Narciso Barranco, an undocumented father of three Marines, has lived and worked in the US for over 30 years. On June 21, Barranco was doing landscaping work at an IHOP in Santa Ana, CA, when he was suddenly swarmed by a group of armed, masked, unidentified Customs and Border Patrol agents who chased him down, brutally beat him in the middle of a busy intersection, and kidnapped him in broad daylight. “I believe he was racially profiled,” Alejandro Barranco, one of Narciso Barranco’s sons, tells TRNN. “My dad has never done anything wrong. They had no warrant for him.” In this on-the-ground report, TRNN editor-in-chief Maximillian Alvarez speaks with Alejandro Barranco at the IHOP where his father was abducted about the cruel, terrifying reality of the Trump administration’s immigration raids.

Speakers:

• Alejandro Barranco is the eldest son of Narciso Barranco. He served in the Marines from 2019 to 2023
• Jose Francisco Negrete is a resident of Anaheim, CA, a rank-and-file Teamster, and a member of Labor for Palestine and Teamsters Mobilize
• We spoke with a number of undocumented day laborers near the site where Narciso Barranco was abudcted, including one eyewitness to Barranco’s abduction. To ensure their safety, we have kept their identities anonymous. 

Additional resources:

• Mona Darwish, Orange County Register, “‘I feel betrayed,’ US Marine says of seeing his father punched by federal immigration agent”
• Mona Darwish, Orange County Register, “OC father of 3 US Marines released from immigration detention center after multiple days of delay”
• Vera Institute of Justice, “Profile of immigrants in Santa Ana, California”
• NBC-LA, “Watch: Undocumented father of 3 US Marines speaks out”

Credits:

• Pre-Production: Maximillian Alvarez
• Studio Production / Post Production: Cameron Granadino

This content originally appeared on The Real News Network and was authored by Maximillian Alvarez.

On July 11, a group of men overran a polling station in Ablekuma North constituency and assaulted a candidate, forcing voting to be temporarily suspended.

Kwabena Agyekum Banahene, a reporter with GHOne TV, told CPJ that amid the turmoil, a police officer asked him to leave the area and slapped and pushed him. Banahene’s mouth was injured, according to GhanaWeb.

At the same polling station, ATV Ghana reporter Vida Wiafe was hit with pepper spray deployed by police, according to a video posted by Metro TV Ghana. CPJ could not confirm whether the journalist was deliberately targeted. 

In a third incident at the polling station, a partially masked man struck with his hand and shoved Joy News reporter Sally Martey from behind, a video posted by the outlet showed.

“The July 11 assaults on journalists Kwabena Agyekum Banahene and Sally Martey, as well as the tear-gassing of reporter Vida Wiafe, are just the latest examples of the threats regularly faced by journalists in Ghana,” said CPJ Regional Director Angela Quintal. “There has not been enough accountability for attacks on the press — it should be a top priority for authorities.”

In a July 12 statement, police promised to arrest anyone found to have engaged in acts of violence during the Ablekuma North elections. Banahene told CPJ that he reported his attack to the police and the officer involved was suspended and charged. 

In April, CPJ wrote to President John Dramani Mahama — on his 100^th day in office— to call for swift investigations into cases of attacks against the press.

CPJ’s calls and text messages seeking comment from police spokesperson Grace Ansah-Akrofi received no response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Protesting New Zealanders donned symbolic masks modelled on a Palestinian artist’s handiwork in Auckland’s Takutai Square today to condemn Israel’s starvation as war weapon against Gaza and the NZ prime minister’s weak response.

Coming a day after the tabling of Budget 2025 in Parliament, peaceful demonstrators wore hand-painted masks inspired by Gaza-based Palestinian artist Reem Arkan, who is fighting for her life alongside hundreds of thousands of the displaced Gazans.

The “bodies” represented more than 53,000 Palestinians killed by Israel’s brutal 19-month war on Gaza.

• READ MORE: Children among 29 ‘starvation-related deaths’ in Gaza; Israel pounds Strip
• Australia’s Wong condemns ‘abhorrent, outrageous’ Israeli comments over blocked aid
• Other Israeli war on Gaza reports

The protest coincided with Prime Minister Christopher Luxon addressing the Trans-Tasman Business Circle in Auckland.

The demonstrators said they chose this moment and location to “highlight the alarmingly tepid response” by the New Zealand government to what global human rights organisations — such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch — have branded as war crimes and acts of collective punishment amounting to genocide.

“This week, we heard yet another call for Israel to abide by international law. This is not leadership. It’s appeasement,” said a spokesperson, Olivia Coote.

