCs)," most of which "are noticeable to our noses as the familiar 'campfire' smell, but they break down quickly when exposed to UV radiation from sunlight."

    "Other VOCs like benzene, formaldehyde, and acrolein are also released and they outlast the 'campfire' VOCs," the state officials said. "It's these chemical compounds that you're smelling as the smoke wafts around for a few days and settles to the ground and reaches your nose."

    Dr. Glen Clark, emergency center chief at Corewell Health's Beaumont Hospital in Grosse Pointe, Michigan, said in a statement to the Free Press that his medical center has seen "a significant increase in respiratory complaints" over the past week.

    "We've seen both asthma and COPD patients, who have been well controlled, presenting with exacerbations requiring an increase in use of asthma medications, including rescue inhalers," said Clark. "Even otherwise healthy individuals have come in complaining of chest tightness."

    As of Thursday morning, the Swiss firm IQAir ranked Chicago and Detroit as the cities with the worst air quality in the world. Minneapolis briefly cracked the top five the previous day.

    CNNreported Wednesday that "Chicago asked all residents—especially those with heart or lung disease, older adults, pregnant people, and young children—to avoid outdoor activities and protect themselves from exposure."

    "Chicago Public Schools and camps are also moving activities indoors, city officials said in a news release," the outlet added. "About 11 miles away, Evanston, Illinois closedall swimming beaches and canceled a concert Tuesday due to the poor air quality, the city said on Facebook, asking residents to limit outdoor exposure through Wednesday."

    As air quality deteriorated across Northeast and the Midwest, the U.S. South and Southwest experienced scorching temperatures, with at least nine people dying of heat-related causes in Texas.

    "This is what we've been warning about... more extreme heat linked to the climate crisis," the youth-led Sunrise Movementtweeted Wednesday.

    "We need to declare a climate emergency," the group added, reiterating a longstanding demand that President Joe Biden has thus far rejected.

    Late Wednesday afternoon, the National Weather Service (NWS) wrote on social media that "dangerous heat persists for much of the southern U.S.," where tens of millions of people are living under heat advisories.

    "Heat is the leading cause of weather-related fatalities each year," the agency stressed. "Take it seriously."

    The Washington Postreported that "much of the United States felt like a blazing inferno on Wednesday, as record heat attacked the South like a blowtorch, thick smoke from Canadian wildfires blanketed the Great Lakes region, and triple-digit temperatures threatened to wallop California for the first time this year."

    "Scientists said climate change helped shape the weather conditions that were causing misery and putting lives at risk from Mexico to Canada," the Post added. "There was no disputing the impact: If it wasn't way too smoky, it was way too hot."

    "Texas is seeing a heatwave so deadly that the state is breaking all-time records for energy usage," the Institute for Policy Studies wrote Wednesday. "Detroit, Chicago, and Minneapolis are among the four cities with the worst air quality in the world due to [Canada wildfire] smoke. "We can't afford to wait. Climate action now."


    This content originally appeared on Common Dreams and was authored by Newswire Editor.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/29/scotus-affirmative-action-ban-undermines-education-equity-and-intellectual-exchange/feed/ 0 408170
    SCOTUS’ Affirmative Action Ban Undermines Education Equity and Intellectual Exchange https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/29/scotus-affirmative-action-ban-undermines-education-equity-and-intellectual-exchange/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/29/scotus-affirmative-action-ban-undermines-education-equity-and-intellectual-exchange/#respond Thu, 29 Jun 2023 15:33:41 +0000 https://www.commondreams.org/newswire/scotus-affirmative-action-ban-undermines-education-equity-and-intellectual-exchange

    Residents of Michigan and other U.S. states reported smelling burning plastic, prompting toxicologists at Michigan's Department of Environment, Great Lakes, and Energy to observe that "wood fires emit a lot of volatile organic compounds (VOCs)," most of which "are noticeable to our noses as the familiar 'campfire' smell, but they break down quickly when exposed to UV radiation from sunlight."

    "Other VOCs like benzene, formaldehyde, and acrolein are also released and they outlast the 'campfire' VOCs," the state officials said. "It's these chemical compounds that you're smelling as the smoke wafts around for a few days and settles to the ground and reaches your nose."

    Dr. Glen Clark, emergency center chief at Corewell Health's Beaumont Hospital in Grosse Pointe, Michigan, said in a statement to the Free Press that his medical center has seen "a significant increase in respiratory complaints" over the past week.

    "We've seen both asthma and COPD patients, who have been well controlled, presenting with exacerbations requiring an increase in use of asthma medications, including rescue inhalers," said Clark. "Even otherwise healthy individuals have come in complaining of chest tightness."

    As of Thursday morning, the Swiss firm IQAir ranked Chicago and Detroit as the cities with the worst air quality in the world. Minneapolis briefly cracked the top five the previous day.

    CNNreported Wednesday that "Chicago asked all residents—especially those with heart or lung disease, older adults, pregnant people, and young children—to avoid outdoor activities and protect themselves from exposure."

    "Chicago Public Schools and camps are also moving activities indoors, city officials said in a news release," the outlet added. "About 11 miles away, Evanston, Illinois closedall swimming beaches and canceled a concert Tuesday due to the poor air quality, the city said on Facebook, asking residents to limit outdoor exposure through Wednesday."

    As air quality deteriorated across Northeast and the Midwest, the U.S. South and Southwest experienced scorching temperatures, with at least nine people dying of heat-related causes in Texas.

    "This is what we've been warning about... more extreme heat linked to the climate crisis," the youth-led Sunrise Movementtweeted Wednesday.

    "We need to declare a climate emergency," the group added, reiterating a longstanding demand that President Joe Biden has thus far rejected.

    Late Wednesday afternoon, the National Weather Service (NWS) wrote on social media that "dangerous heat persists for much of the southern U.S.," where tens of millions of people are living under heat advisories.

    "Heat is the leading cause of weather-related fatalities each year," the agency stressed. "Take it seriously."

    The Washington Postreported that "much of the United States felt like a blazing inferno on Wednesday, as record heat attacked the South like a blowtorch, thick smoke from Canadian wildfires blanketed the Great Lakes region, and triple-digit temperatures threatened to wallop California for the first time this year."

    "Scientists said climate change helped shape the weather conditions that were causing misery and putting lives at risk from Mexico to Canada," the Post added. "There was no disputing the impact: If it wasn't way too smoky, it was way too hot."

    "Texas is seeing a heatwave so deadly that the state is breaking all-time records for energy usage," the Institute for Policy Studies wrote Wednesday. "Detroit, Chicago, and Minneapolis are among the four cities with the worst air quality in the world due to [Canada wildfire] smoke. "We can't afford to wait. Climate action now."


    This content originally appeared on Common Dreams and was authored by Newswire Editor.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/29/scotus-affirmative-action-ban-undermines-education-equity-and-intellectual-exchange/feed/ 0 408171
    SCOTUS’ Affirmative Action Ban Undermines Education Equity and Intellectual Exchange https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/29/scotus-affirmative-action-ban-undermines-education-equity-and-intellectual-exchange-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/29/scotus-affirmative-action-ban-undermines-education-equity-and-intellectual-exchange-2/#respond Thu, 29 Jun 2023 15:33:41 +0000 https://www.commondreams.org/newswire/scotus-affirmative-action-ban-undermines-education-equity-and-intellectual-exchange

    Residents of Michigan and other U.S. states reported smelling burning plastic, prompting toxicologists at Michigan's Department of Environment, Great Lakes, and Energy to observe that "wood fires emit a lot of volatile organic compounds (VOCs)," most of which "are noticeable to our noses as the familiar 'campfire' smell, but they break down quickly when exposed to UV radiation from sunlight."

