robinson, – Radio Free https://www.radiofree.org Independent Media for People, Not Profits. Wed, 09 Jul 2025 18:37:12 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://www.radiofree.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/cropped-Radio-Free-Social-Icon-2-32x32.png robinson, – Radio Free https://www.radiofree.org 32 32 141331581 Israel uses Iran war to escalate assaults on press https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/09/israel-uses-iran-war-to-escalate-assaults-on-press/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/09/israel-uses-iran-war-to-escalate-assaults-on-press/#respond Wed, 09 Jul 2025 18:37:12 +0000 https://cpj.org/?p=496009 Nazareth, Israel, July 9, 2025—Israel’s 12-day war with Iran provided Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government with an opportunity to step up its assault on the press — a trend that has since continued apace.

“Media freedom is often a casualty of war, and Israel’s recent war with Iran is no exception. We have seen Israeli authorities use security fears to increase censorship, while extremist right-wing politicians have demonized the media, legitimizing attacks on journalists,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “Despite hopes that we will see a ceasefire in Gaza this week, Israel’s government appears relentless in its determination to silence those who report critically on its military actions.”

After Haaretz newspaper published an interview with Israeli soldiers who said they were ordered to shoot at unarmed Gazans waiting for food aid, a mayor in southern Israel threatened to shut shops selling the popular liberal paper. This follows the government’s decision last year to stop advertising with Haaretz, accusing it of “incitement.”

Authorities are also pushing ahead with a bill to dismantle the public broadcaster, Kan, and shutter its news division, the country’s third-largest news channel. Meanwhile, government support has seen the right-wing Channel 14 grow in popularity.

Aluf Benn, editor-in-chief of Haaretz. (Photo: Courtesy of Benn)
Aluf Benn, editor-in-chief of Haaretz. (Photo: Courtesy of Benn)

The hostile climate fueled by Israel’s right-wing government has emboldened settler violence against journalists. On July 5, two Deutsche Welle (DW) reporters wearing press vests were attacked by Israeli settlers in Sinjil, West Bank — an incident condemned by Germany’s ambassador and the German Journalists’ Association, which called it “unacceptable that radical settlers are hunting down media professionals with impunity.” Reporters from AFP, The New York Times, and The Washington Post were also present. Palestinian journalists had to flee.

“War is a dangerous time for civil rights – rights that Netanyahu’s government is actively undermining as it moves toward dismantling democracy,” Haaretz Editor-in-Chief Aluf Benn told CPJ.

‘Broadcasts that serve the enemy’

During the Israel-Iran war of June 13 to 24, anti-press government actions included:

  • A June 18 military order requiring army approval before broadcasting the aftermath of Iranian attacks on Israeli military sites. Haaretz reported that this order was illegal as it was not made public in the official government gazette or authorized by a parliamentary committee.
  • On June 19, security minister Itamar Ben-Gvir called on Israelis who see people watching “Al Jazeera broadcasts or reporters” to report their sightings to authorities. Israel shut down the Qatari-based outlet in May 2024, and six of its journalists have been killed while reporting on Israel’s war in Gaza. Many Arabs in Israel still watch Al Jazeera broadcasts, and former Israeli officials have appeared on the network since the shutdown. 

“These are broadcasts that serve the enemy,” Ben-Gvir said. 

  • On June 20, Ben-Gvir and communications minister Shlomo Karhi issued a directive that broadcasting from impact sites without written permission would be a criminal offense.

When Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara demanded that the ministers explain the legal basis for their announcement, the ministers said she was “trying to thwart” their efforts to ensure that foreign media “don’t help the enemy target us.”

  • On June 23, Haaretz reported that the police’s legal adviser issued an order giving officers sweeping powers to censor journalists reporting from the impact sites.

“This directive, which primarily targets foreign media and joins a wave of police and ministerial efforts to obstruct news coverage, is unlawful and infringes on basic rights,” Tal Hassin, an attorney with Israel’s biggest human rights group, the Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI), told CPJ.

ACRI petitioned the Attorney General, arguing that the police adviser did not have the legal authority to issue such an order. It has not received a response.

Journalists censored, detained, and abused

CPJ subsequently documented at least four incidents involving journalists who were abused and blocked from reporting.

  • On June 20, police stopped a live broadcast from Tel Aviv by Turkish state-owned broadcaster TRT’s correspondent Mücahit Aydemir, although he told the officers he had the required permits, including authorization from the military censor. For several days afterwards, Aydemir received “unsettling phone calls” from unknown Hebrew-speakers, he told CPJ.
Civilian volunteer squad leader and rapper Yoav Eliasi (foreground, left), known as “The Shadow,” and other squad members select photographers at the scene of an Iranian missile attack in Tel Aviv on June 22, 2025. (Photo: Oren Ziv)
  • On June 21, privately owned Channel 13’s journalist Ali Mughrabi and a camera operator, who declined to be named, citing fear of reprisals, were expelled from a drone crash site in Beit She’an, northern Israel, despite showing their press accreditation. During a live broadcast, Deputy Mayor Oshrat Barel questioned their credentials, shoved the cameraperson, and ordered them to leave. She later apologized.

“What we’re experiencing isn’t just about the media — it’s about citizenship,” Mughrab, an Israeli citizen of Palestinian origin, told CPJ.

  • On June 22, a civilian police volunteer squad, led by far-right activist and rapper Yoav Eliasi, known as “The Shadow,” detained three Jerusalem-based, Arab Israeli journalists and one international journalist, after separating them from their non-Arab colleagues outside a building in Tel Aviv that had been damaged by an Iranian strike.

Mustafa Kharouf and Amir Abed Rabbo from the Turkish state-owned Anadolu Agency, Ahmad Gharabli, with Agence France-Presse news agency, and another journalist who declined to be named, citing fear of reprisal, were held for three hours.  

Kharouf told CPJ, the unit asked them who was “Israeli” and allowed the non-Arab journalists to leave. 

“One officer accused us of working for Al Jazeera, even though we showed official press credentials,” said Kharouf.

“When I showed my ID, they told me I wasn’t allowed to film because I’m not Israeli – even though they treat us like Israelis when it comes to taxes,” Gharabli told CPJ.

Armed volunteer squads have rapidly grown from four before the October 2023 Hamas attack to around 900 new units, an expansion that “had negative effects on Arab-Jewish relations,” Dr. Ark Rudnitzky of Tel Aviv University told CPJ in an email. Squad members “tend to suspect an Arab solely because they are Arab,” he said.

“It was clear they targeted the journalists because they were Arab,” said Israeli journalist and witness Oren Ziv, who wrote about the incident.

The Central District Police told CPJ via email that the journalists were “evacuated from the building for security reasons related to their safety and were directed to alternative reporting locations.”

  • On June 24,  Channel 13 correspondent Paz Robinson and a camera operator who declined to be named were reporting on a missile strike in southern Israel’s Be’er Sheva when a woman shouted that he was a “Nazi” and “Al Jazeera” and blocked him from filming, screaming, “You came to celebrate over dead bodies.”

“After I saw the woman wasn’t backing down, I decided to leave. I’m not here to fight with my own people. I’m not a politician. I came to cover events,” Robinson told CPJ.

Earlier in the war with Iran, CPJ documented eight incidents in which 14 journalists faced harassment, obstruction, equipment confiscation, incitement, or forced removal by the police.

The Israel Police Spokesperson’s Unit told CPJ via email that police “made significant efforts to facilitate safe, meaningful access for journalists” during the war with Iran.  “While isolated misunderstandings may occur…case was addressed promptly and professionally.”

CPJ’s emails to the Attorney General, Israel Defense Forces’ North America Media Desk, Ben-Gvir, and Shlomo requesting comment did not receive any replies. 

Kholod Massalha is a CPJ consultant on Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory and a researcher with years of experience in press freedom and freedom of expression issues.


This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Mohamed Mandour.

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Pentagon Restores Purged Jackie Robinson Article After Outcry https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/26/pentagon-restores-purged-jackie-robinson-article-after-outcry/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/03/26/pentagon-restores-purged-jackie-robinson-article-after-outcry/#respond Wed, 26 Mar 2025 16:40:08 +0000 https://progressive.org/latest/pentagon-restores-purged-jackie-robinson-article-after-outcry-kaufman-20250326/
This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Dave Kaufman.

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Elon embraces UK chaos agent Tommy Robinson https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/10/elon-embraces-uk-chaos-agent-tommy-robinson/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/01/10/elon-embraces-uk-chaos-agent-tommy-robinson/#respond Fri, 10 Jan 2025 17:07:49 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=d707ceb67b93d52cf407e96b0c79ed80
This content originally appeared on The Grayzone and was authored by The Grayzone.

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Comic book writer and editor Chris Robinson on finding the ideas that stick with you https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/03/comic-book-writer-and-editor-chris-robinson-on-finding-the-ideas-that-stick-with-you/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/03/comic-book-writer-and-editor-chris-robinson-on-finding-the-ideas-that-stick-with-you/#respond Thu, 03 Oct 2024 07:00:00 +0000 https://thecreativeindependent.com/people/comic-book-writer-and-editor-chris-robinson-on-finding-the-ideas-that-stick-with-you Congrats on the Eisner win for All-Negro Comics 75th Anniversary Edition. How does it feel to have a project like this recognized in that way?

It is still very indescribable. I’m still processing it. As much as I appreciate everyone sort of directing the thanks and congratulations to me, I also always want to take this opportunity to try to redirect that to all the folks that worked on the book with me, Tony Washington, who did the coloring, and obviously the original creators. I always, always, always want to kick back to them. It was the whole reason we did the thing. It is an honor and I’m still working through it basically.

It’s an interesting feeling to win something and in a way be the face because in a lot of ways you’re the face of the project and the face of the effort to bring it back, but not necessarily the creator. There are other people who are involved in that. It’s an interesting balance to strike of making sure that you’re passing on the right amount of recognition, but also not resting your laurels, being confident in your win, but not resting your laurels on it.

To that end, how has winning an award of this scale impacted you personally? You’ve been in comics for a while now. Did you walk away from this with more wind in your sails, with a confidence boost? Are you like, “Great, I won an Eisner,” and now you’re like, “And here’s all the other shit that I need to do,” and just sort of going back and focusing on the work? Where is your head at?

Confidence is a funny thing. I’ve never actually ever had the problem of needing more of it or needing to work myself up like, “Can I do this?” I’ve never really had Imposter syndrome.

You’re lucky. I don’t think that’s a common experience for people in comics.

Absolutely, it’s a thing that a lot of creators discuss and I’m glad for that, but I personally have never identified with that issue. Still, I haven’t seen any big impact or offers. Nothing has come out of the woodwork to surprise me as a direct result of that win just yet. We’re getting low on the stock of the first printing. Then, it’s sort of a question mark as to what happens beyond that. Obviously, I don’t want it to fall out of print. That’s another reason we did it, for it to be in print and available places, but it is in print and available places. I’ll have to figure out what the next steps are to keep it in print “in perpetuity” as they say.

I get that. It’s not really the climax. You did the campaign, and it was successful. You’ve had a good release. You’ve won an award, but the book is still out there still being circulated. It’s not the end, but there is sort of this undetermined future for it. Let’s talk a little bit more just about the process of the book for those people who didn’t follow along the journey of the campaign. What was the process of bringing this historical book back to life? What was the remastering process like? I know that was a big part of the campaign.

This was tough because I’d never been into “old” comics. You know what I mean? Golden Age comics are sort of new territory for me in general. There was a long period of educating myself as to what people expect in this category, reading a lot of Dark Horse Creepy Archives and that type of stuff, and looking at un-remastered old comics, looking at the Marvel and DC Golden Age reprints, seeing how everyone in this space, in this market, tackles this kind of project. It was a lot of reading!

I did also try to—and it’s tough because it’s very out of print and very hard to find—but I tried to find as many different scans of ANC #1 as I could to sort of determine what was a defect that is just in the copy that I’m looking at versus other copies—did they all have a certain scratch in a panel? If that’s in every copy, I want to keep it. That type of thing.

Right.

That’s a very, very small sample size, but that was part of the process. That was my part, but then the real work of it all doesn’t begin until we kick it over to Tony Washington. He went in and did a lot. He sent me one of the Photoshop files where it’s very layered, a lot of separations. He redid the blacks, probably the most important addition for true readability since all the text is in black. We recentered every page so it was a standardized thing. That way there was sort of uniformity throughout for the reading experience in the book, which I think that’s a necessary thing. I’m trying to think of what else detail-wise we kept, but it was a lot. Tony deserves all the credit for getting it to where it needed to be.