“The time for statements has long passed. What we are witnessing in Gaza is a humanitarian catastrophe, and New Zealand must impose meaningful sanctions.

“Israel’s actions, including the deliberate targeting of civilian infrastructure, forced displacement, and obstruction of humanitarian aid, constitute grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions of which we are signatories.”

Green Party Co-Leader Chlöe Swarbrick challenged Prime Minister Luxon in Parliament over his government’s response earlier this week, saying: “We’ve had lots of words. We need action.”

Luxon claimed that sanctions were in place — but the only measure taken has been a travel ban on 12 extremist Israeli settlers from the West Bank.

“This is an action that does nothing to protect the more than two million Palestinians in Gaza who face daily bombardment, siege, and starvation,” Coote said.

The protesters are calling on the New Zealand government to act immediately by:

• Imposing sanctions on Israel; and
• Suspending all diplomatic and trade relations with Israel until there is an end to hostilities and full compliance with international humanitarian law.

“This government must not be complicit in atrocities through silence and inaction,” Coote said. “The people of Aotearoa New Zealand demand leadership as the world watches a genocide unfold in real time.”

This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

Image by Shvan Harki.

“Men never do evil so completely and cheerfully as when they do it from religious conviction.”- Blaise Pascal

Since the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime on December 8, religious messages have spread across Syria, beginning at Damascus Airport and extending to university campuses. Courtyards that once featured statues of the late Hafez al-Assad and his successor Bashar have now been transformed into spaces for collective prayers, signaling a significant shift in the country’s political and cultural landscape. This transformation marks the end of an era defined by the secular and nationalist ideals of the Baath Arab Socialist Party, which had championed Arab unity. The new focus has shifted to the Islamic nation, evident in changes such as the removal of the concept of martyrdom from school textbooks—where the martyr was previously defined as someone who dies defending the homeland—and replacing it with the belief that martyrdom is found in the path of God. These developments culminated in the Eid prayers held at the Republican Palace in Damascus on March 31, marking a historic moment as the first prayers ever to take place within the palace in Syrian history. This event sent a powerful message across Syria and the Arab world that secular parties—whether nationalist or Marxist—had come to an end, particularly after their official dissolution, signaling the start of a new Islamic era. Islamic Salafi organizations had arrived in the capital Damascus, which they call the capital of the “land of resurrection,” and established a new regime, with Islamic jurisprudence as the sole foundation for the new constitution. Key ministerial positions in the newly formed government, including those of significant power, were occupied by Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS, or the “Organization for the Liberation of the Levant”). The prayers held within the palace and its courtyard, attended by hundreds, were hailed as a historic moment and a lasting symbol of this transformative shift. This majestic scene was seen as one that “restored the state’s identity,”¹ reaffirming that the ultimate authority lies with the people, faith, and justice. Here, the “people” refers to the Sunni majority, “faith” to the victors’ interpretation of Islam, and “justice” to the exclusive right of the Sunni majority to hold power.

The sight of congregational prayers was not entirely unfamiliar; it had been preceded by mass prayers referred to as “liberation prayers.” These began in the squares of Syrian cities and later transitioned to newly established prayer halls within universities. Before this, the call to prayer had been broadcast at Damascus International Airport,² signaling to arriving travelers that everything in Syria had irrevocably changed. Those who had once frequented duty-free shops to purchase whiskey or imported wine as gifts or for holidays were now left to recall the shattered remains—the fragments of thousands of bottles of whiskey, wine, arak, vodka, gin, and tequila.³ This act marked a clear declaration that the era of “impurities”—a term used in the sermons of the victors’ mosques to describe the Alawite rulers—had come to an end. Sermons in Syrian mosques rejoiced in the return of power to its rightful owners, the Sunni majority, now supported by a jihadist ideology rooted in Najd.

To fully grasp the roots of the current religiosity in Syria, it is essential to consider its rich and multifaceted historical background. Within the vast expanse of Islam, various sects such as the Alawite, Ismaili, and Druze emerged, each contributing distinct interpretations and practices that shaped the spiritual and cultural fabric of the region. Against this backdrop, the Sufi revolution marked a profound shift, reimagining God not as a distant entity on a celestial throne but as a force deeply embedded in the fabric of existence. One of the luminaries of this movement was the great Sufi poet Al-Hallaj, whose mystical insights were later made accessible to the English-speaking world through the pioneering translation of the esteemed Islamic scholar Carl Ernst.