    "Other VOCs like benzene, formaldehyde, and acrolein are also released and they outlast the 'campfire' VOCs," the state officials said. "It's these chemical compounds that you're smelling as the smoke wafts around for a few days and settles to the ground and reaches your nose."

    Dr. Glen Clark, emergency center chief at Corewell Health's Beaumont Hospital in Grosse Pointe, Michigan, said in a statement to the Free Press that his medical center has seen "a significant increase in respiratory complaints" over the past week.

    "We've seen both asthma and COPD patients, who have been well controlled, presenting with exacerbations requiring an increase in use of asthma medications, including rescue inhalers," said Clark. "Even otherwise healthy individuals have come in complaining of chest tightness."

    As of Thursday morning, the Swiss firm IQAir ranked Chicago and Detroit as the cities with the worst air quality in the world. Minneapolis briefly cracked the top five the previous day.

    CNNreported Wednesday that "Chicago asked all residents—especially those with heart or lung disease, older adults, pregnant people, and young children—to avoid outdoor activities and protect themselves from exposure."

    "Chicago Public Schools and camps are also moving activities indoors, city officials said in a news release," the outlet added. "About 11 miles away, Evanston, Illinois closedall swimming beaches and canceled a concert Tuesday due to the poor air quality, the city said on Facebook, asking residents to limit outdoor exposure through Wednesday."

    As air quality deteriorated across Northeast and the Midwest, the U.S. South and Southwest experienced scorching temperatures, with at least nine people dying of heat-related causes in Texas.

    "This is what we've been warning about... more extreme heat linked to the climate crisis," the youth-led Sunrise Movementtweeted Wednesday.

    "We need to declare a climate emergency," the group added, reiterating a longstanding demand that President Joe Biden has thus far rejected.

    Late Wednesday afternoon, the National Weather Service (NWS) wrote on social media that "dangerous heat persists for much of the southern U.S.," where tens of millions of people are living under heat advisories.

    "Heat is the leading cause of weather-related fatalities each year," the agency stressed. "Take it seriously."

    The Washington Postreported that "much of the United States felt like a blazing inferno on Wednesday, as record heat attacked the South like a blowtorch, thick smoke from Canadian wildfires blanketed the Great Lakes region, and triple-digit temperatures threatened to wallop California for the first time this year."

    "Scientists said climate change helped shape the weather conditions that were causing misery and putting lives at risk from Mexico to Canada," the Post added. "There was no disputing the impact: If it wasn't way too smoky, it was way too hot."

    "Texas is seeing a heatwave so deadly that the state is breaking all-time records for energy usage," the Institute for Policy Studies wrote Wednesday. "Detroit, Chicago, and Minneapolis are among the four cities with the worst air quality in the world due to [Canada wildfire] smoke. "We can't afford to wait. Climate action now."


    This content originally appeared on Common Dreams and was authored by Newswire Editor.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/29/scotus-affirmative-action-ban-undermines-education-equity-and-intellectual-exchange-2/feed/ 0 408172
    How Parents Outraged by Library Books, Diversity Initiatives and Sex Ed Transformed One New Jersey School Board https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/29/how-parents-outraged-by-library-books-diversity-initiatives-and-sex-ed-transformed-one-new-jersey-school-board/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/29/how-parents-outraged-by-library-books-diversity-initiatives-and-sex-ed-transformed-one-new-jersey-school-board/#respond Thu, 29 Jun 2023 10:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/conservative-transformation-wayne-new-jersey-school-board by Nicole Carr

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    This story is part of a series that explores how school board meetings across the country are fomenting conflicts and controversies that have led to violence and arrests. Are you interested in a virtual event on this topic? Let us know here.

    The woman at the podium was 14 seconds into reading a passage from a library book by a nonbinary author — an attempt to prove that the county board of education “promotes obscene material and porn,” as she’d described it — when school board president Catherine Kazan cut her off.

    “I don’t think that’s appropriate,” Kazan said. “There’s young people in the audience.”

    Never miss the most important reporting from ProPublica’s newsroom. Subscribe to the Big Story newsletter.

    “Of course it’s appropriate!” the woman, Pamela Macek, countered, raising her voice to be heard over the cacophony of cheers from the people seated behind her in the auditorium.

    “Ma’am, you can verbalize your complaint without reading the book,” Kazan said.

    “No, no! Oh no!” Macek bellowed, shaking her head from side to side. “You ain’t shutting me up.”

    She resumed reading from the book, “Gender Queer: A Memoir,” eking out about a dozen more words before her mic was cut. But still she kept at it.

    “If this continues, we will clear the room,” Kazan warned, holding up her palm. Glancing up in search of help, Kazan said, “Officer, please?”

    But Macek continued her complaint about books in the high school library. “There are teenagers!” she yelled, loud and clear in the absence of a microphone. “With strap-ons! Giving blow jobs!”

    Kazan banged her gavel three times. “Officer! Officer! I could use a little help here. The woman refuses to leave the podium, and she’s being disruptive.”

    Macek, a substitute teacher who later claimed in a lawsuit that her opposition to mask mandates had led to her firing weeks before the meeting (she received a $22,500 settlement for emotional distress), was part of a chorus of attendees angered by what they perceived as dangers to students in Wayne Township, New Jersey. One of the eight people who’d addressed the board before her at the October 2021 meeting was concerned that the district’s COVID-19 precautions were overkill — or “hygiene theater” — as evidenced by the use of plexiglass shields in classrooms. Others had bemoaned the mention of abortion in the state’s sex-education curriculum and the “borderline pedophilic books” in the library.

    “The idea of blurring lines between genders is child abuse,” one of the parents had said, referencing the availability of a book about a transgender child, “When Kayla Was Kyle.”

    “You emasculate little boys and who’s going to don the next police uniform?” the man had asked. “Who’s going to don the next military uniform and stand in the face of evil?”

    But it was Kazan telling Macek that it was inappropriate to read from “Gender Queer” that got the crowd really worked up. The banging of the gavel did little to quiet Macek or the other attendees.

    “Make a motion,” Kazan implored the board, after which one of its members, Michael Bubba, moved to close the meeting. Kazan looked at the board members seated to her left and right. No one immediately seconded the motion.

    One of the police officers providing security at the meeting started pacing in front of the dais. The crowd became louder and angrier.

    Macek was still yelling from the podium when a parent approached her and said, “Give it to me, I’ll read the fucking part,” briefly taking some papers from her hand before she took them back.

    Moments later — just as one of the board members finally responded to Kazan’s entreaties, saying, “I second the motion, madam president” — the parent, Mark Faber, made a beeline for Kazan, who sat perched on the dais. Pointing his finger toward her, Faber yelled, “This is our outlet as parents to express our dissatisfaction with what’s going on.

    “End the meeting and it’s going to happen in front of your fucking house.”