Under every page is sort of a yellowed paper texture because we never wanted it to feel like something that was printed yesterday. We’re not trying to hide the fact that this is from 1947. With the title All-Negro Comics, I think you can’t run away from the fact that this is old. But the paper texture trick was something I learned from working on Ed Piskor’s X-Men: Grand Design books. When you look at some of the Marvel and DC reprints, they would print them on clean white paper and working with Ed was the first time I understood how anachronistic that is.

I was going to say it’s so interesting hearing about the minutia of what do we do to not in a way modernize this, but, like you said, restructure it or re-stabilize it for readability and then still keep the historical integrity of it? That’s such an interesting balance to strike because I’m sure you have to really be particular about the calls that you make. It’s cool to hear about that. I don’t have as much insight into that process.

Me neither! This is a learned process that I don’t know that I’m going to do again. It’s very unique and it’s kind of a one-off. I will say one thing. Me and Tony talked about the process at length in one of our project updates. So, our backers were aware of what was going into it while it was being worked on, which was very cool, and I think a lot of them appreciated that information.

Side by side comparison of a typical page of All-Negro Comics #1 versus the corresponding remastered page in ANC75.

It’s cool to hear that people were so receptive to it. You touched on it a little bit. Now I’m like, “Oh, I wonder what kind of answer will come out,” but are there any other hidden pieces of comics history or comics culture that you feel deserve a similar remastered treatment? I’m thinking of, I don’t know how familiar with Bubbles you are, the magazine.

No, what’s that?

Bubbles is a magazine out of Richmond, Virginia. They’re a real just comics culture magazine, but the reason I bring them up is they’ve recently been doing releases of pre-World War II manga. It’s kids sports manga, specifically Bat Kid and Igaguri, both of which I really love.

I don’t think it’s at the same scale as All-Negro Comics, but it’s great to see that stuff come out in a more modern format that you wouldn’t really get through a VIZ or a TOKYOPOP or a Vertical Comics. I’m wondering if you have anything else that you personally are interested in, maybe not slated for another project, but you’re like, “Oh, man, I’ve always loved this aspect of comics culture, and I’d love to see somebody bring it to the modern age.”

I’m not a historian. I don’t look at old comics that frequently. It’s really by chance that I even stumbled upon All-Negro Comics #1 in the first place. But looking at that era, I think that it would be super cool to see Voodah, which is this Matt Baker comic, a jungle guy type of superhero comic. There’s not that much of it as far as I know. A very funny thing is that the character was colored with a Caucasian skin tone on the front covers and then he was Black in the interiors, which I think is hilarious. I think maybe that would be one thing I would fix if I oversaw a reprint. I would say he should probably just be Black the whole time.

I think Voodah would be super cool. I don’t know. With comics, there’s just so much out there that I don’t know about. You know what I mean? This Bubbles thing, I just Googled it very quickly. That’s super cool. I am glad that there are folks out there digging stuff up and resurfacing it. That’s how ANC75 happened. I saw the original. I was like, “Man, this should be resurfaced.” Then 10 years went by, and nobody did it, so I did it myself.

I think that’s my favorite attitude of creative professionals. I mean I think it got a little ruined by the Thanos meme that goes around, but it’s like I’m just going to do it myself. I’ve had similar projects like that where you’re like, “Oh, this thing doesn’t exist. Guess I have a new project or a new creative job that I’m going to do.”

It’s great to be able to see more of that stuff come out and have it been well received because it just gives you fire to do more or it’s the proving ground that I can do this. It gives you license to be very particular about the things that you want to do because when it feels special and genuine then it actually, I think continues to just prove to be a successful thing rather than it being a cash grab for the sake of just doing it.

100%, my big struggle is “Am I excited enough about this to spend the time and effort to do it to my standards?” You know what I mean? That’s a short list. I’ll have ideas all the time where I’m like, “Oh, that’s cool,” and I’ll write it on my board. Then, two weeks later I’m like, “Never mind.” Are we excited enough about it to do it? That’s a big question to me.

One thing I loved about the campaign was the focus on giving back to the community. Your rewards gave backers the ability to not only get a book up, but to send a copy to a local school, prison, or detention center. What kind of response have you gotten from those communities who’ve received copies?

This was a much more popular reward than I thought it was going to be. It ended up being 500 copies and then when I started looking into sending the book beyond the handful of places that I already had connections to it was like, “Oh, wow, this is much more complex than I gave it credit for.” There are a lot of rules about donating books like this. Actually, I had to start getting help from librarians pointing me to the way of like, “Check this place out. Here’s this organization,” that type of thing.

I think the one I’m most proud of is the Philadelphia Free Public Library System. I was able to send them all copies. Every branch in Philadelphia has a copy, which is great because ANC comes from Philadelphia.

That is probably the one that I’m most happy about, but it was a great idea. I’ve seen other campaigns since grab the idea. Hey, if your book fits the bill, do it. Get it out there and get it into these places.

Kelly Richards, President/Director of the Free Library of Philadelphia holding a donated copy of ANC75.

I agree. I hope the people who read this interview, that is one of the big takeaways coming out of this. I do think there’s a lot of opportunity. It’s not really education so much as it is just like awareness, continued cultural awareness, just continued exposure, not for the sake of money and sales. I always think about when I come from a retail perspective or I am just thinking about where books end up the unknown, unknown customer.

Who is the kid or the adult who’s going to find this who knows nothing about it who’s really excited about it? They’re the people that I’m always thinking about. It’s just like, “I got to get this out there for them. I don’t know who they are or what they need, but this is going to change somebody’s life and it’s important that it’s there.” Getting it into schools and libraries, man, the Philadelphia Free Public Library System, that’s huge. What a great get.

The last question I had for you, Chris, is you have quite the storied career with one of the big highlights being you created the first Marvel’s Voices anthology comic series. That’s still running today as far as I can see. What is it about anthologies that you think works so well across comics?

I mean comics start with anthologies to some degree. Even today, although they never really went away, people like to say they don’t sell. I think on Kickstarter specifically, it’s a great way to share the journey.

Every individual comic is a group effort, but then anthologies are just a multiplier of that. In terms of breaking in, if you’re getting started–my first comic that I produced myself with Kickstarter was Fearless Future, which was a sci-fi/horror “Black Mirror” short stories type of thing—That’s a great place to start.

Also if you’re not cutting your teeth and you’ve been in the industry for a long time, it’s a nice way to get a little taste of something different—experiment. Do a little story that you’re not committing an endless amount of time to because comics are, as we all know, very time consuming to make. It’s kind of like, “Hey, we’re just going to do eight pages. That’s it.”

I think that’s what makes anthologies the best. We’re all making a comic together and you have your chocolate. You have your peanut butter. You have your rainbow whatever, so many different flavors. I personally love anthologies. Anytime I see an anthology out there, I am predisposed to give it a shot.

Anthologies, man, I can’t say enough good things about them. Back in my Marvel comics days, I would always look at the other short stories collections and just see who’s interesting—who’s got something to say?

Anthologies, they’re super fun and don’t take them too seriously, but also, they could lead you to bigger and better things very quickly.

Chris Robinson Recommends:

Here are some books that I have (repeatedly!) revisited in the past to be re-inspired by the power of comics! Worth reading in any format but I highly encourage seeking out the deluxe editions for the supplemental making-of materials.

The Rocketeer: The Complete Adventures Deluxe Edition

Scalped: Book One Deluxe Edition

Absolute All-Star Superman

X-Men: Grand Design Treasury Edition

Wednesday Comics


This content originally appeared on The Creative Independent and was authored by Sam Kusek.

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Mark Robinson: Anti-Abortion, Anti-LGBTQ & "Black Nazi" Candidate Runs for North Carolina Governor https://www.radiofree.org/2024/09/21/mark-robinson-anti-abortion-anti-lgbtq-black-nazi-candidate-runs-for-north-carolina-governor/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/09/21/mark-robinson-anti-abortion-anti-lgbtq-black-nazi-candidate-runs-for-north-carolina-governor/#respond Sat, 21 Sep 2024 16:41:05 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=149e32c902555109ec797b1d807eb7bc
This content originally appeared on Laura Flanders & Friends and was authored by Laura Flanders & Friends.

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Elders chair Mary Robinson calls for Biden to stop arming Israel https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/16/elders-chair-mary-robinson-calls-for-biden-to-stop-arming-israel/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/16/elders-chair-mary-robinson-calls-for-biden-to-stop-arming-israel/#respond Sat, 16 Mar 2024 09:11:36 +0000 https://asiapacificreport.nz/?p=98368 By Jessica Corbett

The Elders chair Mary Robinson has highlighted the unique leverage that the United States has with Israel and called on the Biden administration to stop giving it military assistance for its assault on the Gaza Strip.

Robinson, the former president of Ireland, conducted an on-camera interview with Irish public broadcaster Raidió Teilifís Éireann just before her country’s Prime Minister, Taoiseach Leo Varadkar, was due to meet US President Joe Biden on Friday at the White House.

“Yes the humanitarian situation is utterly catastrophic and dire, reducing a people to famine, undermining all our values, but the message I want to deliver on behalf of the Elders is a direct message to our Taoiseach Leo Varadkar,” Robinson said.

“We need a ceasefire and we need the opening up of Gaza with every avenue . . .  for aid to get in.”

In his meeting with Biden, Varadkar “should not spend too much time on the dire humanitarian situation, and the ships, and the rest of it,” she said.

“He has the opportunity to deliver a political message in a very direct way. The United States can influence Israel by not continuing to provide arms. It has provided a lot of the arms . . . that have been used on the Palestinian people.”

More than 31,490 killed
Since Israel declared war in response to the Hamas-led attack on October 7, Israeli forces have killed at least 31,490 people in Gaza — including people seeking food aid — and wounded another 73,439. The assault has also devastated civilian infrastructure, including homes, hospitals, schools, and mosques, and displaced the vast majority of the enclave’s 2.3 million residents.

Israel is also restricting desperately needed humanitarian aid into the Hamas-governed territory, and Palestinians have begun starving to death — which people around the world point to as further proof that the Israeli government is defying an International Court of Justice (ICJ) order to prevent genocidal acts as the South Africa-led case moves forward at The Hague.

The United States gives Israel $3.8 billion in annual military aid, and since October 7, Biden — who faces a genocide complicity case in federal court — has fought for another $14.3 billion while his administration has repeatedly bypassed Congress to arm Israeli forces.

Critics, including some lawmakers, argue that continuing to send weapons to Israel violates US law.

The far-right government of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu “is on the wrong side of history, completely — is making the United States complicit in reducing a people to famine, making the world complicit,” Robinson told RTÉ. “We’re all watching. It is absolutely horrific what is happening.”

“So Leo Varadkar has access today to President Biden,” she said. “He must use this completely politically at all levels with the speaker of the House, with everyone, to make it clear that Israel depends on the United States for military aid and for money. That’s what will change everything.”

“We need a ceasefire and we need the opening up of Gaza with every avenue . . .  for aid to get in, because the situation’s so bad, and we need the political way forward, which is the two-state solution,” she added.

‘Only US can put pressure’
“So we need an Israeli government agreeing to that, and only the United States can put the pressure [on Israel].”

Robinson, who spent five years as the United Nations high commissioner for human rights after her presidency ended in 1997, has been part of the Elders since Nelson Mandela, the late anti-apartheid South African president, announced the group in 2007.

She has made multiple statements during the five-month Israeli assault on Gaza, including calling on Israel to comply with the ICJ’s January ruling and warning Biden the previous month that his “support for Israel’s indiscriminate bombing of Gaza is losing him respect all over the world.”

“The US is increasingly isolated, with allies like Australia, Canada, India, Japan, and Poland switching their votes in the UN General Assembly to support an immediate humanitarian cease-fire,” she said in December.

“The destruction of Gaza is making Israel less safe. President Biden’s continuing support for Israel’s actions is also making the world less safe, the Security Council less effective, and US leadership less respected. It is time to stop the killing.”

Speaking to press at the Oval Office alongside Biden on Friday, Varadkar said that he was “keen to talk about the situation in Gaza,” and noted his view “that we need to have a ceasefire as soon as possible to get food and medicine in” to the besieged territory.

“On Sunday, the taoiseach will also gift Mr Biden a bowl of shamrock as part of an annual tradition to mark St Patrick’s Day,” RTÉ reported. “Mr Varadkar started the trip on Monday, and since then has spoken several times . . .  about how he will use the special platform of the St Patrick’s Day visit to press Mr Biden to back a ceasefire in the Gaza, while also thanking the US for leadership in support for Ukraine.”