After spending several years imprisoned, Al-Hallaj endured a brutal execution. He was first flogged and mutilated, then crucified. Ultimately, he was killed by beheading, and his remains were cast into the Euphrates River. Al-Hallaj’s legacy ignited an intellectual revolution within Islamic mysticism, one that transcended its cultural origins. Sufism, both in its historical roots within the Islamic tradition and its modern expressions among Syria’s Sunni majority, has often been perceived as foreign by the those who stick to a strict Wahhabi interpretation of Islam. This austere doctrine, originating in Najd, Saudi Arabia, has increasingly exerted pressure on the more moderate Sunni religious practices in Syria—practices that have historically embraced tolerance for diverse Islamic interpretations.

This tension transcends simple sectarian or doctrinal divisions, reflecting a broader contest between the historically diverse expressions of Sunni religiosity, including Sufism, and the rigid orthodoxy imposed by Wahhabism. This dynamic reveals the complex interplay of theological, cultural, and political forces shaping modern Syrian religiosity. The conflicting parties consist of moderate Sunni Muslims from major cities like Aleppo, Damascus, and Homs, and Sunni Islamic hardliners from the countryside surrounding these cities, influenced by Najdi Wahhabism founded by the religious scholar Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab (1703–1792), and are influenced by the ideas of Sheikh Taqi al-Din Ahmad ibn Taymiyyah (1263–1328), a controversial jurist known as “Sheikh al-Islam,” who was infamous for his hostility toward esoteric sects and Sufism. This was clear in his fatwa against Druze and Alawites, which says, “These Druze and Nusayris are infidels by consensus of Muslims. It is not permissible to eat their slaughtered animals or marry their women.” He goes on to say, “Rather, they are to be killed wherever they are found and cursed, as they have been described. Their scholars and righteous people must be killed so that they do not lead others astray.”⁴

Armed Wahhabi Syrians have entered mosques, threatening congregants and accusing moderate Syrian clerics in cities such as Aleppo, Hama, and Damascus of innovation (bid’ah)⁵ for failing to adhere to Wahhabi teachings. In a recent YouTube speech titled “Events at Mus’ab bin Umair Mosque: Forcing Wahhabism—For Whose Benefit?”,⁶ Sheikh Abdul Qader Muhammad Hussein from Hama warned against efforts to undermine moderate and tolerant Islam by replacing it with a Wahhabi version. He highlighted the arbitrary dismissal of mosque preachers in Aleppo, where accusations of loyalty to the previous regime and deviation from the Quranic text were used to justify their removal. He also noted the distribution of free books promoting religious extremism and cautioned against attempts by armed factions to suppress the majority and alter their religious beliefs. The Sheikh emphasized that Syria’s Sunni majority did not rise against Bashar al-Assad’s regime to embrace Wahhabism. He issued a warning to Syrian president Ahmed al-Sharaa, saying, “We did not remain silent during the era of oppression to now remain silent in the era of freedom.” He delivered a resounding cry against Wahhabi extremists, declaring that interference in the Syrian people’s worship and affairs and the imposition of the Najdi Wahhabi model was utterly unacceptable. He added, “Nor will we accept anything imposed from outside. Ibn Taymiyyah is not the sole authority in Islam. Islam is far greater than Ibn Taymiyyah.”

Religiosity reached its zenith during the era of Hafez al-Assad (1971-2000). The senior Assad established Quran Memorization Institutes and forged strong alliances with Sunni clerics in Damascus, Aleppo, and other major urban centers. Additionally, his regime systematically cultivated and supported extremist networks to facilitate the transfer of fighters and jihadists into Iraq to confront the U.S. military. When the Syrian revolution erupted, Assad deliberately released Islamic extremists from prisons as a calculated move to undermine the uprising against his regime. By enabling their armament and introducing a religious dimension to the rebellion, he created an environment that allowed him to delegitimize and suppress the movement more effectively. Media narratives further reinforced this framing, emphasizing terrorism, the influx of cross-border jihadists, and funding from Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey, portraying them as part of a coordinated conspiracy against Syria. Both Hafez al-Assad and later his son Bashar were known to pray in Damascus mosques, surrounded by Sunni clerics, a scene repeated every Eid. However, prayer was prohibited in official institutions, the military, workplaces, and public squares, preventing it from becoming a public spectacle, but the prayers in the first day of Eid al-Fitr on March 31 at the Republican Palace sent a clear message that Syria had entered a new era, breaking away from Baathist and leftist culture.

Currently, the victorious armed religious organizations in Syria face no ideological competition and promote the concept of religious Sunni majority in their rhetoric. However, this notion is now being shaken by the challenges posed by the new Wahhabis to Syria’s moderate religious landscape.