    As three officers directed him back to his seat, Kazan leaned into her microphone. “I take that as a threat,” she said.

    Angry Parent Confronts School Board President After Catherine Kazan tried to bring a school board meeting to a close, Mark Faber, a local parent, tells her that if she ends the meeting, “It’s going to happen in front of your fucking house.” (Videos obtained from Jon “Ferris” Meredith/TAPinto Wayne and the Wayne Township Public Schools YouTube page)

    Watch video ➜

    With the man back in the audience, two board members cast votes in favor of ending the meeting.

    “Board members should not be treated like this and have somebody threaten them right in front of the officers, for Christ’s sake,” Bubba said. “Close this meeting.”

    But the rest of the board voted no.

    “OK, the meeting continues. I’ll abstain,” Kazan said, to which the crowd cheered.

    Kazan would later say that as the meeting continued, she noticed Faber was still sitting in the auditorium. She recalled flagging down one of the school police officers and saying, “Excuse me, why is he still here? He needs to go home. This man just threatened me, threatened the board. And I don’t feel comfortable with him remaining here.”

    Instead, police only briefly took Faber out of the auditorium. He returned to make a public comment a short time later. “I’d like to start off by apologizing to everyone up on the board, to all the people who are here, for losing my temper,” Faber said, hands clasped as he leaned over the podium. “It’s very uncharacteristic for me to get that frustrated, but I’m sure as many of you can understand, this is a very frustrating time to be a parent.”

    At the end of the meeting, several board members reassured the parents that they were being respected and heard. Then it was Kazan’s turn.

    “I was considering saying quite a bit, but now I have to leave this meeting and drive to the Wayne PD and press charges against you, Mr. Faber, for threatening me,” she said, pointing her finger into the audience.

    She slammed her mic down and ended the meeting. As she gathered her things, she said, “Officer, I’d like an escort to my car.” That night, she gave a statement to police, prompting what would be a short-lived investigation.

    Catherine Kazan, a New Jersey school board member, told police that she felt a parent threatened her at a 2021 meeting. (José A. Alvarado Jr., special to ProPublica)

    The confrontation in Wayne is one of dozens of incidents at school board meetings across the country that ProPublica has examined. The blowups reflect the pervasive challenges that school districts and police departments face in figuring out how to handle masses of aggrieved citizens — and what to do when the clashes lead to chaos. Nearly 60 of those cases, which occurred over an 18-month period ending in late 2022, ended with the arrests of attendees. But in Wayne, the school board president claimed that authorities did little to act on what she perceived as a threat.

    Faber told ProPublica he does not believe that what he said to Kazan amounted to a threat. “Words are not violence. Violence is violence,” he said. “But if you try to silence people from talking because they don’t agree with you, that’s wrong. You shouldn’t stop other people from making their points.”

    Macek said in an interview that it was never her intent to get books banned; rather, she had hoped to make the point that books like “Gender Queer” should be restricted to counselors’ offices and that parents should have to approve a student reading it. In response to ProPublica’s questions about the meeting, she wrote, “If a minor child cannot go into a movie theater to watch an R-rated movie without being accompanied by a parent or guardian, then how can they be permitted and even encouraged to view such blatantly sexual material without the supervision of a parent or guardian?”

    Parents who cheered for Macek and Faber during the meeting would soon find more allies on the school board. A little more than a year later, the majority of the officials who’d sat on the dais with Kazan would be gone, replaced with candidates favored by frustrated parents who hoped to gain more control over Wayne’s schools.

    Three days after the incident, Faber visited the police department to check on the case himself. He expressed concern that he and his family could be targeted because his name and the name of his street had been reported in local media. (His address was not published, police noted in an incident report.)

    To ease Faber’s worries, Officer Robert Franciose directed officers to check on Faber’s property during the current and following shifts. Faber told ProPublica that neither he nor his family were actually confronted in the aftermath of the school board meeting.

    The day after Faber’s visit, a sergeant followed up with Kazan, letting her know the case against Faber was closed. The sergeant wrote in an update to the incident report: “After reviewing the above information, I have concluded that Mr. Faber’s statement and actions at the Board of Education meeting did not constitute a terroristic threat. As a result, the probable cause standard was not met and criminal charges will not be filed.”

    The sergeant told Kazan she could file a complaint in municipal court on her own.

    But Kazan remained a target of parents’ ire even after the school board meeting. The vitriol just migrated to social media. Shortly after the incident, one man referenced Faber’s remarks to Kazan when he posted on Facebook that “by stating that we are going to protest outside a home, Kazan should feel lucky that’s all this group wants to do.

    “However it’s voiced, whether we say fuck, shit, asshole, bitch, whatever, all of which we have all heard and used, all we wants is our parental rights to be respected and upheld,” the post continued. “And sometimes people Need to feel alittle uncomfortable in their own skin, maybe sleep with one eye open, because let me tell you, the thought of this going on in our schools makes us parents feel real uncomfortable.”

    After the sergeant told her that the case had been closed, Kazan emailed Wayne Township’s chief of police, attaching a screenshot of the man’s comments. She urged the department to reconsider, writing, “I do not feel safe and I will be filing those charges tomorrow. I hope nothing happens to me at a future meeting. Not taking action at this time will only embolden the crowd for the next meeting. I don’t even know what else to say about that other than I am truly disappointed. What will it take to arrest someone for intimidating a public official?”

    Wayne Police Chief Jack McNiff did not respond to ProPublica’s questions about the incident, the investigation or Kazan’s email. Kazan said she discussed with her fellow board members the option of pursuing charges and that she felt most of them “wanted to just let it go.”

    But one board member encouraged her to move forward with charges: Bubba. He and Kazan had butted heads on a number of issues over the past decade. Their politics were often at odds — Kazan describes herself as a social liberal, while Bubba calls himself a moderate Republican. But they both longed for the days of compromise on what was supposed to be a nonpartisan board.

    “I thought she should have pursued it,” Bubba said. “To me, that was as bad as it could be. We didn’t sign up for this.”

    Kazan said that after she spoke with the board, she called Faber to see if they could settle things themselves. According to Kazan, the discussion ended in a place where she felt she could let her family know that they did not need to worry about her safety. “I was content that the man wasn’t looking to blow my brains out. That’s all I cared about,” Kazan said. “You want to yell at me and curse at me, I can take that. I grew up in New Jersey.”

    Faber recalls that when Kazan reminded him that she could pursue the charges, he responded, “If that’s what you think is the right thing to do, go for it.” Ultimately, she decided not to.

    Faber said of Kazan, “She called me out publicly and said she was going to the police to press charges in a very angry tone herself. So it wasn’t like her reaction to the situation was one of fear. She was just lashing out and threatening me with police charges.”

    The month after the confrontation, parents who had rallied behind Macek and Faber at the school board meeting scored a victory at the polls.

    Three conservative candidates won seats on the nine-member Wayne Township school board. The candidates had been endorsed by the 1776 Project, a super PAC supporting candidates who want to reform public education “by promoting patriotism and pride in American history.”

    By then, Bubba said, he began thinking it was time to step aside after 10 years on the board. He’d been bothered by the tenor of the school board campaigns, shocked by the Faber incident and alarmed by the community’s growing animosity toward the board.

    “Nobody wants to compromise. Everybody wants to win,” he said. “I don’t want to sit there and fight every meeting.”