Jessica Corbett is a senior editor and writer for Common Dreams, an independent progressive nonprofit news service. Republished under a Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0) licence.


This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

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Talking about climate change can be awkward. Just ask Tim Robinson. https://grist.org/culture/tim-robinson-cringe-comedy-climate-science/ https://grist.org/culture/tim-robinson-cringe-comedy-climate-science/#respond Fri, 16 Feb 2024 09:45:00 +0000 https://grist.org/?p=630215 Tim Robinson is famous for making uncomfortable social situations funny — in a cringe-inducing way. On his Netflix sketch show I Think You Should Leave, he’s played a range of oddball characters: a contestant on a replica of The Bachelor who’s only there for the zip line; a man in a hot dog costume who claims he’s not responsible for crashing the hot dog car through the window of a clothing store; a guy wearing a really weird hat at work. These sketches are, for the most part, an escape from the heavy subjects that keep people up at night.

So it might come as a surprise that Robinson’s next move was a climate change PSA. “I’m sick and tired of scientists telling us mean, bad facts about our world in confusing ways,” Robinson shouts at the camera in a recent sketch. Playing a TV host named Ted Rack, he invites a climate scientist on his show “You Expect Me to Believe That?” for a messaging makeover. 

It’s produced by Yellow Dot Studios, a project by Adam McKay (of Don’t Look Up fame) that’s recently been releasing comedic videos to draw attention to a global problem that most people would probably rather not think about. Sometimes the resulting videos are only mildly amusing: In a recent one, Rainn Wilson, Dwight from The Office, presents the case against fossil fuels to the court from Game of Thrones. But for a comedian like Robinson who thrives on a sense of unease, talking about climate change isn’t just a public service; it’s prime material. 

In the sketch, the subject of the Queer Eye-style makeover is Henri Drake, a real-life professor of Earth system science at the University of California, Irvine. Ted Rack’s first step is to outfit Drake in a jersey with the number 69. “Let’s focus on making your messaging a little more appealing to someone like me,” Rack says. “Someone who, like, when I hear it, I get a little mad because I don’t understand it.” Robinson is famous for his facial acrobatics, and his expressions grow increasingly perturbed as Drake describes how fossil fuels have warped Earth’s “radiation balance.” By the end, Rack is holding his head in his hands. “I gotta be honest,” he says. “What you’re saying to me makes me want to fight you a little.”

The video struck a chord with the public, racking up 100,000 views on TikTok and almost a quarter million on YouTube. It also resonated with some scientists. “I immediately understood where this is coming from,” said Daniel Swain, a climate scientist at the University of California, Los Angeles, and the National Center for Atmospheric Research in Boulder, after watching the video. “I feel the same pressures, I get the same complaints.” After he gives scientific talks, the most common response he hears is along the lines of “Oh my god, you’re just so depressing.” 

The sketch touches on similar themes as Don’t Look Up, McKay’s 2021 film that portrays a distracted, celebrity-obsessed world ignoring scientists’ warnings of an approaching asteroid.  Rack, though, wants to help avoid the disaster that ensues when no one pays attention to scientists’ “terrible message,” and he finds ridiculous ways to make climate science relatable. “Here’s what you should say,” he instructs Drake. “‘Your house is about to be part of the ocean … A shark could swim in there and eat a picture of your daddy.’”

As a scientist with a self-described dark sense of humor, Swain enjoyed the sketch. He thought it did a good job satirizing the expectation that scientists, as the bearers of bad news, should be “cheery cheerleaders.” At the same time, though, Swain thinks a lot of climate scientists really could use a communication makeover. “I absolutely agree that a lot of times where the scientists engaged with the wider world are really ineffective,” he said. Jargon scares people off.  And even if people stick around for technical discussions of, say, Earth’s radiation balance, they might disengage when the conversation turns to ecological collapse, even though it’s the crux of why the topic matters at all. The story of how humans have made the world hotter and more hostile is a difficult one to hear, especially when accepting it means you might be a tiny part of the problem.

If experts are having trouble talking about climate change, you can bet that the general public does, too. Two-thirds of Americans say climate change is personally important to them, but only about half that number, just over a third, actually talk to their friends and family about it, according to the most recent survey from the Yale Program on Climate Change Communication. People might be hesitant to express their thoughts because they mistakenly believe that their opinions are unpopular, or simply because scary things are just hard to talk about.

Weirdly enough, that’s what makes climate change a good subject for a Robinson sketch. A recent profile of the comedian in The New York Times Magazine — which begins with Robinson spooning an absurd amount of hot chiles over his noodles at a restaurant — compares an affinity for spicy food to the appeal of cringe comedy. “In a harsh world, it can be soothing to microdose shots of controlled pain,” wrote Sam Anderson, the author of the profile. “Comforting, to touch the scary parts of life without putting ourselves in real danger. Humor has always served this function; it allows us to express threatening things in safe ways. Cringe comedy is like social chile powder: a way to feel the burn without getting burned.”

YouTube / Yellow Dot Studios

Climate scientists, too, could spice up their talking points — if they were given resources to do so. “I think everyone kind of understands why this exists and is funny,” Swain said. “But the reason why that’s the case — why there aren’t engaging, funny climate scientists out there on TV — is nobody is facilitating that in any setting.” The real barrier, Swain says, is that the places where scientists work don’t generally support public communication as part of their job. 

Swain is just one of a handful of climate scientists with a very high level of public visibility, appearing all over TV news, articles, YouTube, and social media. He thinks he’s been featured on more podcasts than he’s ever listened to in his life. But he’s concerned that funding for his communications work will soon run out, with nothing to replace it. “I am still working through this myself,” Swain said. “I mean, I don’t know what my employment’s going to be in six months, because I can’t find anybody to really support this on a deeper level.”

Finding a climate scientist who had time to talk about a silly, five-minute video was also a bit of a challenge. Zeke Hausfather, another media favorite, was swamped; Drake, from the video, apologized but said that it was the busiest week of the year; other scientists didn’t respond. The initial email to Swain resulted in an auto-reply advising patience amid his “inbox meltdown.” As a one-man team, Swain wrote, he could only respond to a fraction of the correspondence coming in.

Talking to a journalist about comedy clearly isn’t at the top of the priority list for most scientists. But Swain doesn’t think it’s a waste of time. By now, he’d hoped that climate change would have a bigger role in comedy sketches, bad movies, and trashy TV shows, meeting people where they already are. “Where is the pop culture with climate science? It’s not where I thought it would be at this point,” he said. “But pop culture changes quickly. It responds fast to new things that are injected into the discourse.”

This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Talking about climate change can be awkward. Just ask Tim Robinson. on Feb 16, 2024.


This content originally appeared on Grist and was authored by Kate Yoder.

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Solitary confinement is torture w/Herbert Robinson | Rattling the Bars https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/15/solitary-confinement-is-torture-w-herbert-robinson-rattling-the-bars/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/01/15/solitary-confinement-is-torture-w-herbert-robinson-rattling-the-bars/#respond Mon, 15 Jan 2024 17:00:38 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=6bfc1b7a0b60de431085c4fb3a7bb964
This content originally appeared on The Real News Network and was authored by The Real News Network.

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Tribute to Ford, Robinson, and Belafonte https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/17/tribute-to-ford-robinson-and-belafonte/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/17/tribute-to-ford-robinson-and-belafonte/#respond Sat, 17 Jun 2023 16:47:35 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=1c189a3f87631387f31a51d993cf5835 This week we welcome back Professor Randall Kennedy to help us pay tribute to three principled, uncompromising African American activists, Glen Ford of Black Agenda Report, human rights champion, Randall Robinson, and legendary actor, singer, and activist, Harry Belafonte.

Randall Kennedy is Michael R. Klein Professor at Harvard Law School where he teaches courses on contracts, criminal law, and the regulation of race relations. He is the author of several books, including Contracts: Happiness and Heartbreak, For Discrimination: Race, Affirmative Action, and the Law, and Say It Loud! On Race, Law, History, and Culture.

You’ve chosen three very interesting people [Randall Robinson, Harry Belafonte, and Glen Ford]. And I think that one thing that the listeners should keep in mind is that the three that you’ve chosen are all progressive; they are very different… Because the tent of progressivism should be a large tent— not everybody’s going to think the same, and indeed there’s going to be some friction between various tendencies among progressives.

Randall Kennedy

I don’t think that progressives pay enough attention to the people who have been in their camp. We don’t pay enough attention to people who have passed away. We don’t pay enough attention to recalling people who have been heroic in our midst. And, again, I say this as a person who is sometimes extremely critical of some of the people that you’ve mentioned.

Randall Kennedy

We need people like Glen Ford to pull in one direction uncompromisingly—because the corporate interests always pull in the other direction uncompromisingly—and then we need people who are in between and sometimes have to face the hard realities you’ve pointed out.

Ralph Nader

In Case You Haven’t Heard

1. The Wall Street Journal and the Corporate Crime Reporter have announced that, following decades of citizen pressure, and action last year by Rep. Mary Gay Scanlon, Senator Richard Blumenthal, and Senate Judiciary Chair Dick Durbin, the Department of Justice has finally created a Corporate Crime Database. Under President Biden, the Justice Department has taken a tougher rhetorical stance on corporate crime, but as Deputy Attorney General Lisa Monaco notes, the department “cannot ignore the data showing overall decline in corporate criminal prosecutions over the last decade...We need to do more and move faster.” Among civic groups, The Center for Study of Responsive Law and Public Citizen lead the charge to create these corporate rap sheets and are already working to expand and strengthen this new resource for corporate crime data.

2. If you live on the East Coast, you have likely experienced dangerous levels of air pollution in the last week due to smoke moving South from Canadian wildfires. Yet, the Lever reports that under current air quality rules, fossil fuel producers will not have to curb their emissions to offset this spike in air pollution because they have successfully lobbied for a loophole protecting themselves in the case of “exceptional events” outside their control. Environmental regulators are currently mulling a new rule to clamp down on this type of air pollution, but face stiff opposition from industry groups.

3. The Washington Post reports that, in an exercise of his leverage in the tightly divided Senate, Bernie Sanders has vowed to oppose all Biden health nominees until the administration produces a “comprehensive” plan to lower prescription drug prices. Sanders’ role as Chair of the Health Education Labor and Pensions committee means these nominees cannot advance without his blessing. This notably includes Biden’s nominee for director of the National Institutes of Health, or NIH. Sanders said “Politicians for years have talked about the high cost of prescription drugs, relatively little has been done, and it’s time that we act decisively.”

4. The Progressive International has issued a statement decrying the “soft coup” underway against left-wing President Gustavo Petro in Colombia. Their statement reads “Ever since the election of the country’s first progressive government...Colombia’s traditional powers have been organizing to restore an order marked by extreme inequality, environmental destruction, and state-sponsored violence.” The statement goes on to excoriate officials who have sought to undermine the Petro administration and “former generals, colonels, and members of the Colombian military [who] have not only proclaimed their opposition to President...Petro — but even marched outside Congress to call for a coup d’état against his government.” Signatories to this letter include over 400 political and industrial leaders, including Noam Chomsky, Jeremy Corbyn, Jean Luc Mélenchon, and Former Leftist President of Ecuador Rafael Correa.

5. The City, a news site covering New York, reports that food delivery drivers in NYC have won a substantial wage increase. This victory caps off a 3-year long campaign by Los Deliveristas Unidos, and makes New York the “first major U.S. city to establish and implement pay requirements for delivery workers.” These workers currently take home about $11 per hour; this will go up to $17.96 an hour starting July 12th, and will increase to $19.96 per hour by 2025.

6. In a surprise decision last week, the Supreme Court voted five-four in favor of Black voters in Alabama who argued the state had unlawfully diluted their voting power, POLITICO reports. Over a quarter of Alabama residents are Black, but the state crammed most Black Alabamians into a single congressional district following the 2020 census, running afoul of the Voting Rights Act. Many expected the ultra-conservative court to reject the challenge and further hollow out the VRA; instead, this ruling could significantly augment the chances of Democrats retaking the House in 2024.

7. In Afghanistan, the Taliban has instituted a “highly successful” ban on opium. To cite one example, “In Helmand, by far Afghanistan’s largest opium-producing province, the area of poppy cultivation was cut from over 129,000 hectares in 2022 to only 740 as of April 2023.” However, some in the West – including the US Institute for Peace – believe this could have disastrous implications for the Afghan economy. It remains to be seen whether the new government can find a viable economic alternative fast enough to offset these losses. The Taliban had previously banned opium cultivation when they held power in 2000 and 2001, and achieved a 90% reduction at that time.