There is no doubt that traditional Damascene and Aleppine Islam have begun to feel the threatening presence of a rigid Sunni Wahhabi religious force. This force is united with cross-border religious and missionary elements and jihadists from Libya, Algeria, the Gulf region, China, Russia, Western Europe and the North Caucasus, forming a formidable power among its fighters. This development appears to pose a clear threat to Sunni aristocratic families, who have historically leaned toward a lighter version of Islam, liberalism, and openness throughout Syria’s history. These families were instrumental in bringing Hafez al-Assad to power through their alliance with him.

This version of Islam as practiced by its early forebears (salaf) is driven by ideologically rigid soldiers now spreading across Syria, particularly in the coastal regions, Homs, and Misyaf where the Alawite minority resides. The Syrian Network for Human Rights documented the killing of 12 civilians, including five children and one woman, in two separate massacres on March 30 and 31, 2025. These incidents took place in the Karm al-Zaytoun neighborhood of Homs city and the village of Harf Banimra, near the city of Baniyas. The perpetrators of both attacks were members of military and security formations operating under the Ministries of Defense and Interior in the Syrian transitional government. According to the Wahhabi doctrine, the victims were branded as heretics and deviants, deemed unworthy of representing true Islam.

Inspired by the ideological legacy of Ibn Taymiyyah, the newly emerging forces exhibit an unsettling zeal, driven by his teachings.⁷ Across Syria’s coastal region, a considerable number of fighters influenced by these doctrines claim to be maintaining order and targeting Assad’s regime remnants. Meanwhile, Alawite communities endure severe hardships as the government imposes sieges, displaces families from their homes, and systematically fires individuals from their positions within state institutions. Although officially described as isolated incidents, these atrocities have instilled widespread fear, with many believing they may have received tacit approval. If not addressed, these radical elements pose a significant threat to Syria’s unity, exposing the nation to forces intent on division and destabilization. This peril raises the possibility of redrawing the Sykes-Picot map, serving the interests of those striving for regional dominance through fragmentation.

Notes

1. https://www.alquds.co.uk/لأول-مرة-في-تاريخ-سوريا-أداء-صلاة-العي/

2. https://www.facebook.com/AJA.Syria/videos/رفع-الأذان-بمطار-دمشق/1265065681422067/

3. https://www.instagram.com/asasmedialb/reel/DDFYGF2sloS/?locale=th-TH&hl=en

4. Ibn Taymiyyah, Majmoo’ al-Fatawa, Vol. 35, King Fahd Complex for the Printing of the Holy Qur’an, Saudi Arabia, 2004.

5. In Islamic theology, “innovation” (bid’ah) refers to introducing something new into religious practice that has no basis in the Quran or Sunnah.

6. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FhGNq3tXzf4

7. A video posted by the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights shows a Syrian Wahhabi militant declaring that all Alawites must be slaughtered, accusing them of crimes against the Prophet Mohammed’s nation. The recording can be accessed here: [https://www.syriahr.com/دون-استجابة-السلطات-السورية-مسلح-يظهر/755505/].

The post The Bearded and Masked Face of Power in Syria appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Osama Esber.

Over a thousand protesters gathered near Tufts University on Wednesday after masked plainclothes immigration agents snatched Rumeysa Ozturk, a Tufts Ph.D. student and Fulbright scholar, from the streets of Somerville, Massachusetts. Surveillance video shows agents approaching her on the streets near her home Tuesday evening and handcuffing her while she screamed for help. Tufts University’s president said the school had no prior notice of her arrest. Last March, Ozturk co-wrote a piece in the student newspaper criticizing the Tufts administration’s response to Palestinian solidarity protests on campus that were calling for divestment from Israel. Democracy Now!'s Hany Massoud and Ariel Boone were in Somerville at Wednesday's protest. “One of our community members was taken by armed agents of the state who kidnapped her from right outside her home,” said Lea Kayali, an activist with the Palestinian Youth Movement. “People are here to stand up for the movement that she was punished for supporting.”

This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

Badar Khan Suri is one of the many pro-Palestine scholars being targeted by the Trump administration. Suri, originally from India, is a Georgetown University professor and postdoctoral scholar on religion and peace processes in the Middle East and South Asia. Last Monday evening, Suri was ambushed by masked federal agents with the Homeland Security Department as he and his family returned to their home in Rosslyn, Virginia, after attending an iftar gathering for Ramadan. Suri was taken into custody without being charged with or accused of any crime. He was told the federal government had revoked his visa. Over the next 72 hours, Suri was transferred to multiple immigration detention centers, and he is currently jailed at an Immigration and Customs Enforcement facility in Louisiana, separated from his wife, a U.S. citizen of Palestinian descent, and his three children. Unlike Mahmoud Khalil, the Columbia University graduate facing deportation, Suri “is not a political activist,” says Nader Hashemi, a professor of Middle East and Islamic politics at Georgetown University. “He was just a very serious young academic focusing on his teaching and his research.”