    In January 2022, after the new board members were sworn in, the board replaced Kazan as president with another veteran board member.

    In that year’s school board election, with Bubba retiring, the self-described “parental rights” contingency gained a majority with the election of two parents representing a group called “Children First!” Similar slates of conservative candidates had been put forward nationwide, aiming to change the political and ideological makeup of school boards.

    Faber — who describes himself as politically independent — said he was relieved when he saw those 2022 election results. He said that if the board hadn’t changed, he believed there would be trans-friendly bathrooms and drag queen story hours at school.

    At the March 2023 school board meeting, one of the newest members, Ryan Battershill, proposed taking a second look at the district’s mission statement. The statement had been crafted by parents, teachers and counselors in 2020 as a part of a diversity, equity and inclusion initiative soon to be mandated by the state in all public schools. Wayne Schools’ statement vowed to provide “culturally responsive, critically engaging curriculum for students of all backgrounds.”

    Battershill suggested creating an alternate version “that really the community gets behind.”

    During the board’s work session the following month, Kazan was the only member who challenged the need for a new statement. “I can’t find a problem with it,” she said of the existing document. “I’d really like to know, why are we reconsidering it?”

    “There have been a number of times that people have raised the mission statement, especially the values that used to be in there,” Battershill said.

    Contacted by ProPublica, Battershill declined to explain what changes he was seeking. As of late June, no board member has submitted a plan to move forward with revising the mission statement.

    Kazan noted that the district’s new diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives “got some people antsy” that the policies could open the door to the schools teaching about race and history in a way that would “make white kids feel bad about themselves.”

    “Well, that was never the goal,” she said. “We have a diverse community, and they need to be reflected.”

    Do You Have a Tip for ProPublica? Help Us Do Journalism.


    This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Nicole Carr.

    ]]>
    https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/29/how-parents-outraged-by-library-books-diversity-initiatives-and-sex-ed-transformed-one-new-jersey-school-board/feed/ 0 408058
    Illinois Officials Will Try a Second Time to Make Good on Pledge to Reform Student Ticketing https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/29/illinois-officials-will-try-a-second-time-to-make-good-on-pledge-to-reform-student-ticketing/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/29/illinois-officials-will-try-a-second-time-to-make-good-on-pledge-to-reform-student-ticketing/#respond Thu, 29 Jun 2023 09:00:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/illinois-lawmakers-student-ticketing-reform-pritzker-schools by Jodi S. Cohen and Jennifer Smith Richards

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week. This story was co-published with the Chicago Tribune.

    Top Illinois officials agreed last year that police shouldn’t ticket students for minor misbehavior at school and pledged to make sure it didn’t happen anywhere in the state. But a bill to end the widespread practice fizzled this spring because of disagreement over whether it would accomplish its goal and confusion about whether police would still be able to respond to crime on campus.

    Now, legislators and activists are regrouping with a goal of rewriting the bill and passing it in the next legislative session. They say they are committed to changing state law because not all school districts complied when the Illinois State Board of Education superintendent implored them to stop working with police to issue municipal citations for noncriminal matters — tickets that can lead to fines of up to $750.

    The push for change followed publication of “The Price Kids Pay,” a 2022 investigation by ProPublica and the Chicago Tribune that revealed how school-based ticketing was forcing families into a quasi-judicial system with few protections that sometimes landed them in debt. A state law already bans school officials from fining students directly, but administrators instead have been cooperating with police, who issue citations for violating local ordinances. The proposed legislation aimed to shut off that option.

    In addition to the former state school superintendent’s strong stance, Gov. J.B. Pritzker said last year that he wanted to “make sure that this doesn’t happen anywhere in the state.” His spokesperson said Monday that his position has not changed. Current state Superintendent Tony Sanders also said he backs legislation to prevent ticketing. That support gives hope to the legislators pushing for change.

    “We are going to get it done. We are in the process now of really fine-tuning it,” said state Rep. La Shawn Ford, a Democrat from Chicago and the bill’s chief sponsor. The bill passed the House education committee in March, but it was not called for a vote in the full chamber before the legislative session ended in late May.

    Ford’s bill would have made it illegal for schools to involve the police in order to fine students for violating local ordinances — such as by vaping or fighting — when that behavior could be addressed through the school’s disciplinary process instead. School officials could still call law enforcement for criminal matters, and schools could still seek restitution from students for lost, stolen or damaged property. But some legislators voiced concerns that the bill might unintentionally limit when police can get involved in more serious incidents.

    “There were some issues that came up that needed some clarity, and we felt it was better to continue to work on the language so we could get the best bill possible without unintended consequences,” Ford said.

    Ford said he remains committed to making sure that families aren’t punished financially for student misbehavior in schools. “Anything that drives poor people further into poverty shouldn’t be a part of our school environment,” he said. “If a student has to choose between paying a fine and eating breakfast, that is a problem.”

    Some districts stopped or cut back on referring students to police for minor disciplinary matters in the wake of “The Price Kids Pay,” but without a law preventing the tactic, others have not. Students across the state continue to get costly tickets for noncriminal infractions including having vape pens, fighting at school and engaging in other adolescent behavior that some say would be better handled by school officials, not the police.

    Reporters also found that students in some towns, including Manteno, McHenry and Palatine, are still appearing before hearing officers to receive punishments from their municipalities for their school-based behavior. The consequences, including fines, often were levied in addition to school discipline the students had already received.

    Last week, at the Plano Police Department about 60 miles west of Chicago, three teenage boys appeared before a hearing officer with $100 tickets they had received for a fight during a basketball game in gym class at Plano High School. The city’s school resource officer had issued the tickets after watching a video of the fight, according to a police report read at the hearing.

    Two of the boys were accompanied by their mothers as they were sworn in and explained that they had acted in self-defense after another student started the fight.

    The parents were upset about the tickets. One mother said in an interview that she knew the state superintendent had asked schools to stop working with police to ticket students, and her son had already been suspended for 10 days, which was punishment enough in her eyes.

    “Everything is monetary now. It is like, ‘You do this wrong, you give us money.’ It isn’t teaching anything,” she said, adding that the school has denied her requests for a recording of the fight. “These little towns, even bigger towns, feel like they are untouchable.”

    “I guarantee you that 90% of people have no clue that it isn’t supposed to be happening.”

    A Plano High School student was ticketed for fighting in gym class after an officer watched video of the fight. (Redacted by ProPublica.)

    The two students who said they had acted in self-defense were found not liable and did not have to pay fines. The third student, who recently graduated, pleaded liable and handed over $100 cash before leaving the police station. Their cases were the only three heard that night at the city’s “adjudication courtroom” in the Police Department basement.

    Plano police Officer Alejandro Lopez, who issued the citations and supports ticketing as a consequence for students, said Plano High School students have received 26 tickets during the past two school years, primarily for disorderly conduct ($100 fine) and possession of cannabis ($250 fine). “It teaches them a lesson to not do it anymore,” Lopez said in an interview.

    Lopez said he typically learns about the behavior from a dean or other administrator and then decides whether to issue a ticket.

    That’s the process that the stalled legislation would have addressed by amending the state’s school code to make it illegal for school personnel to involve police for the purpose of issuing students citations for incidents that can be addressed through a school’s disciplinary process.