8. New York Governor Kathy Hochul is again licking her wounds after her nominee for the New York Power Authority was blocked by the State Senate, in a similar fashion as her nominee for the New York Court of Appeals, the highest court in the state. Justin Driscoll, whom Hochul had appointed on an interim basis and was seeking to appoint permanently, raised red flags with New York Senate Democrats due to his ingratiation in conservative politics – Driscoll is a registered Republican who has ties to figures like Chris Christie and John Cornyn. Driscoll also opposed the Build Public Renewables Act and has been embroiled in accusations of racial discrimination during his time as general counsel for the Power Authority. On June 9th, POLITICO reported that Senate Democrats will not schedule a vote for Driscoll.

9. Projectionists at an Alamo Drafthouse movie theater in New York City have filed an NLRB petition to unionize. However, instead of coming to the negotiating table, the theater chain sent out an internal email “notifying staff of the company's intention to do away with the projectionist position and replace it with a more expansive ‘technical engineer’ role.” This reflects how the struggle for labor rights in entertainment goes far beyond Hollywood writers and actors. This from 1010 Wins.

10. Last week, Henry Kissinger – President Nixon’s controversial National Security Advisor and alleged war criminal – celebrated his 100th birthday. The Real News Network reports that this centennial bash was attended by some of the most prominent diplomatic figures in the country, including Secretary of State Anthony Blinken and head of the international development agency USAID, Samantha Power. Jonathan Guyer of VOX, documented many other attendees as well, including Larry Summers, Robert Kraft, General David Petreaus, CIA Director Bill Burns, and Michael Bloomberg. The gang’s all here!



Get full access to Ralph Nader Radio Hour at www.ralphnaderradiohour.com/subscribe


This content originally appeared on Ralph Nader Radio Hour and was authored by Ralph Nader.

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Dale Vince talks with Nick Robinson | BBC Radio 4 | 31 May 2023 | Just Stop Oil https://www.radiofree.org/2023/05/31/dale-vince-talks-with-nick-robinson-bbc-radio-4-31-may-2023-just-stop-oil/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/05/31/dale-vince-talks-with-nick-robinson-bbc-radio-4-31-may-2023-just-stop-oil/#respond Wed, 31 May 2023 08:37:19 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=8bb38d7dd24a244eb8924339c8a9ae8a
This content originally appeared on Just Stop Oil and was authored by Just Stop Oil.

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Escalating Save-the-People-and-Planet Tactics https://www.radiofree.org/2023/04/15/escalating-save-the-people-and-planet-tactics/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/04/15/escalating-save-the-people-and-planet-tactics/#respond Sat, 15 Apr 2023 00:13:48 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=139262 Over the last couple of years there have been three books published, or about to be, which have dealt prominently with the question of whether violence against fossil fuel CEO’s and/or sabotage of fossil infrastructure is warranted. The case is made in all three that it might be given the absolute criminality of those CEO’s as they fight the shift away from fossil fuels and onto truly clean renewables, doing so despite certainty that unless we make that shift, and right now, the world’s ecosystems and its many life forms are in very deep trouble.

The first book was Kim Stanley Robinson’s The Ministry for the Future. In this very important fictional book, a massive heat wave in India that kills tens of millions of people in 2025 leads to the emergence of an organized underground group which begins executing CEO climate criminals, with drones being the primary means of doing so.

The second was Andreas Malm’s How to Blow Up a Pipeline, from which a movie has been produced and is about to hit the theatres. The first 2/3rds of the book is an argument in favor of property destruction: “Damage and destroy new CO2-emitting devices. Put them out of commission, pick them apart, demolish them, burn them, blow them up. Let the capitalists who keep investing in the fire know that their properties will be trashed. If we can’t get a prohibition [of all new CO2-emitting devices], we can impose a de facto one with our bodies and any other means necessary.”

Then, two-thirds into the book, he seems to have serious second thought.s.

He writes that “strict selectivity would need to be observed… It will be states that ram through the transition or no one will… [With] a Green New Deal or some similar policy package, property destruction would appear superfluous to many.” In addition, sabotage carries political risks. “In the eyes of the public, in the early twentieth-first century and particularly in the global North, property destruction does tend to come off as violent… Because of the magnitude of the stakes in the climate crisis, negative effects could be unusually ruinous here.”

Which brings us to the third book: Altar to an Erupting Sun, a novel by Chuck Collins, to be published next month. The shero in this book, 69 year old, longtime activist and organizer Rae Kalliher, suffering from terminal cancer with not long to live, is introduced at the beginning of the book arriving early one Easter morning at a compound with a mansion set back from the road behind an eight foot high wall. Clearly having done some scouting, she stops a Humvee as it drives out from behind the walls. When she recognizes her target—“the Oil Baron”–inside the car, she pushes a button on her vest, killing her, him and two members of his family.

The book then shifts back 50 years to 1973 and the awakening of a young Rae to issues of oppression and injustice. Much of the book is a recounting of the life experiences of a young person who becomes a dedicated progressive activist and organizer in the New England region of the USA and how, through those experiences and a commitment to helping to create a better world, she ends up doing what she did. Those experiences included:

-active involvement in the 70s with the movement against nuclear power, including the toppling by Sam Lovejoy of a huge tower part of plans to build a nuke plant in Franklin Country, Massachusetts, and the Clamshell Alliance campaign which successfully defeated plans for a nuke plant in southern New Hampshire;

-involvement in the 80s with Vietnam war veteran Brian Willson and the movement in support of the Sandinistas in Nicaragua and the FSLN in El Salvador in their efforts to overthrow military dictatorships and build more just societies;

-involvement in the 90s with Fr. Roy Bourgeois and the campaign to close the School of the Americas in Georgia, as well as groups in Boston working in support of the rights of tenants and against unjust evictions, into the 2000s;

-and in the latter years of the 2000s into the 2010s, helping to develop Mutual Aid groups, taking up permaculture in Vermont, followed by a growing understanding into the pandemic years of this decade of the seriousness of the climate crisis, learning about FERC and pipelines and taking action accordingly.

At one point author Collins has Rae exclaiming, “Get this: around 1978 Exxon’s own internal scientists studied climate change to analyze the risks to their business. They knew! Fifty years ago… The fuckers. This is the face of evil. There is a special ring in Hell for those who knowingly profit from the destruction of a habitable Earth.”

In 2022, after learning that she has terminal cancer, she tells Reggie, her lover/husband, one night, “I want to go out in an action. I want to make a statement about climate disruption, taking one of those fossil fuel CEOs with me. One of the guys who knew for decades about the harms of their business, but covered it up so they could grab more money.”

The closing chapter of the book is about a celebration in the community on what would have been Rae’s 76th birthday in 2030. Reggie, speaking about Rae, makes clear that seven years later, as deeply as he loved and respected her to the end, “what she did was wrong.”

In his book, Collins raises up the issue of elders in their final years taking risks or even deliberately giving their lives for Mother Earth and future generations. He does not write about Rae’s action being repeated by others. Instead he “reports” on a group of six grandmothers “calling themselves Good Ancestors immolating themselves in the lobby of ExxonMobil, capturing the attention of the world with their sacrificial witness. In the last year, there has been a steady stream of individual actions, most additional self-sacrifices.”

What Collins did not “report” on was massive, sustained, essentially nonviolent mass actions involving hundreds and sometimes thousands of people, for days and weeks on end, disrupting the operations of the fossil fuel industry or the banks which finance them.

These were the kinds of actions that took place in the repressive, racist USA South in the 50s and 60s. These actions broke the back of deeply-rooted Jim Crow segregation. Martin Luther King, Jr., a primary leader from the beginning of these actions, has written persuasively in Stride Toward Freedom, Why We Can’t Wait and Where Do We Go From Here, Chaos or Community?, about this tactic as THE tactic which, he learned from experience, has the power to bring about substantive and transformative change.

Collins’ book is an important contribution to our urgent, existential battle for the future. It is a good read, thought provoking, informative history and inspiring. Thank you Chuck Collins.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Ted Glick.

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Randall Robinson (1941-2023) on Haiti’s Unbroken Agony, from U.S. Coups to Haiti’s "Debt" to France https://www.radiofree.org/2023/03/28/randall-robinson-1941-2023-on-haitis-unbroken-agony-from-u-s-coups-to-haitis-debt-to-france-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/03/28/randall-robinson-1941-2023-on-haitis-unbroken-agony-from-u-s-coups-to-haitis-debt-to-france-2/#respond Tue, 28 Mar 2023 14:07:50 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=7f21282e56aebdad30e26f16ffabdc5e
This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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Randall Robinson (1941-2023) on Haiti’s Unbroken Agony, from U.S. Coups to Haiti’s “Debt” to France https://www.radiofree.org/2023/03/28/randall-robinson-1941-2023-on-haitis-unbroken-agony-from-u-s-coups-to-haitis-debt-to-france/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/03/28/randall-robinson-1941-2023-on-haitis-unbroken-agony-from-u-s-coups-to-haitis-debt-to-france/#respond Tue, 28 Mar 2023 12:45:30 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=4a32be801107bb3efa3e1f09e6dc2df9 Seg3 randall robinson apartheid protest 2

We continue to remember the lawyer and human rights activist Randall Robinson, the founder of the racial justice group TransAfrica, who died last week at age 81. Robinson was a leader in the U.S. movement against South African apartheid and was a prominent critic of U.S. policy in Haiti, including the U.S.-backed coup against President Jean-Bertrand Aristide in 2004. Democracy Now! spoke to Robinson in 2007 about that episode and how foreign powers have interfered in Haiti throughout the country’s history, beginning with the slave revolt against France that established Haiti as the first free republic in the Americas in 1804. “The Haitians believed that anybody who was enslaved anywhere had a home and a refuge in Haiti. Anybody seeking freedom had a sympathetic ear in Haiti. But because of that, the United States and France and the other Western governments, even the Vatican, made them pay for so terribly long,” said Robinson, who had just published the book An Unbroken Agony: Haiti, from Revolution to the Kidnapping of a President.


This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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TransAfrica Founder Randall Robinson Dies at 81; Opposed South African Apartheid & US Coups in Haiti https://www.radiofree.org/2023/03/27/transafrica-founder-randall-robinson-dies-at-81-opposed-south-african-apartheid-us-coups-in-haiti/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/03/27/transafrica-founder-randall-robinson-dies-at-81-opposed-south-african-apartheid-us-coups-in-haiti/#respond Mon, 27 Mar 2023 14:49:12 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=662b5e5fe97c9d73253d3b59d087e51c
This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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TransAfrica Founder Randall Robinson Dies at 81; Opposed South African Apartheid & U.S. Coups in Haiti https://www.radiofree.org/2023/03/27/transafrica-founder-randall-robinson-dies-at-81-opposed-south-african-apartheid-u-s-coups-in-haiti/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/03/27/transafrica-founder-randall-robinson-dies-at-81-opposed-south-african-apartheid-u-s-coups-in-haiti/#respond Mon, 27 Mar 2023 12:47:35 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=f8ad91094ca49538bb909d1e67ce6295 Seg4 robinson dn

We remember the human rights activist and lawyer Randall Robinson, the founder of TransAfrica, who died Friday at the age of 81. Robinson played a critical role in the anti-apartheid movement in the United States and was a prominent critic of U.S. policy in Haiti. In 2004, he helped expose the U.S. role in the coup that ousted Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. We air excerpts from a 2013 interview Robinson did with Democracy Now! about his work.


This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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Blood Does Not Wash Away Blood https://www.radiofree.org/2023/03/14/blood-does-not-wash-away-blood/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/03/14/blood-does-not-wash-away-blood/#respond Tue, 14 Mar 2023 00:21:36 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=138755 The extraordinary March 10, 2023 announcement that China’s top diplomat, Mr. Wang Yi, helped broker a rapprochement between Saudi Arabia and Iran suggests that major powers can benefit from believing that, as Albert Camus once put it, “words are more powerful than munitions.” This concept was also acknowledged by General Mark Milley, Chairman of the […]

The post Blood Does Not Wash Away Blood first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
The extraordinary March 10, 2023 announcement that China’s top diplomat, Mr. Wang Yi, helped broker a rapprochement between Saudi Arabia and Iran suggests that major powers can benefit from believing that, as Albert Camus once put it, “words are more powerful than munitions.”