This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

“The masked attack on TV Pirveli reporter Maka Chikhladze and camera operator Giorgi Shetsiruli is deeply concerning amid ongoing violence by law enforcement officers directed at journalists covering mass pro-EU protests,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator. “Georgian authorities should swiftly apprehend those responsible to uphold journalist safety.”

Chikhladze and Shetsiruli were filming a group of around 20-30 masked individuals beating protesters on a side street in the capital, Tbilisi, when the attackers shouted at Chikhladze, “You bitch, what are you filming?” the journalist told CPJ. One of the individuals then grabbed Chikhladze by the neck and threw her to the ground, according to footage of the incident.

Chikhladze was kicked repeatedly as Shetsiruli was also knocked to the ground, repeatedly kicked, and had his head stomped, seen in video footage. Chikhladze and Shetsiruli sustained concussions, cuts, and severe bruising and remain hospitalized as of Monday, the journalists told CPJ.

Georgia’s Special Investigation Service, which investigates crimes against journalists, opened an investigation into the incident. However, Chikhladze told CPJ that she doubts the case will be resolved, adding that police failed to intervene during the attack, and she believes they were complicit.

The attack on the TV Pirveli crew followed a similar incident on December 6 in which masked men struck Mindia Gabadze, a reporter with the independent outlet Publika.

Independent civil society groups including Georgia’s Media Advocacy Coalition and the Georgian Young Lawyers’ Association alleged that such masked groups operated with the consent or support of the authorities. Georgia’s prime minister condemned the attack on the TV Pirveli journalists and suggested it was a “provocation” that “only serve[s] to support radicals.”

CPJ emailed the Ministry of Internal Affairs and messaged the Special Investigation Service on its Facebook page for comment, but did not receive any replies.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

“Serbian authorities must bring all those responsible for the attack on a journalist and camera operators for N1 TV and Euronews to justice,” said Attila Mong, CPJ’s Europe representative. “Journalists must be able to report on demonstrations without fear of intimidation or violence. Authorities need to send a clear message that such attacks will not be tolerated.”

The demonstration on November 5 was seeking accountability for the infrastructure collapse at a Novi Sad railway station that killed 14 people on November 1. According to news reports, a group of masked individuals threw stones, sticks, and flares at the City Hall building during the event.

The individuals shouted insults at N1 TV reporter Žaklina Tatalović and her cameraperson, Nikola Popović, and another protester struck Popović’s hand, causing him to drop and damage his camera. Later a man hit and knocked Euronews camera operator Mirko Todorović to the ground. No injuries were reported.

SafeJournalists, a regional press freedom group, said that the incidents were reported to the authorities, but that police at the scene did not respond and instead “observe[d] the events silently”.

CPJ emailed questions to the press department of the Serbian Ministry of the Interior, which oversees the police, but did not receive a response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

Thongkham Philavanh, in his 40s, was a Khmu, an ethnic group in Southeast Asia, the majority of whom live in northern Laos. As a religious leader, he often participated in Christian church activities in Oudomxay province.

The pair fired twice at Thongkham at his home in Vanghay village in the province’s Xai district, according to a statement his wife gave to police. She took him to the provincial hospital, but he died upon arrival. 

Police said they are investigating the incident and could not provide further details.

Assaults and legal action against Christians in the one-party communist state with a mostly Buddhist population are not uncommon, despite a national law protecting the free exercise of their faith. Those who practice Christianity are objects of suspicion by authorities and subject to persecution.

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Christian communities in Oudomxay province and other parts of Laos told Radio Free Asia on Thursday they were mourning Thongkham’s loss. 

“Last night, our community was shattered by the tragic loss of our beloved pastor, who was senselessly taken from us in an act of violence,” some of them wrote in English on Facebook. “His profound wisdom, unwavering faith, and boundless compassion touched the lives of so many.”

A relative of the pastor, who didn’t want to be identified for safety reasons, said the two men wore face masks and rode motorcycles, though she didn’t know where they came from.

“I am not sure why they killed him, but I believe that it must be because he serves Jesus Christ,” she said. “One thing that I am sure of is that there are some groups of people who dislike what Thongkham does as Christian pastor.”