    But legislators and advocates were concerned that interrupting that police referral process might not always prevent students from getting municipal tickets.

    There also was apprehension among school officials that they could be accused of violating the school code if a police officer chose to ticket a student, even if that’s not what the school intended. The Illinois Association of Chiefs of Police opposed the proposed legislation.

    Those in favor of ending school-based ticketing said they’re also exploring whether, rather than targeting policy change at the schools, a bill should instead focus on the municipalities because they’re the ones who oversee police officers in schools and determine penalties for ordinance violations.

    “The real goal is to eliminate monetary penalties, municipal tickets for noncriminal school-based behaviors,” said Aimee Galvin, the government affairs director for Stand for Children Illinois, which helped draft the legislation, along with the Debt Free Justice Illinois Coalition. She said advocates will be meeting this summer and fall to explore new legislation that would be introduced next year.

    “We are very upset that this is still happening. Our hope is the practice has decreased given the attention and ISBE’s direction, but we would love to see some legislation to right this wrong.”

    Rep. Michelle Mussman, a Democrat from the Chicago suburb of Schaumburg who serves as chair of a House education committee, said lawmakers previously banned fining students at school because they thought that monetary punishments weren’t appropriate.

    Legislators, she said, seem willing to close the loophole that emerged on fines and ticketing. “The problem is we haven’t figured out how,” Mussman said.

    The legislature did pass a bill that, if signed by the governor, will eliminate most fines and fees in juvenile court. Young people who commit juvenile offenses would then be protected from monetary penalties, but that protection wouldn’t apply to those found to have violated municipal laws.

    For their investigation, ProPublica and the Tribune documented about 12,000 tickets written to students over three school years and also found that, in places where information was available on the race of ticketed students, Black students were twice as likely to be ticketed as their white peers. (Use our interactive database to look up how many and what kinds of tickets have been issued in an Illinois public school or district.)

    In Chicago’s northwest suburbs, District 211 and Palatine are the subject of an ongoing civil rights investigation launched by the Illinois attorney general’s office after “The Price Kids Pay” was published.

    School district officials in Plano, Palatine, McHenry and Manteno did not respond to requests for comment for this story.


    This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Jodi S. Cohen and Jennifer Smith Richards.

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    Baker College Faces Federal Investigation Over “Recruitment and Marketing Practices” https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/27/baker-college-faces-federal-investigation-over-recruitment-and-marketing-practices/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/27/baker-college-faces-federal-investigation-over-recruitment-and-marketing-practices/#respond Tue, 27 Jun 2023 14:45:00 +0000 https://www.propublica.org/article/baker-college-under-investigation-us-department-education by Anna Clark

    ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    The U.S. Department of Education has opened an investigation into Baker College, a large nonprofit school in Michigan, over its “recruitment and marketing practices,” according to a new public disclosure.

    For decades, Baker’s marketing touted a low-cost education and a near 100% employment rate for graduates of its campuses and extensive online curriculum. But fewer than a quarter of students graduate, far less than the national average for private four-year colleges. Former students and staff members described frequently changing requirements and programs that delayed graduation, sometimes indefinitely.

    Those details and others painted a troubling picture of Baker in a 2022 investigation published by ProPublica and the Detroit Free Press.

    On Monday, news of the federal inquiry, first reported by The Chronicle of Higher Education, was welcomed by several students quoted in the ProPublica-Free Press investigation.

    “I am stunned, to be honest,” said Bart Bechtel, a Baker graduate who took out more than $40,000 in student loans for an online associate degree.

    Bechtel has previously described how the school encouraged his loans, even though the amount he borrowed exceeded his tuition. Financial aid officers, he said, told him he should take advantage of the full amount he was eligible for, since he might need money for Christmas presents and family expenses.

    The 2022 story detailed how 70% of Baker students who took out federal loans had problems making payments two years after leaving college. An exceptionally large number of former Baker students with loans had filed claims with the federal government that they were defrauded or misled by the college. As of December 2020, according to data published by Yahoo Finance, of the 266 institutions with more than 100 “borrower defense” claims of deception, only five were long-standing nonprofits. Among those five, three were shuttered colleges, and one had recently regained accreditation 20 years after losing it. The other was Baker.

    In an email to ProPublica, a spokesperson for the Department of Education said the agency does not comment on investigations, or acknowledge that they exist, “until any outcomes have been officially communicated to the institution.”

    Messages sent on Monday to Baker’s vice president for marketing and communications and to President and CEO Jacqui Spicer were not returned. However, the college issued a brief statement attributed to Baker’s board chair, Denise Bannan, who, over nearly 40 years with the school, has previously served as provost, vice president for academics, president of the Owosso campus and liaison to Baker’s accreditor.

    The statement said the college “received an information request” in connection with a department investigation. It said that Baker “is cooperating with the Department’s request and takes its obligations under Title IV of the Higher Education Act of 1965 seriously.”

    In a Monday night email Spicer addressed to the “Baker team,” she promised the school was working to resolve the matter “as efficiently and transparently as possible.” She also warned recipients to be cautious of information from “external sources” and to “avoid contact, directly or indirectly, with the media.” The email was obtained by the Detroit Free Press.

    The disclosure of an investigation was posted June 21 by the Higher Learning Commission, a private accreditation agency. The day before, Baker issued a news release describing a freeze on undergraduate tuition, a reduction of graduate tuition and some free housing opportunities in the coming academic year.

    The commission’s disclosure notes that Baker remains accredited. The college is required to file a report with the accreditor no later than Aug. 18 “providing a detailed update regarding the status of the investigation.” The disclosure also says that the Department of Education’s office of federal student aid initiated the inquiry.

    Despite serving many low-income students — and also having a large endowment — Baker College spent more on marketing than financial aid, ProPublica and the Free Press found. Ten years after enrolling, fewer than half of former Baker students made more than $28,000 a year.

    “I think it’s a good move,” said Dan Nowaczyk about the federal government’s review of the college. A 2016 graduate from Baker’s now-closed Flint campus, he remembers fellow students who did not realize they would have to pay their loan money back.

    “Based on all the stories I’ve heard since your report came out, and from your original report itself, auditing their financial aid processes and making sure it’s all being done right can help not just the students but Baker College itself too in making sure it’s there for the students first and foremost,” Nowaczyk added.

    The ProPublica-Free Press investigation also found governance issues at Baker. Upon retirement, former presidents routinely served on the college’s Board of Trustees, which is supposed to provide independent oversight on the decisions of the school administration. One longtime former Baker president served as chair of the board while at the same time being paid more than a million dollars from the college for five years of part-time work.

    Baker’s bylaws state that no salary should be “paid to trustees, as such, for their services,” but they do permit payment to a trustee who works for the college itself.

    When asked about the source for the graduate employment rates that it promotes, Baker’s then-president cited the National Association of Colleges and Employers. However, the group said it does not evaluate individual institutions. It collects self-reported information from the colleges, often based on surveys.

    Baker officials traced the school’s low graduation rate to its open enrollment policy of accepting virtually any applicant with a high school degree or equivalent, the 2022 story reported, and also said the college is not allowed to restrict student borrowers. In a statement, the college emphasized its continuing commitment to improving student outcomes and reducing student loan debt. Regarding Baker spending more on marketing than financial aid, the then-president told reporters that he believed this was necessary because the breadth of the college’s educational opportunities were not well-known.