This concept was also acknowledged by General Mark Milley, Chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff who said on January 20, 2023, that he believes Russia’s war in Ukraine will conclude with negotiations rather than on the battlefield. In November of 2022, asked about prospects for diplomacy in Ukraine, Milley noted that the early refusal to negotiate in World War One compounded human suffering and led to millions more casualties.

“So when there’s an opportunity to negotiate, when peace can be achieved … seize the moment,” Milley told the Economic Club of New York.

Twenty years ago, in Baghdad, I shared quarters with Iraqis and internationals in a small hotel, the Al-Fanar, which had been home base for numerous Voices in the Wilderness delegations acting in open defiance of the economic sanctions against Iraq. U.S. government officials charged us as criminals for delivering medicines to Iraqi hospitals. In response, we told them we understood the penalties they threatened us with (twelve years in prison and a $1 million fine), but we couldn’t be governed by unjust laws primarily punishing children. And we invited government officials to join us. Instead, we were steadily joined by other peace groups longing to prevent a looming war.

In late January 2003, I still hoped war could be averted. The International Atomic Energy Agency’s report was imminent. If it declared that Iraq didn’t have weapons of mass destruction (WMD), U.S. allies might drop out of the attack plans, in spite of the massive military buildup we were witnessing on nightly television. Then came Secretary of State Colin Powell’s February 5, 2003, United Nations briefing, when he insisted that Iraq did indeed possess WMD. His presentation was eventually proven to be fraudulent on every count, but it tragically gave the United States enough credibility to proceed at full throttle with its “Shock and Awe” bombing campaign.

Beginning in mid-March 2003, the ghastly aerial attacks pounded Iraq day and night. In our hotel, parents and grandparents prayed to survive ear-splitting blasts and sickening thuds. A lively, engaging nine-year-old girl completely lost control over her bladder. Toddlers devised games to mimic the sounds of bombs and pretended to use small flashlights as guns.

Our team visited hospital wards where maimed children moaned as they recovered from surgeries. I remember sitting on a bench outside of an emergency room. Next to me, a woman convulsed in sobs asking, “How will I tell him? What will I say?” She needed to tell her nephew, who was undergoing emergency surgery, that he had not only lost both his arms but also that she was now his only surviving relative. A U.S. bomb had hit Ali Abbas’s family as they shared a lunch outside their home. A surgeon later reported that he had already told Ali that they had amputated both of his arms. “But,” Ali had asked him, “will I always be this way?”

I returned to the Al-Fanar Hotel that evening feeling overwhelmed by anger and shame. Alone in my room, I pounded my pillow, tearfully murmuring, “Will we always be this way?”

Throughout the Forever Wars of the past two decades, U.S. elites in the military-industrial-Congressional-media complex have manifested an insatiable appetite for war. They seldom heed the wreckage they have left behind after “ending” a war of choice.

Following the 2003 “Shock and Awe” war in Iraq, Iraqi novelist Sinan Antoon created a main character, Jawad, in The Corpse Washer, who felt overwhelmed by the rising numbers of corpses for whom he must care.

“I felt as if we had been struck by an earthquake which had changed everything,” Jawad reflects. “For decades to come, we would be groping our way around in the rubble it left behind. In the past there were streams between Sunnis and Shi͑ites, or this group and that, which could be easily crossed or were invisible at times. Now, after the earthquake, the earth had all these fissures and the streams had become rivers. The rivers became torrents filled with blood, and whoever tried to cross drowned. The images of those on the other side of the river had been inflated and disfigured . . . concrete walls rose to seal the tragedy.”

“War is worse than an earthquake,” a surgeon, Saeed Abuhassan, told me during Israel’s 2008-2009 bombing of Gaza, called Operation Cast Lead. He pointed out that rescuers come from all over the world following an earthquake, but when wars are waged, governments send only more munitions, prolonging the agony.

He explained the effects of weapons that had maimed patients undergoing surgery in Gaza’s Al-Shifa Hospital as the bombs continued to fall. Dense inert metal explosives lop off people’s limbs in ways that surgeons can’t repair. White phosphorus bomb fragments, embedded subcutaneously in human flesh, continue to burn when exposed to oxygen, asphyxiating the surgeons trying to remove the sinister material.

“You know, the most important thing you can tell people in your country is that U.S. people paid for many of the weapons used to kill people in Gaza,” Abuhassan said. “And this also is why it’s worse than an earthquake.”

As the world enters the second year of war between Ukraine and Russia, some say it’s unconscionable for peace activists to clamor for a cease-fire and immediate negotiations. Is it more honorable to watch the pile-up of body bags, the funerals, the grave digging, the towns becoming uninhabitable, and the escalation that could lead to a world war or even a nuclear war?

U.S. mainstream media rarely engages with professor Noam Chomsky, whose wise and pragmatic analysis rests on indisputable facts. In June 2022, four months into the Russia-Ukraine war, Chomsky spoke of two options, one being a negotiated diplomatic settlement. “The other,” he said, “is just to drag it out and see how much everybody will suffer, how many Ukrainians will die, how much Russia will suffer, how many millions of people will starve to death in Asia and Africa, how much we’ll proceed toward heating the environment to the point where there will be no possibility for a livable human existence.”

UNICEF reports how months of escalating devastation and displacement affect Ukrainian children: “Children continue to be killed, wounded, and deeply traumatized by violence that has sparked displacement on a scale and speed not seen since World War II. Schools, hospitals, and other civilian infrastructure on which they depend continue to be damaged or destroyed. Families have been separated and lives torn apart.”

Estimates of Russian and Ukrainian military casualties vary, but some have suggested that more than 200,000 soldiers on both sides have been killed or wounded.

Gearing up for a major offensive before the spring thaw, Russia’s government announced it would pay a bonus to troops that destroy weapons used by Ukrainian soldiers which were sent from abroad. The blood money bonus is chilling, but on an exponentially greater level, major weapons manufacturers have accrued a steady bonanza of “bonuses” since the war began.
In the last year alone, the United States sent $27.5 billion in military assistance to Ukraine, providing “armored vehicles, including Stryker armored personnel carriers, Bradley infantry fighting vehicles, Mine-Resistant Ambush Protected vehicles, and High Mobility Multipurpose Wheeled vehicles.” The package also included air defense support for Ukraine, night vision devices, and small arms ammunition.

Shortly after Western countries agreed to send sophisticated Abrams and Leopard tanks to Ukraine, an adviser to Ukraine’s Defense Ministry, Yuriy Sak, spoke confidently about getting F-16 fighter jets next. “They didn’t want to give us heavy artillery, then they did. They didn’t want to give us Himars systems, then they did. They didn’t want to give us tanks, now they’re giving us tanks. Apart from nuclear weapons, there is nothing left that we will not get,” he told Reuters.

Ukraine isn’t likely to get nuclear weapons, but the danger of nuclear war was clarified in a Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists statement on January 24, which set the Doomsday Clock for 2023 to ninety seconds before the metaphorical “midnight.” The scientists warned that effects of the Russia-Ukraine war are not limited to an alarming increase in nuclear danger; they also undermine global efforts to combat climate change. “Countries dependent on Russian oil and gas have sought to diversify their supplies and suppliers,” the report notes, “leading to expanded investment in natural gas exactly when such investment should have been shrinking.”

Mary Robinson, the former U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, says the Doomsday Clock sounds an alarm for all humanity. “We are on the brink of a precipice,” she said. “But our leaders are not acting at sufficient speed or scale to secure a peaceful and livable planet. From cutting carbon emissions to strengthening arms control treaties and investing in pandemic preparedness, we know what needs to be done. The science is clear, but the political will is lacking. This must change in 2023 if we are to avert catastrophe. We are facing multiple existential crises. Leaders need a crisis mindset.”

As do we all. The Doomsday Clock indicates we’re living on borrowed time. We needn’t “always be this way.”

Over the past decade, I was fortunate to be hosted in dozens of trips to Kabul, Afghanistan, by young Afghans who fervently believed that words could be stronger than weapons. They espoused a simple, pragmatic proverb: “Blood does not wash away blood.”

We owe to future generations every possible effort to renounce all war and protect the planet.

The post Blood Does Not Wash Away Blood first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Kathy Kelly.

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Nothing Good Will Come from the New Cold War with Australia as a Frontline State https://www.radiofree.org/2022/12/10/nothing-good-will-come-from-the-new-cold-war-with-australia-as-a-frontline-state/ https://www.radiofree.org/2022/12/10/nothing-good-will-come-from-the-new-cold-war-with-australia-as-a-frontline-state/#respond Sat, 10 Dec 2022 15:33:18 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=136064 John (Prince) Siddon (Australia), Slim Dusty, Looking Forward, Looking Back, 2021. On 15 November 2022, during the G20 summit in Bali (Indonesia), Australia’s Prime Minister Anthony Albanese told journalists that his country ‘seeks a stable relationship with China’. This is because, as Albanese pointed out, China is ‘Australia’s largest trading partner. They are worth more […]

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John (Prince) Siddon (Australia), Slim Dusty, Looking Forward, Looking Back, 2021.

John (Prince) Siddon (Australia), Slim Dusty, Looking Forward, Looking Back, 2021.

On 15 November 2022, during the G20 summit in Bali (Indonesia), Australia’s Prime Minister Anthony Albanese told journalists that his country ‘seeks a stable relationship with China’. This is because, as Albanese pointed out, China is ‘Australia’s largest trading partner. They are worth more than Japan, the United States, and the Republic of Korea… combined’. Since 2009, China has also been Australia’s largest destination for exports as well as the largest single source of Australia’s imports.

For the past six years, China has largely ignored Australia’s requests for meetings due to the latter’s close military alignment with the US. Now, in Bali, China’s President Xi Jinping made it clear that the Chinese-Australian relationship is one to be ‘cherished’. When Albanese was asked if Xi raised the issue of Australia’s participation in several military pacts against China, he said that issues of strategic rivalry ‘[were] not raised, except for in general comments’.

Former Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd recently said that the impetus for the deep freeze between Australia and China six year ago was the ‘US doctrine of strategic competition’. This outlook is clarified in the 2022 US National Security Strategy, which asserts that China ‘is America’s most consequential geopolitical challenge’. In Bali, US President Joe Biden said that the US and China must ‘manage the competition responsibly’, which suggested that the US might take a less belligerent posture towards China by not pressuring them through US military pacts in Asia and by reducing the intensification of the crisis over Taiwan. Rudd suggests that Biden’s shift in tone might have given Albanese the opportunity to ‘reset’ relations between Australia and China.

Nura Rupert (Australia), Mamu (Spooky Spirits), 2002.

Nura Rupert (Australia), Mamu (Spooky Spirits), 2002.

Before Albanese left for Bali, however, news broke about a plan to station six US B-52 bombers, which have nuclear weapons capability, in northern Australia at the Tindal air force base. Additionally, Australia will build 11 large storage tanks for jet fuel, providing the US with refuelling capacity closer to China than its main fuel repository in the Pacific, Hawaii. Construction on this ‘squadron operations facility’ would start immediately and be completed by 2026. The $646 million upgrade includes new equipment and improvements to the US-Australian spy base at Pine Gap, where the neighbouring population in Alice Springs worries about being a nuclear target in a war that they simply do not want.

These announcements come as no surprise. US bombers, including B-52s, have visited the base since the 1980s and taken part in US-Australian training operations since 2005. In 2016, the US commander of its Pacific air forces, General Lori Robinson, said that the US would likely add the B-1 bomber – which has a longer range and a larger payload capacity – to these exercises. The US-Australian Enhanced Air Cooperation (2011) has already permitted these expansions, although this has routinely embarrassed Australian government officials who would prefer more discretion, in part due to the anti-nuclear sentiment in New Zealand and in many neighbouring Pacific island states who are signatories of the 1986 Treaty of Rarotonga that establishes the region as a nuclear-free zone.

Minnie Pwerle (Australia), Bush Melon Seed, 1999.

Minnie Pwerle (Australia), Bush Melon Seed, 1999.

The expansion of the Tindal air base and the upgrades to Pine Gap spy base are part of the overall deepening of military and strategic ties between the US and Australia. These ties have a long history, but they were formalised by the Australia-New Zealand-United States (ANZUS) Security Treaty of 1951 and Australia’s entry into the Five Eyes intelligence network in 1956. Since then, the two countries have tightened their security linkages, such as by facilitating the transfer of military equipment from the US arms industry to Australia. In 2011, US President Barack Obama and Australian Prime Minister Julia Gillard agreed to position a few thousand US Marines in Darwin and Northern Australia and allow US bombers frequent flights to that base. This was part of Obama’s ‘pivot to Asia’, which signalled the US pressure campaign against China’s economic advancement.