Thongkham’s funeral will be held on July 27 at the village cemetery, his family said.

One Christian believer told RFA that it appears as though Thongkham was killed because he was a Christian pastor and religious leader, and that some people may not have liked that.

Another believer who knew Thongkham some years ago said he was unhappy to learn about the pastor’s passing via social media.

Other Christian communities in Laos expressed concern about the safety of their pastors and members, fearing they too may be killed. 

A member of the Lao Evangelical Church said anti-Christian groups in the country seek opportunities to harm Christians.

In October 2022, Christian pastor Sy Sengmany was found dead near a forest in Khammouane province after two men visited his house earlier in the day, and village authorities warned him to stop his religious activities. The case remains unsolved.

Translated by Phouvong for RFA Lao. Edited by Roseanne Gerin and Matt Reed.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Lao.

Ohio’s top lawyer has warned the state’s public universities that a law written to deter Ku Klux Klan demonstrations could be used to impose felony charges on students who wear face coverings while protesting against Israel’s war on Gaza, reports Al Jazeera.

In a letter sent out this week, after weeks of pro-Palestinian campus protests around the United States, Republican Attorney-General Dave Yost advised the presidents of Ohio’s 34 public universities to forewarn students about the 1953 law.

“In our society, there are few more significant career-wreckers than a felony charge,” the letter said.

• READ MORE: Israel’s war on Gaza live: In Rafah ‘extreme fear and endless anxiety’
• ‘Repair colonial violence’ and support Gaza ceasefire, say Otago academics
• Other War on Gaza student reports

“I write to you today to inform your student bodies of an Ohio law that, in the context of some behavior during the recent pro-Palestinian protests, could have that effect.”

Violating this “anti-disguise” law is punishable by a fourth-degree felony charge, up to US$5000 in fines and five years on community control, Yost wrote.

College campuses around the world have exploded in recent weeks in protests — with the latest at the University of Amsterdam facing a crackdown down by Dutch police — as pro-Palestinian students and faculty members demonstrate against Israel’s war on Gaza, in which almost 35,000 people have been killed.

Protests in NZ
In New Zealand, there have been rallies at two of the largest universities in the country, Auckland and Otago, and open letters of protest by academics against government inaction against Israel, while there have been large weekly pro-Palestine demonstrations at more than 20 centres across the country for seven months.

The global student protests are resonating with Palestinians who have endured the destruction of all 12 universities in Gaza.

Palestinian university presidents signed an open letter saying the protests serve as a “beacon of hope”.

Al Jazeera’s The Take podcast series speaks to student protesters as well as advocates in Palestine to examine the issue. Listen to the episode here.

“We stand here in solidarity with our fellow students in Gaza who do not have the same chance as us.”

University encampments and protests have now spread far beyond the United States.

We hear from a few of them on #AJTheTake pic.twitter.com/1PaYCaa62E

— Al Jazeera English Podcasts (@AJEPodcasts) May 8, 2024

This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

The men entered St. Patrick Catholic Church in Kachin state’s Mohnyin township, interrupting a sermon and shooting the parish priest three times in front of his congregation, residents said. 

Paul Hkwi Shane Aung was hit in his jaw, hand and thigh, according to one man in the congregation, adding that he survived the attack, but is seriously injured. 

"He was shot while preaching after reading the Bible,” he said, declining to be identified for fear of reprisals. 

“They wore black caps and masks. They fired once while entering through the church door, and then again when they reached the center of the church. Then they approached him and fired a third time.”

The unidentified gunmen escaped after the shooting, said the local. The priest was taken to Kachin state’s capital city Myitkyina for emergency treatment. 

Since Myanmar’s military coup in 2021, Christian clergymen in the predominantly Buddhist country have been a frequent target of anonymous gunmen and junta troops. On March 18, Nammye Hkun Jaw Li, a religious leader in Kachin state’s Mogaung township was assassinated by unknown attackers. The community leader had been active in anti-military protests.

In December 2022 the junta arrested prominent Christian leader Hkalam Samson for his close ties to the Kachin Independence Army. He was sentenced to six years in prison on April 7, 2023.

Translated by RFA Burmese. Edited by Kiana Duncan and Mike Firn. 

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Burmese.

The attack is the latest by helmet-wearing, baton-wielding motorbike drivers on dozens of outspoken activists in Cambodia. Most of the incidents have targeted members of the opposition, who say they are politically motivated, and none of the attackers have been brought to justice.