    Following the story’s publication, Baker sent a legal threat to a former faculty member who spoke to a reporter. Jacqueline Tessmer, who taught digital media at the now-closed Auburn Hills campus for 14 years, had told reporters that the college “has ruined a lot of people’s lives.” Soon after, she received a letter sent by a law firm on behalf of Baker, demanding she retract her statements, which it described as “false and defamatory.”

    In the 18 months since receiving the letter, Tessmer said, she has not heard again from the college or its lawyers. The news of the federal investigation has her thinking of her former students.

    “I hope Baker has to agree to forgiving at least some of the debt incurred by students who never graduated,” Tessmer said. “Or perhaps graduated but were sold degrees that pay so little they will never earn enough to pay them off.”


    This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Anna Clark.

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    ‘Heroic efforts’ save 7 PNG teachers and families in kidnap attempt https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/27/heroic-efforts-save-7-png-teachers-and-families-in-kidnap-attempt/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/27/heroic-efforts-save-7-png-teachers-and-families-in-kidnap-attempt/#respond Tue, 27 Jun 2023 01:31:27 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=90220 By Jeffrey Elapa in Port Moresby

    In what is described as a “significant relief”, seven Papua New Guinea teachers and their families were rescued from an attempted kidnapping in the remote Mt Bosavi region in Hela Province.

    Hela Education Director Ronny Angu said the teachers and their families were rescued safely by the Hela Education Division from their attempted kidnappers.

    He said the teachers are from the Wagalu primary school, the same primary school where 17 school girls were recently kidnapped, raped and held hostage for ransom.

    Angu said the teachers and their families have escaped from an organised kidnapping and potential harm by criminals after a successful rescue operation, executed with the help of key stakeholders that demonstrated “unwavering commitment and collaboration”.

    He said the “heroic efforts” from Hela police and Moro police, the Hela Provincial government and the Hela Education Division, ensured that the teachers and their families were successfully relocated to safety.

    “Their dedication and selflessness significantly contributed to the success of the rescue mission,” he said.

    “To commemorate the safe return of the teachers and their families and for God’s guidance and protection, the Hela Education Division organised a welcome party. It was a moment of immense joy and relief, where experiences and challenges were openly discussed, and tears were shared.

    Support for healing
    “Hela Education Division is committed to providing the necessary support to the staff members to help them settle back into their respective homes.

    “We aim to provide an opportunity to the teachers to reconnect with their families and begin the process of healing from the traumatic experiences they endured.

    “The success of the rescue mission is a powerful testament to the unwavering commitment of the education division to serve the community and provide quality education in Hela Province.

    “The division expressed sincere gratitude to those who supported and made the rescue operation successful, especially the Hela police, Moro police, Hela Provincial government, and Hela Education Division,” Angu said.

    “This successful rescue operation is a significant relief to Hela Province. The safe return of the teachers and their families after such a perilous experience cannot be more relieving news.

    “We wish all of them a speedy recovery from their ordeal.”

    Jeffrey Elapa is a PNG Post-Courier reporter. Republished with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Donna Miles-Mojab: Is there such a thing as unbiased reporting? https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/22/donna-miles-mojab-is-there-such-a-thing-as-unbiased-reporting/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/22/donna-miles-mojab-is-there-such-a-thing-as-unbiased-reporting/#respond Thu, 22 Jun 2023 00:10:37 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=90061 COMMENTARY: By Donna Miles-Mojab

    Recently, there was a serious revelation that some wire service reports were edited, without attribution, by an individual employee of our national broadcaster, RNZ.

    Now, let’s examine the way I composed the above sentence.

    I included the word “serious” to signal to readers that this news is of significant importance. The reason is that I believe there is already extensive frustration at media coverage of news — and therefore anything that erodes trust in our major media should be taken seriously.

    Later in the sentence, I used the word “edited”. Initially, I had used the word “altered” but I made a conscious decision to change it to “edited”. I did this because I thought the word “altered” might suggest a higher type of wrongdoing — one that could be linked to fraud and criminality, such as being paid by a foreign agent to alter documents.

    There is no evidence that this was the case at RNZ. The word “edited” suggests the use of some sort of journalistic judgment which, in this particular case, regardless of the factuality or falsehood of the edits, were clearly unethical because they were unauthorised and undeclared.

    The reference to “an individual employee” was to ensure that other journalists at RNZ, and the organisation as a whole, were not implicated in the revelation. If I had thought RNZ was systematically biased in its reporting, I probably would have just written that RNZ had been found to be altering wire service news.

    So my choice of words to form the first sentence of this column was informed by my personal perspectives, as well as the impression I hoped to create in the minds of those reading it.

    The subject of this column isn’t about what happened at RNZ. We will be informed of this, in time, when the result of the ongoing inquiry is made public.

    Unbiased reporting?
    The question I intend to explore here is if there is such a thing as unbiased reporting.

    I went back to university later in life to study journalism because it was important to me to understand how the news was produced. My course placed a lot of emphasis on the importance of objectivity and impartiality as ideal standards of news reporting, without much discussion about the limits of achieving such unrealistic standards.

    News is produced by reporters and shaped by editors who cannot help but inject their own perspectives and personal experiences into the final product. Even when reporting live from the scene, journalists often have to form a judgment as to what is newsworthy, and so depending on who is reporting the story, the information we receive may alter.

    In general, the idea of “unbiased”, “objective” or “neutral” reporting cannot be entirely divorced from the editorial guides journalists use to determine what information to report, and also what they believe is the truth.

    Omitting context or the decision to exclude some key words can, in some instances, produce a misleading report.

    For instance, my interest in the Palestinian cause has meant that I notice the journalistic language used in reporting on Palestine. I consider that Gaza and the West Bank (including East Jerusalem) should always be referred to as “occupied Gaza” and “occupied West Bank” because this is their legal status under international law.

    But in many articles about Palestine, the word “occupied” is often dropped even though its use matters because it gives relevant context to reporting of political and military events there.

    Impartial presentation
    Some journalistic codes refer to “balanced” and “fair” reporting. The idea here is that, where there is controversy, there should be an impartial presentation of all facts as well as all substantial opinions relating to it.

    A fair report, it is said, should avoid giving equal footing to truths and mistruths and should provide factual context to any inaccurate or misleading public statement.

    In recent years, The New York Times has used a series of articles known as Explainers to, as they describe it, “demystify thorny topics”.

    Stuff’s Explained follows a similar format to help deconstruct topics that are complex and challenging to understand.

    The notion of bias in news writing has become the most common criticism of the media.

    Ultimately, the solution to increasing trust in journalism lies in transparency and disclosure of the standards, judgments and systems used to produce and edit news. It is therefore right that RNZ has announced an external review of its processes for the editing of online stories.

    But there should also be a mind shift in our understanding of the notions of unbiased and objective reporting — namely that these notions have always existed and continue to operate within power dynamics that give privilege to certain perspectives.

    The best approach, therefore, is to always allow for an element of doubt — and only believe something to be true just so long as our active efforts to disprove it have been unsuccessful.