Two new security alignments – the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad, restarted in 2017) and AUKUS (2021) – further enhanced these ties. The Quad brought together India and Japan with Australia and the US. Since 1990, Australia has hosted Exercise Pitch Black at Tindal, a military war game on which it has collaborated with various countries. Since India’s air force joined in 2018 and Japan participated in 2022, all Quad and AUKUS members are now a part of this large airborne training mission. Australian officials say that after Tindal’s expansion, Exercise Pitch Black will increase in size. In October 2022, Prime Minister Albanese and Japan’s Prime Minister Fumio Kishida updated their 2007 bilateral security pact. The new ‘reciprocal access agreement’ was signed in response to ‘an increasingly severe strategic environment’, according to Kishida, and it allows the two countries to conduct joint military exercises.

China’s foreign ministry responded to news of the expansion of Tindal and Pine Gap by saying, ‘Such a move by the US and Australia escalates regional tensions, gravely undermines regional peace and security, and may trigger an arms race in the region’.

Qiu Zhi Jie (China), Map of Mythology, 2019.

Qiu Zhi Jie (China), Map of Mythology, 2019.

Albanese walked into the meeting with Xi hoping to end China’s trade restrictions on Australia. He left with optimism that the $20 billion restrictions imposed in 2020 would be lifted soon. ‘It will take a while to see improvement in concrete terms going forward’, he said. However, there is no word from China about removing these restrictions, which limit the import of Australian barley, beef, coal, cotton, lobsters, timber, and wine.

These restrictions were triggered by then Prime Minister of Australia Scott Morrison’s insinuation that China was responsible for the COVID-19 pandemic. Even before that, in 2018, Australia’s government banned two Chinese telecommunications firms (Huawei and ZTE) from operating in its jurisdiction. This was not a trivial policy change, since it meant a drop from $19 billion in Australia’s trade with China in July 2021 to $13 billion in March 2022.

Fu Wenjun (China), Red Cherry, 2018.

Fu Wenjun (China), Red Cherry, 2018.

During the meeting in Bali between Albanese and Xi, the Australian side presented a list of grievances, including Beijing’s restrictions on trade and Australia’s concerns about human rights and democracy in China. Australia seeks to normalise relations in terms of trade while maintaining its expanded military ties with the United States.

Xi did not put anything on the table. He merely listened, shook hands, and left with the assurance that the two sides would continue to talk. This is a great advance from the ugly rhetoric under Scott Morrison’s administration.

In October 2022, China’s ambassador to Australia, Xiao Qian, gave an address in anticipation of the 50th anniversary of diplomatic relations between Australia and China, which will be celebrated on 21 December. During this talk, Ambassador Qian asked his Australian counterparts if they saw China as ‘a champion or a challenger’ of the international order. Australia’s government and press, he suggested, sees China as a ‘challenger’ of the UN Charter and the multilateral system. However, he said, China sees itself as a ‘champion’ of greater collaboration between countries to address common problems.

The list of concerns that Albanese placed before Xi signals that Australia, like the US, continues to treat China as a threat rather than a partner. This general outlook towards China makes any possibility of genuine normalisation difficult. That is why Ambassador Qian called for Australia to have ‘an objective and rational perception’ of China and for Canberra to develop ‘a positive and pragmatic policy towards China’.

Zeng Shanqing (China), Vigorous Horse, 2002.

Zeng Shanqing (China), Vigorous Horse, 2002.

Growing anti-Chinese sentiment within Australia poses a serious problem for any move towards normalisation. In July 2022, China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi said that Australia would have to ‘correct’ several of its views on China before relations could advance. A recent poll shows that three-quarters of Australia’s population believes that China might be a military threat within the next two decades. The same survey showed that nearly 90% of those polled said that the US-Australia military alliance is either very or fairly important. At the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore earlier this year, Australia’s Deputy Prime Minister and Defence Minister Richard Marles said that countries must engage each other through dialogue and diplomacy. ‘China is not going anywhere. And we all need to live together and, hopefully, prosper together’, he noted.

That Albanese and Xi met in Bali is a sign of the importance of diplomacy and dialogue. Albanese will not be able to get the trade benefits that Australia would like unless there is a reversal of these attitudes and the US-Australia military posture towards China.

The post Nothing Good Will Come from the New Cold War with Australia as a Frontline State first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Vijay Prashad.

]]> https://www.radiofree.org/2022/12/10/nothing-good-will-come-from-the-new-cold-war-with-australia-as-a-frontline-state/feed/ 0 356839 COP27 PODCAST: Manels, mansplaining and Mary Robinson https://www.radiofree.org/2022/11/14/cop27-podcast-manels-mansplaining-and-mary-robinson/ https://www.radiofree.org/2022/11/14/cop27-podcast-manels-mansplaining-and-mary-robinson/#respond Mon, 14 Nov 2022 18:56:16 +0000 https://news.un.org/feed/view/en/audio/2022/11/1130572 The second half of COP27 has begun and there’s uncertainty in the air regarding the progress of negotiations in the packed conference venue. 

Monday saw a focus on two main themes: water and gender. UN officials were at COP to prepare the ground and raise awareness for a major conference on water, due to take place next year, whilst senior leaders pointed out the inadequate representation of women in the climate action space.

Conor and Laura dissect the main events on this busy day, and Mary Robinson, the first woman Irish President and former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, explains why the dandelion should be the symbol for the advancement of women leaders.

Music: Within the Earth, Ketsa

Subscribe to The Lid Is On on all major podcast platforms!


This content originally appeared on UN News - Global perspective Human stories and was authored by UN News/ Conor Lennon.

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Carla Denyer talks with Nick Robinson | BBC Radio4 | 11 November 2022 | Just Stop Oil https://www.radiofree.org/2022/11/13/carla-denyer-talks-with-nick-robinson-bbc-radio4-11-november-2022-just-stop-oil/ https://www.radiofree.org/2022/11/13/carla-denyer-talks-with-nick-robinson-bbc-radio4-11-november-2022-just-stop-oil/#respond Sun, 13 Nov 2022 20:49:04 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=34b1d704c89094b41ef6c2dbbd067301
This content originally appeared on Just Stop Oil and was authored by Just Stop Oil.

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A Political Solution for Assange: Jennifer Robinson at the National Press Club https://www.radiofree.org/2022/10/23/a-political-solution-for-assange-jennifer-robinson-at-the-national-press-club/ https://www.radiofree.org/2022/10/23/a-political-solution-for-assange-jennifer-robinson-at-the-national-press-club/#respond Sun, 23 Oct 2022 07:06:40 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=134730 It was telling.  Of the mainstream Australian press gallery, only David Crowe of the Sydney Morning Herald turned up to listen to Jennifer Robinson, lawyer extraordinaire who has spent years representing Julian Assange.  Since 2019, that representation has taken an even more urgent note: to prevent the WikiLeaks founder from being extradited to the United […]

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It was telling.  Of the mainstream Australian press gallery, only David Crowe of the Sydney Morning Herald turned up to listen to Jennifer Robinson, lawyer extraordinaire who has spent years representing Julian Assange.  Since 2019, that representation has taken an even more urgent note: to prevent the WikiLeaks founder from being extradited to the United States, where he faces 18 charges, 17 confected from the archaic Espionage Act of 1917.

In addressing the Australian National Press Club, Robinson’s address, titled “Julian Assange, Free Speech and Democracy”, was a grand recapitulation of the political case against the WikiLeaks founder.  Followers of this ever darkening situation would not have found anything new.  The shock, rather, was how ignorant many remain about the chapters in this scandalous episode of persecution.

Robinson’s address noted those blackening statements from media organisations and governments that Assange was paranoid and could leave the Ecuadorian embassy, his abode for seven years, at his own leisure.  Many were subsequently “surprised when Julian was served with a US extradition request.”  But this was exactly what WikiLeaks had been warning about for some ten years.

In the Belmarsh maximum security prison, where he has resided for 3.5 years, Assange’s health has declined further.  “Then last year, during a stressful court appeal hearing, Julian had a mini stroke.”  His ailing state did not convince a venal prosecution, tasked with “deriding the medical evidence of Julian’s severe depression and suicidal ideation”.

The matter of health plays into the issue of lengthy proceedings.  Should the High Court not grant leave to hear an appeal against the June decision by Home Secretary Priti Patel to order his extradition, processes through the UK Supreme Court and possibly the European Court of Human Rights could be activated.

The latter appeal, should it be required, would depend on the government of the day keeping Britain within the court’s jurisdiction.  “If our appeal fails, Julian will be extradited to the US – where his prison conditions will be at the whim of intelligence agencies which plotted to kill him.”  An unfair trial would follow, and any legal process citing the First Amendment culminating in a hearing before the US Supreme Court would take years.

The teeth in Robinson’s address lay in the urgency of political action.  Assange is suffering a form of legal and bureaucratic assassination, his life gradually quashed by briefs, reviews, bureaucrats and protocols.  “This case needs an urgent political solution.  Julian does not have another decade to wait for a legal fix.”

Acknowledging that her reference to the political avenue was unusual for a lawyer, Robinson noted how the language of due process and the rule of law had become ghoulish caricatures in what amounts to a form of punishment.  The law has been fashioned in an abusive way that sees a person being prosecuted for journalism in a hideously pioneering way.  Despite the UK-US Extradition Treaty’s prohibition of extradition for political offences, the US prosecution was making  much of the Espionage Act.  “Espionage,” stated Robinson, “is a political offence.”

The list of abuses in the prosecution is biblically lengthy.  Robinson gave her audience a summary of them: the fabrication of evidence via the Icelandic informant and convicted embezzler and paedophile Sigurdur “Siggi” Thordarson; the deliberate distortion of facts; the unlawful surveillance of Assange and his legal team and matters of medical treatment; “and the seizure of legally privileged material.”

Much ignorance about Assange and the implications of his persecution is no doubt willed.  Robinson’s reference to Nils Melzer, the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, was apt.  Here was a man initially sceptical about the torture complaint made by Assange and his team.  He had been convinced by the libel against the publisher’s reputation. “But in 2019, he agreed to read our complaint.  And what he read shocked him and forced him to confront his own prejudice.”

Melzer would subsequently observe that, in the course of two decades working “with victims of war, violence and political persecution, I have never seen a group of democratic States ganging up to deliberately isolate, demonise and abuse a single individual for such a long time and with so little regard for human dignity and the rule of law”.

The concern these days among the press darlings is not press freedoms closer to home, whether they be in Australia itself, or among its allies.  The egregious misconduct by Russian forces in the Ukraine War or China’s human rights record in Xinjiang are what counts.  Villainy lies elsewhere.

The obscene conduct by US authorities, whose officials contemplated abducting and murdering a publisher, is an inconvenient smudge of history best ignored for consumers of news down under.  The Albanese government, which has continued to extol the glory of the AUKUS security pact and swoon at prospects of a globalised NATO, has shelved any “political solution” regarding Assange, at least in any public context.  The US-Australian alliance is a shrine to worship at with reverential delusion, rather than question with informed scepticism.  The WikiLeaks founder did, after all, spoil the party.

On a cheerier note, those listening to Robinson’s address reflected a healthy political awareness about the tribulations facing a fellow Australian citizen.  The federal member for the seat of Kooyong, Dr. Monique Ryan, was present, as were Senators Peter Whish Wilson and David Shoebridge.  As Ryan subsequently tweeted, “An Australian punished by foreign states for acts of journalism?  Time for our government to act.”

Others were those who have been or continue to be targets of the national security state.  The long-suffering figure and target of the Australian security establishment, Bernard Collaery, put in an appearance, as did David McBride, who awaits trial for having exposed alleged atrocities of Australian special service personnel in Afghanistan.

Such individuals have made vital, oxygenating contributions to democratic accountability, of which WikiLeaks stands proud.  But any journalism that, as Robinson puts it, subjects “power to scrutiny, and holding it accountable”, is bound to incite the fury of the national security state.  Regarding Assange, will that fury win out?

The post A Political Solution for Assange: Jennifer Robinson at the National Press Club first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Binoy Kampmark.