Ny Nak, who was recently released from an 18-month jail term for criticizing Cambodia’s COVID-19 restrictions, was traveling with his wife Sok Sreynet when a motorbike crashed into them and its occupants began beating him with metal batons, Sok Sreynet told RFA Khmer.

The unidentified men beat Ny Nak unconscious and he was taken for treatment to a local clinic, where he remains in critical condition. 

Photos obtained by RFA show the activist in bed with gauze wrapped around his head and balled up inside his ears, his hands bandaged, and his lips severely swollen.

Sok Sreynet said that while police came to the scene of the attack to file a report and collect security camera footage, she doesn’t expect their investigation to yield any results, noting that none of the assailants involved in similar beatings have ever been arrested.

"Lately, my husband has been speaking out about social issues, so there might be people who don't like him [because of that],” she said. “He hasn't had any arguments with anyone who might be looking to take revenge against him.”

Sok Sreynet questioned why someone would beat another person to within inches of their life just because they spoke out about an injustice.

“I pity him that in this society, when you are the victim, no one will help you," she said.

In a Facebook post that included photos of Ny Nak in the clinic, Sok Sreynet urged authorities to arrest the suspects in his case and “bring justice to my husband.”

Outspoken activist

Tuesday was not the first time Ny Nak had run afoul of authorities for speaking out against the government.

The agricultural expert was convicted to 18 months in prison and fined 2 million riels (US$485) in late 2019 after he criticized Cambodia’s COVID-19 policy as being too restrictive. He later apologized to then-Prime Minister Hun Sen and later posted photos of himself with the head of the ruling Cambodian People’s Party, or CPP.

Since his release earlier this year, Ny Nak has been posting comments critical of the government on Facebook under the pseudonym IMAN-KH.

Hours before being attacked on Tuesday, Ny Nak had taken to the social media platform to slam Minister of Agriculture Dith Tina over his handling of a report on rice prices.

"You are the minister, you have more than 60 advisors, you use drones to spy on people, but you can't find an aide to write a [proper] report,” he wrote at the time.

His post came a day after Ny Nak said he had been approached by two members of the CPP who asked him to join the party. He said he had refused the invitation, saying he is “neither a member of the ruling party or the opposition.”

Dozens of cases still open

Am Sam Ath, the head of local rights group Licadho, said authorities should conduct a full investigation of the incident and prosecute the suspects, as well as those in the country’s other outstanding political assault cases. He warned that if Prime Minister Hun Manet can't resolve the cases, people will accuse his government of being politically motivated.

"So far, there are many opposition party activists who have been attacked, but no suspects have been apprehended,” he said. “To avoid criticism of restrictions on freedom of speech or accusations of [being behind] politically motivated assaults, authorities must investigate the case." 

At least 50 political and social activists have been victimized in similar attacks in Cambodia in recent years. Last month, two opposition party activists who sought political asylum in Thailand were also attacked.

Attempts by RFA to contact authorities for comment on Tuesday’s assault went unanswered, but Minister of Interior spokesman Khieu Sopheak has previously said that police “are working” on prior cases.

Translated by Samean Yun. Edited by Joshua Lipes and Malcolm Foster.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Khmer.

On Saturday, August 19, a masked man armed with brass knuckles hit Dervišević, the owner of the independent news website Times.ba, on the back of his head and on his face while he was outside his family’s home in the eastern city of Brčko, according to media reports and the journalist, who spoke to CPJ.

Dervišević told CPJ that he and several witnesses made statements to the police, and he filed a criminal complaint. The journalist said he also requested 24-hour police protection for himself and his family until the alleged assailant was found, which the police granted on Wednesday.

Dervišević told CPJ that he thought the attack was retaliation for his reporting on efforts to oust the local mayor and alleged links between local politicians and criminal gangs.

“Authorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina must take the vicious assault of journalist Mirza Dervišević very seriously and conduct a swift and credible investigation to determine whether it was linked to his recent reporting,” said Attila Mong, CPJ’s Europe representative. “Local journalists who report on matters of public interest and expose alleged wrongdoing in their communities are often vulnerable to such attacks. Authorities must send a clear signal that violence against the media will not go unpunished and that they are committed to ensuring journalists’ safety.”

The journalist posted graphic photos on social media of the injuries he sustained, including a split eyebrow and cuts to his face, knees, and the back of his head. He said he received treatment in a local hospital. 

Zekerija Mujkanović, chief prosecutor in Brčko, told CPJ via email that a criminal investigation was underway, and the police in Brčko had taken “concrete and effective measures to ensure the safety” of the journalist. 

CPJ emailed the police in Brčko for comment but did not receive any replies.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

Police in Siem Reap – home to the famous Angkor temples – were working to re-arrest Chen Hsin Han and find the others involved in the operation. 