    Donna Miles-Mojab is an Iranian New Zealander interested in justice and human rights issues. She lives in Christchurch and works as a freelance journalist and a columnist for The Press. This article is republished with the author’s permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

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    Starved of funds and vision, struggling universities put NZ’s entire research strategy at risk https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/21/starved-of-funds-and-vision-struggling-universities-put-nzs-entire-research-strategy-at-risk/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/21/starved-of-funds-and-vision-struggling-universities-put-nzs-entire-research-strategy-at-risk/#respond Wed, 21 Jun 2023 23:14:34 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=90052 ANALYSIS: By Nicola Gaston, University of Auckland

    The crisis in Aotearoa New Zealand’s university and wider research sector did not happen overnight. While funding shortfalls and sweeping redundancies are now making headlines, the underlying problems have been evident for years.

    As I wrote after last year’s budget, financial support for research across our universities and crown research institutes “is steadily eroding and has been doing so for some time”, given the impacts of inflation.

    The year before was no better. “The 2021 budget is not the investment we needed to see,” I wrote then. “Anything other than an increase in line with inflation is rather a slap in the face.”

    And of 2020’s covid-dominated budget, I could only say: “Under normal conditions, I might describe this as a disappointing budget for science [. . . ] missing not merely in action, but in aspiration.”

    It was a similar story in 2019, with a 1.8 percent increase to tertiary tuition subsidies only slightly alleviating inflation pressure; and in 2018, when the government restated its intention to lift research funding to 2 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) over 10 years.

    That 2 pecent of GDP target has been around for a long time now, with little significant movement and a current spend of 1.47 percent. The lack of new funding for science and research in recent successive budgets might once have been explained by sector reform being a work in progress.

    But time is running out.

    With redundancies wreaking havoc across the university sector in particular, getting new funding into the system should have been a priority in this year’s budget. The opportunity cost of not doing this is simply too great.

    Challenge and capacity
    The university sector is now undeniably in crisis, with the scale of the cuts — most seriously at Otago and Victoria University of Wellington, but also at Waikato and Massey — becoming clearer in the past few weeks.

    The Prime Minister and Minister of Education refuse to interfere in what they see as operational matters, saying universities need to adapt to changing realities.

    And there is little doubt universities face real challenges, from the changing nature of work, to increased expectations of digital learning, and the implications of artificial intelligence tools.

    But cutting staff undermines the sector’s capacity to deal with those challenges in the first place — because capacity lies at the heart of this issue. As former prime minister Helen Clark said last week:

    It has taken decades to build the current capacities of our universities. That should not be destroyed by short-term budgetary considerations. The money required to maintain viable and comprehensive universities is small in the overall scheme of things.

    The missing money may indeed be small. But a lack of inflation adjustment over multiple years has created real problems — especially given universities did not qualify for any financial support during covid-19, and have cut or not replaced staff over the past three years already.

    A system at odds with itself
    This year, the key budget hole is traceable to a dip in student numbers, likely related to sub-optimal student experiences during the pandemic, and perhaps the relatively strong job market.

    It is easy to sympathise with this, and to hope those students return to tertiary education in future. The question is, what will our universities look like if and when they do?

    That research funding target of 2 percent of GDP — reiterated again in this year’s budget — has been with us since 2017.

    Patience was encouraged on the basis that, while government funding was below target, business expenditure on research and development (R&D) was even worse. We needed to wait for R&D tax credits to move that dial before government funding would increase.

    But the reverse is now true. As last year’s white paper from science sector reform programme Te Ara Paerangi-Future Pathways made clear, it was no longer business R&D capacity that was holding us back — it was capacity on the public side:

    The current [research, science and innovation] system is poorly placed to utilise increased funding to prepare us for [the] future.

    That the loss of capacity threatened by current university cuts seems not to have raised concerns in government about the viability of its own research strategy suggests something is profoundly wrong.

    Simple funding solutions
    The immediate solution shouldn’t be that hard. As has been pointed out elsewhere, money to cover projected higher student enrolments was originally budgeted for by the government.

    The decision not to allocate that money due to lower than expected enrolments is really a question of funding priorities and structures.

    The research activities of universities are supported first through baseline funding to ensure there is available capacity; and secondly through contestable grants that allow governments to invest in research areas on strategic grounds (such as health or economic development).

    A shift in the balance between baseline and per-student funding is not a dramatic structural change. An alternative might be to set a floor on how much per-student funding can be cut from one year to the next — just like the government sets a cap on raising student fees, for example.

    A coordinated national strategy
    In the longer term, it would also be good to see stronger coordination and collaboration between universities at both governance and academic levels.

    Perhaps a “supercouncil” composed of representatives of each university council could provide the forum for this. It would help ensure individual university strategies were complementary, making the most of their distinctiveness and responsibilities to local communities.

    And to address those concerns about adaptation to modern realities, a ministry of education initiative to develop strategic plans for disciplines and programmes (with academic input) would be welcome.

    The relationship between university research and teaching, mandated in the Education Act, should mean that changing research realities have implications for how and what we teach.

    It is a matter of academic freedom that universities and academics make these decisions themselves. But having national strategic thinking available to support those decisions could only be a good thing.

    At the very least, it would be rather more strategic than making these decisions based on the order in which staff apply for redundancy.The Conversation

    Dr Nicola Gaston, co-director of the MacDiarmid Institute for Advanced Materials and Nanotechnology, University of Auckland. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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    Texas Book Ban Bills Set a Dangerous Precedent for the Narratives of Young People in Education https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/21/texas-book-ban-bills-set-a-dangerous-precedent-for-the-narratives-of-young-people-in-education-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/21/texas-book-ban-bills-set-a-dangerous-precedent-for-the-narratives-of-young-people-in-education-2/#respond Wed, 21 Jun 2023 00:11:58 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=141278 Texas Book Ban Bills Set a Dangerous Precedent

    Amid an unprecedented wave of censorship, many of our state legislators have left no mercy for LGBTQ+ Texans. Censorious legislation like House Bill 900 and Senate Bill 13 attempt to relate queer identity with sexual obscenity. The bills target educators’ expertise and diminish students’ right to read in a vitriolic attack on queer identity, and more broadly, the agency young people wield in our own education.

    Students are the primary stakeholders in our education, but this legislation is among the slew of bills nationwide favoring so-called parental rights above those who learn, teach, and work in schools full-time. Students deserve a seat at the table in decisions directly affecting us, but these legislative efforts subvert our authority in life experiences we face daily.

    In a recent survey by the New York Times, “the overwhelming majority of students were opposed to book bans.” Censorship bills seek to exclude and erase marginalized identities from the mainstream. Book banning ultimately harms students, especially when Gen Z is the queerest, most diverse, and progressive generation in America. Unfortunately, policymakers have an agenda to further marginalize the already-unheard and traditionally-silenced youth of our nation. Students deserve better.

    Every student should feel the same comfort and passion I felt as a young child walking into a community library or bookstore with shelves lined with dynamic character arcs and magical, faraway lands yet to be discovered. Public school libraries should serve our diversity, not shutter stories and silence voices. We cannot spare losing narratives with the power to open our eyes to a world never before seen – a world that could exemplify the beauty of queerness and the compassion all could share when united as a community in acceptance and love.