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The Assassination of Frank J. Robinson https://www.radiofree.org/2022/10/11/the-assassination-of-frank-j-robinson/ https://www.radiofree.org/2022/10/11/the-assassination-of-frank-j-robinson/#respond Tue, 11 Oct 2022 15:04:37 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=133789 We exchanged sideways glances. It was a dubious claim, and the old judge we were talking to followed it with a glaring non sequitur. “I think he killed himself,” insisted 76-year-old former judge Alexander Nemer. “I mean, look at the photos. Part of the man’s head is missing. Something blew it off. There’s a picture […]

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We exchanged sideways glances. It was a dubious claim, and the old judge we were talking to followed it with a glaring non sequitur.

“I think he killed himself,” insisted 76-year-old former judge Alexander Nemer. “I mean, look at the photos. Part of the man’s head is missing. Something blew it off. There’s a picture of a cat licking the inside of his skull when he’s there on the garage floor. I would generally say something took the top of his head off.”

Ignoring the disturbing image this statement conjured, Texas Public Radio reporter David Martin Davies and I pointed out that that was why we were there. The crime scene photos, autopsy files, police records, and the actual inquest documents were all gone, vanished, and no one — including myself and Davies — could find them.

Nemer simply informed us that he gave the inquest files to the court clerk when the hearing was concluded.

Davies pressed on, asking Nemer if the photo in question actually proved that the victim shot himself or that he was shot, possibly by someone else. I reminded Nemer that Texas Ranger Bob Prince had testified at the inquest and said there was no gunpowder residue found on the victim’s body. We asked Nemer how that was possible.

“I’m not here to speculate,” Nemer said. “I’m only here to tell you what happened.”

The official details of the crime, so far as they exist, are limited to a report issued by the Texas Department of Public Safety (DPS), dated Oct. 15, 1976: County, Anderson; Place of Occurrence, Palestine; Victim, Frank J. Robinson; Offense, Questionable Death.

Outside of the contemporary newspaper coverage, the DPS report on this 74-year-old Black man’s death is all that’s left. Everything else is missing.

The initial DPS findings, filed by Prince, an officer of Company F of the Texas Rangers, is 12 pages long and communicates that agency’s discovery in some detail. On Wed., Oct. 13, 1976, Robinson — a retired school superintendent and prominent Palestine civil rights leader — was killed by a single 12-gauge shotgun blast to his forehead, the barrel of which had been pressed directly against the flesh covering the bridge of his nose between his eyeballs. The top and right sides of his head were blown away. The physical evidence, mostly confined to the front half of the left bay of the two-car garage adjacent to and behind the Robinson residence, was described as follows:

Body was laying on its back in a sprawled position, feet slightly spread, left hand laying on the left side of chest, and right arm laying back, pointed upward. Victim was fully clothed, top part of head blown away from obvious shotgun wound. Brain matter and blood were on the walls surrounding the body, and on the floor surrounding same. Head was resting against closed screen door [approximately halfway down the left wall of the garage bay] which entered into the house from garage.

A 12 gauge, double barrel, sawed off shotgun, SN X4313, Ranger brand, was found with stock resting on victim’s legs, and barrel laying onto the concrete floor. In the chamber of the shotgun was found one spent round and one live round, both of #8 shot, Remington Peters ammunition, with spent round being in left barrel.

There were two spent shells found on the ground, both of the same caliber and brand and shot number as was found in the weapon. One was found beside the right arm of the victim and the other one was found approximately three feet from the victim.

Frank’s wife Dorothy’s new, red 1976 Oldsmobile was parked in the right bay of the garage and, in front of it, sat a gasoline rototiller and a lawn vacuum sweeper. The bag for the sweeper was draped over the handle of the rototiller. Ranger Prince’s report indicated that the rototiller, the lawn vacuum sweeper bag, and the front fender of Dorothy’s car all had shot damage and that some of the shot struck the catalytic converter and muffler under the vehicle and some ricocheted off the front bumper and lodged in the back wall of the garage.

Frank and Dorothy Robinson’s residence sat on a hill just west of the A.M. Story Middle School (formerly the A.M. Story High School) and north of most of the rest of the neighborhood, which was called Haven Acres. Robinson dabbled in real estate and had developed Haven Acres himself. One of the streets into the neighborhood was named Robinson, and another bore Dorothy’s maiden name, Redus. The playground for the A.M. Story Middle School sat below the front of the Robinson residence, between the school itself and Variah (“Vibrant Life”), the street the Robinsons lived on the end of.

And on the day Frank Robinson was killed, six boys were playing football on that playground and actually heard or saw something relevant to the man’s death.

The six boys who provided details are James David Allen, 11, white; David Warden Brown, 12, white; Charles Hardy Gregory, III, 11, white; Jeffrey Todd Kale, 11, white; Carlos Aaron Sepulveda, 12, Hispanic; and Donald Eugene Watkins, 13, white. All six heard four shots, and Hawkins said he saw a white man standing behind Robinson’s fence when the last couple of shots were fired. Earlier that morning, Story student Michael Kevin Peterson, 11, white, said he saw a white man in a white van leaving the Robinson residence.

After local law enforcement officers completed their crime scene analysis, Palestine Police Chief Kenneth Berry — who had been on the job only 18 months after 17 years with the Waco Police Department — announced that the official autopsy revealed no traces of gunpowder residue on Robinson’s body and termed his death a homicide. By Friday, October 15, the police issued a public plea for help in the investigation of the “shotgun slaying.” Chief Berry said, “We have no suspects, but we do have leads we are working on.”

By that following Monday (October 18), Chief Berry’s mind had changed. Within a week of Robinson’s death, Berry was claiming an absence of nitrate or gunpowder residue on a person who fired a shotgun was not uncommon. And in a matter of days, many whites in the community already accepted the narrative that Robinson’s wounds were self-inflicted, while most Blacks contended it was an assassination. Dr. John Warfield, a University of Texas professor and the national secretary of the Black Political Assembly, told the Austin American-Statesman at the time, “Black people there have little faith in the police department. … [The Palestine police] are not prone to provide justice for Black people.”

State Rep. Paul Ragsdale (D-Dallas) also spoke with the Statesman, and his sentiments echoed Warfield’s. “The people there are very much concerned that it is a possible political assassination.”

Warfield, after whom the John L. Warfield Center for African and African-American Studies at UT-Austin is now named, expounded on his remarks to the Statesman. “It is clear that this Ku Klux Klan-style murder and terror is as real on the 200th birthday of this immature nation as it was in the 19th century. There is a conspiracy in this state to obstruct the political rights and the political awakening of Black and brown people and the powerful potential constituency they represent.”

And Warfield’s political conspiracy reference was directly aimed at sitting Texas Gov. Dolph Briscoe, who had vocally opposed President Lyndon Baines Johnson’s 1965 Voting Rights Act and referred to South Texas as a “little Cuba” just a month earlier.

Warfield also told the Statesman that he thought the assassin waited for Robinson in the office connecting the house with the garage and observed that “these are the kinds of things that create a climate that legitimizes the thing that happened to Frank.”

Ragsdale noted that many locals believed Robinson’s death was the result of a sanctioned hit executed by a hired killer from somewhere else.

It was mid-July 2022 when I got a phone call from Davies, an award-winning San Antonio journalist. Since 1999, he had been the host and producer of Texas Matters, a weekly radio news magazine and podcast in which he examines the questions and issues facing the Lone Star State. Davies had done pieces on the Slocum Massacre after my book on the subject came out in 2014 and while I was working with the descendants of that pogrom for a historical marker. The marker effort was a grueling and uphill but eventually successful slog, thanks in no small part to journalists like Davies, who covered it for NPR. I think we both knew then that there was still work to be done.

I pushed on along with the chief spokesperson behind the efforts to erect a Slocum Massacre historical marker. Descendant Constance Hollie-Jawaid and I co-wrote a screenplay on the subject while continuing to try to raise awareness about the atrocity and remind people that the victims of the carnage are still buried in unmarked mass graves. And something that was said when we first met with Anderson County Historical Commission Chairman Jimmie Ray Odom about the approved marker stunned us.

Frank J. Robinson had known Abe Wilson, a Hollie-Jawaid forebear directly affected by the Slocum Massacre, and Robinson had gone on, again, to become a local civil rights champion. In fact, he and two other Black men from Palestine, Rodney A. Howard and Timothy Smith, had sued the Anderson County Commissioners Court over race-based gerrymandering and won their suit in a Smith County Federal Court in 1973 and prevailed again on December 23, 1974, when Anderson County challenged the ruling in the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals.

Howard and Smith’s attorney had been the husband of former Texas Gov. Ann Richards, Dave Richards.

But Robinson, Smith, and Howard didn’t stop there. They immediately began working on a lawsuit to establish single-member districts so the local Black vote would also be protected in city council elections. Austin attorney Larry Daves worked with the trio on this suit, and, in late 1975, they achieved a consent decree that forced Palestine into redistricting. The trio’s efforts opened up Anderson County to Black political representation, a say in how the community was run and how the county was governed.

Then, in mid- to late-1976, Robinson began working on (among other things) a local scandal, specifically reports that Black citizens who lived north of him were being charged for city services that they didn’t receive. It became the next injustice that he turned his attention to. On Labor Day weekend of that year, he expressed as much to longtime friends Sidney Earl and Vita Childs Palmer, whom Robinson and Dorothy had known since their college days at Prairie View A&M University. The Palmers’ daughter, Eloyce Green, had grown up referring to the Robinsons as “Uncle Frank” and “Aunt Dorothy,” and she remembered Robinson discussing the scandal with her father at their home in Tyler during a Labor Day visit.

“I can still see my parents talking to Frank in the kitchen,” Green, 82, told me. “My dad told him, ‘If you don’t leave these white folks alone, they’re gonna kill you.’”

Frank’s response was simple and straightforward. “I’m not afraid ’cause they won’t be getting nothing but an old man.”

Davies and I had both been watching the current Texas legislature’s ongoing gerrymandering tactics across the state with various and, I’m sure, comparable levels of consternation and dismay. And we were both aware of Frank J. Robinson’s work and genuinely troubled by the ways in which the current Republican attempts to ensure white electoral primacy undermined everything Robinson had fought and probably died for. Robinson believed Blacks ought to have a say. Robinson believed Blacks should have a seat at the table. The most recent Republican-apportioned voting maps seemed flagrantly designed to limit the voices of persons of color in particular.

So, Davies called me in mid-July to discuss researching the suspicious circumstances surrounding Robinson’s death. He said he was working on an October piece for the Texas Observer and an NPR podcast examining the subject in more detail. And he noted that when he discussed the details of his story with the Observer, they suggested that he reach out to me.

Staff members at the Austin-based bimonthly were aware of my book The 1910 Slocum Massacre: An Act of Genocide in East Texas and my work with massacre descendants to get the historical marker. Former Observer staffer Michael Barajas had also written a powerful feature on the unmarked mass graves in the Slocum area, titled “Where the Bodies Are Buried,” in the July-August 2019 edition of the magazine. And three months later, I was mentioned in the October Texas Monthly cover story “The Battle to Rewrite Texas History” as part of a new generation of writers and scholars trying to set the record straight.

Then, when American conservatives declared Critical Race Theory (CRT) Public Enemy No. 1, I wrote about meeting Anderson County Historical Chairman Odom with Slocum Massacre descendant Hollie-Jawaid in the July 7, 2021 edition of the Fort Worth Weekly:

In late December 2015, Constance Hollie-Jawaid and I were still working on the final plans for the dedication ceremony for a Texas state historical marker commemorating the Slocum Massacre. The fight to get the marker approved had been grueling, and, on that particular day, we had traveled to Palestine, Texas, to meet with the marker effort’s chief antagonist, Anderson County Historical Chairman Jimmy Ray Odom. Odom’s beliefs about the Slocum Massacre were almost completely contradictory to ours, but — in conversation, anyway — he was a straight shooter. Our historical and cultural disagreements notwithstanding, I respected him for that.

Jimmy had taken some heat in the press for his straight-shooting, and he was upset with me. And when we met that day in late December, he let me know this in no uncertain terms. At that point, however, the marker was secured. Constance — a descendant of victims of the atrocity — and I had won the argument, so we could be magnanimous. I let Jimmy air his grievances without response or complaint. …

After the discussion regarding the marker ceremony concluded and the air was a hair more convivial, I asked Jimmy why there was no historical marker for a Black activist named Frank J. Robinson — and his response was as straightforward as it was shocking.

“Oh, they killed him,” Jimmy said.

The statement was dumbfounding.