The group apparently abandoned the Lexus, which was found several hours later with guns, masks, clothes and other materials left inside, Prison Department spokesman Nuth Savna said.

“The reason the suspects could free the prisoner was because they pointed guns at the guards,” he said. “If we fought they would shoot us.”

The gunmen tied up the four prison guards who had accompanied Chen to the clinic, according to the Khmer Times.

Chen, 45, was arrested in 2009 and later sentenced to 52 years for drug trafficking. He was being held at Siem Reap Prison near the provincial capital.

Chinese criminal groups run much of Cambodia’s human and drug trafficking, according to the Global Organized Crime Index report released in 2021.

“Many Chinese organized crime groups use Phnom Penh as a safe haven and invest heavily in legitimate businesses in the country,” the report said. “These international groups are usually connected with and protected by the ruling elite in Cambodia.”

Soeng Sen Karuna, spokesman for the Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association NGO, asked why the prisoner was allowed to get treatment outside the prison. 

“The prison knew the prisoner was convicted to more than 50 years in jail. They should have been more careful,” he said. “There should be an investigation to find out whether there was collusion or not over the case.” 

Prison officials will try to determine if there are any additional suspects, Nuth Savna said.

RFA couldn’t reach Siem Reap police chief Teng Channath for comment on Thursday. 

Translated by Yun Samean. Edited by Matt Reed.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Khmer.

Hassane, also known as Soufiane Hassane, said he suspected the men targeted him because his media outlet had supported President Mohamed Bazoum, who was ousted in a coup on July 26. Bazoum’s 2021 election marked Niger’s first peaceful, democratic transition since independence from France in 1960. 

Hassane told CPJ that the masked men stopped him while he was walking near his home, identified him by name, gave his exact address, and threatened to raid his house “very soon” and kidnap him, adding that he “won’t know what happens next.” 

Hassane said he suspected that the men were wandering around the neighborhood after military authorities banned a demonstration in support of the coup.

Hassane told CPJ on August 7 that he had gone into hiding and suspended his outlet’s print operations over safety fears, but he was still covering current events on the magazine’s Facebook page.

On July 28, the Press House issued a press release raising concerns “about attempts to undermine press freedom and the safety of journalists,” but did not identify any journalists by name.

Hache Bonzougou, a spokesperson for the new military regime, told CPJ via messaging app that the context in which the media was operating was “normal” and that there was “in principle” no pressure on their freedom to report.

CPJ condemned Niger’s suspension on August 3 of broadcasts by Radio France Internationale and France 24, following anti-French protests and an attack on the French Embassy in Niamey by supporters of the junta.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

Around 8.30 p.m. on October 25, two assailants wearing masks that fully covered their faces approached freelance journalist Bozinovski, author of political blog Burevesnik, from behind as he entered the staircase of his apartment building in Bitola, a town in southwestern North Macedonia, beat him several times on the head and left side of his body, and pushed him to the ground. They continued to beat him in the face using their fists and brass knuckles until neighbors, alerted by the noise, confronted the attackers, who fled the scene, the journalist and news reports said. According to these reports and a photo Bozinovski published on Facebook, he was treated in the hospital for head injuries in the area of his left temple, a hematoma in his left eye, and a broken nasal bone, before he was released.

According to Balkan Insight and CPJ’s review of Bozinovski’s blog, the blog focuses on high-level corruption and political scandals, and he also posts his reporting on Facebook, where he has about 37,000 followers.

“Authorities in North Macedonia must take the attack on freelance journalist Zoran Bozinovski very seriously, conduct a swift and thorough investigation to determine whether it is connected to his reporting, bring the perpetrators to justice, and ensure his safety,” said Attila Mong, CPJ’s Europe representative. “Freelance journalists covering high-level corruption work in the public interest and are often vulnerable, and authorities must send a clear signal that acts of violence against them will not go unpunished.”

In emails, Bozinovski told CPJ that while he cannot pinpoint any recent article that might have led tothe attack, and he has not received any threats recently, he is certain that the attack is in retaliation for his reporting on corruption in North Macedonia. He also said he suffered physical attacks in 2000 and 2002, but did not provide further details.

Bozinovski said that the police started an investigation into the recent attack, but he has heard no updates on his case.

In an email response to CPJ’s questions, North Macedonia’s Ministry of Internal Affairs said that the minister, Oliver Spasovski, condemned the attack, saying that there is no tolerance for physical attacks against journalists. He added that police authorities consider investigating the attack a priority.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.