    Books save lives, and students need increased access to literature, not less. Aside from student retention or career success, readily accessible books in school libraries can be a lifeline for students seeking support for how to say “no” in uncomfortable situations or how to explain our first menstrual cycle. They can provide insight for how to handle an interaction with police or navigate ambivalent emotions. Americans routinely face these real scenarios, and our nation is failing its younger generations when our worth is not valued and our needs are not met.

    Any effort to limit students’ access to knowledge is an attempt to erase our narrative as a generation, one that represents our nation’s future. Signed by Governor Greg Abbott June 12 in Texas, HB 900 will impose a state takeover of local school district policies, requiring vendors to rate books by their “offensiveness” to “current community standards of decency” or risk losing business from school districts.

    Policymakers must not weaponize the status quo by mischaracterizing literature with subjective politics. Not one of the roughly 30 million Texans may have an identical view of what defines a “pervasively vulgar” book, but in exclusively selective committees like those described in SB 13 to review library collections, just a few parents could dictate decisions of an entire district.

    Cameron Samuels testified against censorship legislation to the Senate Education Committee on April 12, 2023

    Cameron Samuels testified against censorship legislation to the Senate Education Committee on April 12, 2023

    While proponents of book banning may claim their intention is to protect children, book bans do not challenge explicit content. They primarily target books exploring race, sexuality, and gender. Censorship targets authentic, diverse stories that help youth navigate trauma and discover ourselves.

    By mandating libraries to recognize “parents are the primary decision makers regarding a student’s access to library material,” these policies impact vulnerable students while denying us the agency to hold power in the policymaking.

    We must never forget that reading fosters personal growth and inspires leaders who drive society forward. Young people, organizing with Students Engaged in Advancing Texas (SEAT) and other youth-led movements, contributed to the demise of SB 13. Student organizers developed debate talking points and legislative amendments that senators proposed against HB 900 during the proceedings.

    In limiting the books students can access, policymakers further narrow students’ views on diversity and inclusion and dim what flourishes beyond the horizon. Students thrive when robust representation and affirmation can be found in the books of our school libraries because we come to discover a meaningful connection to education and our community.

    It’s time students reclaim ownership of our education and our right to read and learn. We all must pave a clear path for progress in defending our libraries and educators before it’s too late. Young people depend on leaders who speak truth to power.

    Our nation ought not to be silent when young people feel obligated to defend our own rights because we feel no others will.

  • Originally published at Project Censored.

  • This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Cameron Samuels.

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    Forget the University: Gift Cards, Professionalism and the Australian Academy https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/20/forget-the-university-gift-cards-professionalism-and-the-australian-academy/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/20/forget-the-university-gift-cards-professionalism-and-the-australian-academy/#respond Tue, 20 Jun 2023 09:01:32 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=141261 Dear future students wishing to come to Australia and study: don’t. The gurgling, decaying system is, on a regular basis, being exposed for what it is. If it is not students being exploited, its academics being manipulated to the point of ruinous ill-health. True, not all universities are equally rotten in the constellation of corporate manipulation, but each one is rotten in a slightly different way.

    The nature of the rot starts at the top – a conventional wisdom. And that rot features workloads of an unrealistic nature (too many classes; unrecognised grading efforts; questionable budgets), all padding for the bloated managerial class that guiltlessly loots. It helps, as well, that most Australian universities have Human Resources departments larger than most academic departments. They are the stormtroopers for the managerial gauleiters, ensuring that dissenters are kept quiet, and anyone wishing to challenge the status quo kept in straitjacket and check.

    Much has already been made of the enormous casualisation of the academic workforce in Australia. (One figure suggests that 70% of university workers in the sector are on casual or fixed term contracts.) They are the precariat, the equivalent of altar children whose bottoms, bodies and minds are passed around from course to course to be used by the relevant coordinator, program manager and associate dean for a finite duration.

    The nature of such sessionalisation has seen an interesting twist of late. The hand-to-mouth precariat are not wanted – at least in certain institutions. Universities suddenly claim to have no money in the kitty to pay modest sums to sessional workers they have sadistically abused for years. This is despite huge financial windfalls that arose even as the global pandemic was raging. In the post-COVID landscape, the assumption is that ongoing academics (tenure is not a concept of any worth down under) will take charge, seize the reins, and teach themselves into the ground.

    But as departments, schools and university sections are racketeering enterprises, those wishing to cosy up to obese, overly remunerated managers may be rewarded for their flabby morals. (Arse-crawling really ought to be a degree, but why theorise it, when the praxis is sorted out?) The crawlers can avoid teaching. They can assume administrative posts and discuss administration with others in similar administrative posts. They can dream, fiddle and fondle spreadsheets, conjuring up miracles from the ether. Their minds devoid of cerebration, they are the perfect adjutants and servants for the managerial institution.

    As for research, this only matters if it can be pegged to the industrial grant making complex, which is only useful in producing more grants. The cosmos of receiving such awards is only relevant, not from the actual material it produces in terms of what knowledge, but for the process of gaining the award. Money can then go back into undeserving pockets, with recipient academics, to use a popular and atrocious term “buying themselves out” of teaching duties. As one Dean of no stature or relevance insisted with dull conviction, “It does not matter how many papers you write, or how many books you author – your work allocation is the same as the next one.”

    A half-wit sloth with one publication authored with several other dunces deserves the same academic praise as the single author of numerous pieces, with a profile that is somewhat larger than the standard 200 metre radius worshipped in insular towers. The die, it would seem, is cast, before you realise an awful reality: the Dean wants you to be on her level, that of the spreadsheeting numbed wonder who draws in a fortnightly salary with minimal cognition – except to justify the dictates of the satanic college she serves.

    Amidst this messy state of affairs, Australian universities continue engaging in that practice most heinous: the underpayment of staff, notably those on temporary contracts. The payment rates for casual academics – and, in some cases, ongoing staff – is nothing short of scandalous. In March 2022, the Senate Standing Committee on Economics noted that 21 out of Australia’s 40 universities had been guilty of underpaying staff.

    So why express horror or surprise at the latest revelation that gift cards are being used to pay academic staff? An investigation by the Australian publication Crikey, using Freedom of Information, found this to be particularly evident at the University of Technology Sydney.

    According to the report, “one faculty debated the use of gift cards as payment for academics as recently as last year.” A Microsoft Teams message from a human resources official also stated in October last year, with some agitation, that the faculty of health wanted “to have another run at the gift card idea.”

    The UTS public relations team was immediately stung into action. “Gift cards are used at UTS, as they are at any other organisations, as a token of appreciation for non-employees who volunteer their time at the university, for example, as research participants, or as members of events panels or as one-off guest speakers,” reasoned one spokesperson.

    The Senate Standing Committee similarly found that various “casual academic staff have been paid in gift certificates, instead of the wages, loadings, leave and superannuation to which they are entitled.” Dr Hayley Singer, a member of the University of Melbourne Casuals’ Network, told the committee that she had “contested this at the time because I know I can’t pay rent, pay for transport or pay for medical bills with gift cards. This is how casual and insecurely employed academics are treated when we bring our professionalism and our expertise onto campus and into the classroom”.

    If only Singer realised that the whole function of the modern managerial university is to eschew and excoriate professionalism of any sort, notably in the areas that give education its greatest worth. To be professional is to be subversive, thereby making that individual dispensable. Best join the spread sheeters.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Binoy Kampmark.

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