Odom and the Anderson County Historical Commission had so adamantly opposed our Slocum Massacre marker that we were forced to go around Anderson County and appeal directly to the Texas State Historical Commission. And because Odom and the local commission had engaged in so many ridiculous machinations and stall tactics, the state consented to our request. And here Odom was, unwilling to concede an atrocity committed 115 years earlier but flatly acknowledging an assassination just 40 years previous.

I had planned to do more research into Frank J. Robinson’s death at that time and maybe even write a book on the subject, but one project or another interfered or led me on to other stories.

By the middle of last year, Davies had begun his own research on Robinson’s “questionable death.” A few months before my piece in the Fort Worth Weekly, he had requested records pertaining to Robinson’s death from the Palestine Police Department, and, on May 26, 2021, Donna Thornell, one of the department’s administrative assistants, responded with a short letter informing Davies that “due to the age of this case, there are no files available/located with the Palestine Police Department pertaining to Mr. Robinson.”

Davies, then, like me, got busy with other projects, and it was a year before he picked it back up and contacted me for an assist and an extra eye on the case.

Hate crime.

It’s a fairly new legal term in this country, but it was made a crime by Texan President Lyndon Baines Johnson in Title I of the 1968 Civil Rights Act. It became against the law to use, or threaten to use, force to willfully interfere with any person because of race, color, religion, or national origin and especially when that person is participating in a federally protected activity, such as attending school, patronizing a public place/facility, applying for employment, or acting as a juror in a state court or voting.

One hundred and three years after the end of the Civil War.

As I left my West Fort Worth home, veered east and headed for Palestine, my mind was jumbled with thoughts on this subject. When I began my journey on I-20, I recalled that a group of Fort Worth citizens had actually traveled to Kansas in 1860 to seize Anthony Bewley, a white abolitionist pastor, and return him to Cowtown to publicly lynch him. Rumors still persist that following Bewley’s September 13, 1860 lynching, his bones were prominently displayed at a local business for years after the act.

As I exited I-20 and headed southeast on 287 South, I remembered that the city of Mansfield had refused to desegregate its schools for a decade after desegregation became federal law.

A year after my book on the Slocum Massacre was released, I published Black Holocaust: The Paris Horror and a Legacy of Texas Terror with Eakin Press. In it, I detail the circumstances and facts about the dozens of persons of color who had literally been burned at the stake in Texas. And, as 287 led me through Midlothian, I thought of Steve Davis, an innocent Black man burned at the stake in the Waxahachie area on May 12, 1912.

Then, when I finally reached I-45, and turned south, I was soon greeted by a new billboard inviting tourists to Corsicana. It labeled the town Texas’ Favorite Detour, which disturbed me because I knew it wasn’t for an innocent Black man named Jonas “John” Henderson. He was pulled off a train headed for Fort Worth in Hillsboro, transported to Corsicana, and ceremonially burned at the stake in the town square on March 13, 1901, for allegedly murdering a white woman he may never even have met. And there’s a photo collection in the Dallas Public Library that documents the act?!

Corsicana’s new billboard struck me the wrong way. It was morbid. Or maybe I was being morbid.

At Corsicana, I exited and turned left to finish the drive to Palestine on 287 South, and then it started all over again. A few miles past the Richland-Chambers Reservoir, I saw a sign for Kerens, where a Black man was mysteriously burned alive in the town jail on December 13, 1890. And a little farther down, I saw a sign announcing a right turn for the Freestone County seat, Fairfield, where three innocent Black men — Johnnie Cornish, Snap Curry, and Mose Jones — were seized from the county jail, transported 14 miles west to Kirven, and burned at the stake one after another in the wee hours of May 7, 1922, for the alleged murder of a young white woman.

Was it any wonder that so many of us consciously or subconsciously averted our eyes to this history? Didn’t it sabotage everything we’d been taught to believe about ourselves, our state, and even our country?

I arrived in Palestine mid-morning on Friday, July 29, 2022, and the early steps in the investigation that Davies and I took were inauspicious. Davies’ preliminary research indicated that the Robinson residence was directly behind the A.M. Story Intermediate School but said the street they lived on was no longer there. My initial research focused on the street itself, and I said it was still there. So, off we went in search of 819 Variah. It was still there and so was the original Robinson residence — we confirmed it with images from old newspaper clippings — but the A.M. Story Junior High was gone, having become a large, overgrown vacant lot. I thought it was strange. Generally speaking, school districts repurpose school buildings instead of raze them, especially if they have historical significance.

Alonzo Marion Story came to Texas from Louisiana at the age of 21 and taught math in a little town called Midway before moving to Palestine in 1912. He taught math at the community’s Black high school, Lincoln, for five years and then took a job as the superintendent of the state’s Deaf, Dumb, and Blind Institute for Colored Youth. In 1924, he returned to Lincoln High School and served as the principal and a math teacher until his retirement in 1949. In 1953, the Palestine Independent School District opened the Alonzo Marion Story High School for Blacks, and, after desegregation, the facility became a junior high — which it was at the time of Robinson’s death — and then an elementary school. But as Davies quickly uncovered, the original A.M. Story building was demolished by a tornado on November 15, 1987. It was rebuilt as an intermediate school at a different location in 1990. The Category 3 cataclysm traveled 200 miles on that November day, leaving several dead and millions of dollars of destruction in its wake, but it had passed right in front of Frank and Dorothy’s old house without leaving so much as a scratch.

The most recent owners of the Robinsons’ former residence were out when we came by, so we examined the house and the adjacent two-car garage from the street and then drove around Haven Acres. The name of the main access street running in front of Haven Acres had been changed. It was now known as Martin Luther King Jr. Blvd., and Robinson Avenue intersected it at the 1700 block. This was encouraging and grist for a discussion of bizarre serendipity versus simple happenstance. A questionable, controversial death. A tornadic rampage that destroyed the historic school. And then the community’s MLK Boulevard placed and dedicated right down the hill from the scene of the possible crime and a subsequent natural disaster. It figuratively — if not literally — reeked of a guilty community. Neither Davies nor I are superstitious, but it seemed almost silly to assume it was a coincidence.

We made our way to the Anderson County Courthouse and spent most of the rest of the day shuttling back and forth between the bowels of the courthouse and Palestine City Hall. The staff members were great, but we got nowhere. No folders, no files, and no relevant paperwork. We spent hours in the courthouse basement thumbing through multiple tomes of legal documents but found nothing pertinent. Frustrated, we pressed the assistants in the County Clerk’s office, and they referred us to the county clerk himself, Mark Staples.

We’d contacted Staples beforehand, and he, in fact, was the one who sent us to the basement file room. Coincidence or no, he was out the day we told him we’d be there. A couple of city hall staff members subsequently referred us to the office of James Todd, Justice of the Peace, Precinct 3. Todd, 68, had been a JP in Anderson County since 1985 and, before that, the chief of police in Elkhart. They thought he might know something or be able to help us.

Todd’s courthouse office was lined with baseball bats and sports memorabilia. He was personable, knowledgeable, and forthcoming. Well aware of the controversial investigation into Robinson’s death, Todd was unequivocal.

“It stinks to high heaven,” he said of the suicide ruling.

Davies and I questioned him about the reported four shots, noting the 12-gauge shotgun’s two-shell capacity, and asked whether it was reasonably feasible that Robinson could have fired the double barrel, break action shotgun four times, cracking it open to remove spent shells and reload, without getting gunpowder residue on his person. Todd succinctly confirmed what other law enforcement officers I had spoken with had already told me. It was practically impossible.

Listening in, Todd’s secretary said we should go talk to County Judge Jeff Doran. Doran, 71, was also personable and amicable, and he agreed with Todd. Though he wasn’t in the area at the time, he commented that the results of the virtually unprecedented inquest into the cause of Robinson’s death weren’t universally well-received in the community and conceded that many Anderson County citizens, Black and white, felt and still feel that the local justice system got it wrong.

Then, as the discussion proceeded, Davies and I asked him about the imposing Reagan Park statue of John Reagan, the former Postmaster of the Confederacy and the first Railroad Commissioner of Texas. Following his release from prison after the Civil War, Reagan returned to Palestine and quickly became unpopular. He told his fellow former Confederates to go along with the occupying Union troops. His former compatriots mistakenly viewed him as a traitor, but Reagan was playing the long game. He knew the sooner the citizens of Palestine complied, the sooner the Union troops would leave and Palestine could get back to going about their business — especially where the Black population was concerned. Reagan is still practically omnipresent in the community, but there is nary a hint of progressive folks like Frank J. Robinson, who was certainly one of the state’s most important Black civil rights leaders. Palestine hardly claimed him.

On that point, Doran was starkly realistic. “You have to understand. Before the Civil War, Palestine was the fourth-largest city in the state.”

He noted that it had even donated some of its early, horse-drawn trolleys to its “little sister” city, Dallas, and that the most valuable asset Palestine and Anderson County possessed in those days was its slave population — their slaves were worth more than anything else in the economy. And after the Civil War, the most valuable asset the community had was eradicated. Doran didn’t shill for the Confederacy, but he did say Reagan brought the railroad to Palestine after its economy had been flattened and ensured the city’s prosperity for the next 150 years.

Davies and I then tracked down Ben Campbell, 81, a local historian and the recent author of Two Railroads Two Towns. Campbell confirmed Doran’s comments about John Reagan and the railroad, but he also echoed Todd’s and Doran’s general sentiments about Frank J. Robinson’s death.

“It doesn’t pass the smell test,” he said. “It wasn’t a suicide.”

When Davies and I solicited his opinion on why Robinson’s accomplishments, legacy, and horrific end were so little-known, he was frank.

“The Black community knows about it,” he said but noted that hardly anyone outside of that demographic or even Frank’s generation reflects on the incident. “It was over and done. People don’t talk about it.”

It was a contemplative evening for me. Outside of a handwritten, unilluminating paragraph or two in a ledger provided to us by Todd, we found no other investigation documents or evidence. More questions than answers.

As previously noted, Palestine Police Chief Berry declared Robinson’s death a murder and then reclassified it as a suicide because he somehow straight-facedly reasoned that they could establish no motive for a homicide. And on October 20, he told the Austin American-Statesman that “no one saw anybody near [Robinson’s] house the day he died,” even though testimonies to the contrary submitted by five white middle-schoolers and one Hispanic child were already part of the investigative record.

Berry’s perspective on the case did not jibe with that of Roy Herrington, the longtime Anderson County Sheriff. Now both deceased, Berry’s and Herrington’s disagreement, other inconsistencies, and outside parties comparing Robinson’s convenient demise to the assassinations of Medgar Evers and Martin Luther King Jr., led to a special inquest of the incident.

None of the sitting Justices of the Peace had law degrees, and somehow the county inquest fell to a 30-year-old municipal court judge. Judge Nemer scheduled a formal inquest before a six-person “coroner’s jury” for November 16, 1976, and empaneled the unsequestered jurists the day before, which was 11 years to the day before the 1987 tornado tore through Palestine. Nemer also instructed Chief Berry and others that a “gag rule” would be imposed on every trial participant to prevent them from elaborating on their testimony after the inquest was over.

In the newspapers of the day, it went well for Palestine. The whole city seemed to be on trial, and, in the end, Robinson’s suicide acquitted the white community and absolved the longstanding cultural institutions that whites cherished. Nemer’s inquest was conducted by local attorneys Richard Handorf and Melvin Whitaker, with assistance from Black State Assistant Attorney General Anthony Sadberry. In a 1982 interview with the Fort Worth Star-Telegram, Sadberry indicated that “he was bound by his profession to accept the ruling of the court” unless he could produce “concrete, conflicting evidence,” and he couldn’t. But he wasn’t satisfied. Of his cohorts and the leaders of the community in general, Sadberry remarked that they seemed “very interested in vindicating that town.”

Damning evidence was blatantly ignored, and every narrative that bolstered the “suicide” theory was stressed. The testimony of A.M. Story middle schoolers was discounted, and a local mortician who claimed Robinson’s body was “tampered with” at the scene of the crime was never called to testify. The testimony of Robinson’s wife, Dorothy — a chairwoman of the Texas Advisory Council for Technical Vocational Education and a recent recipient of an achievement award from the National Association of Negro Business and Professional Women Clubs, who was in Minnesota at the time of her husband’s death — was hardly an obstruction for what her attorney, David Richards, later described as a “steamroller” toward a foregone conclusion. In his 2002 book Once Upon a Time in Texas: A Liberal in the Lone Star State, Richards writes, “There was no evidence to support the suicide theory, no notes, no indication of despondency or health problems. Yet the power structure apparently could not live with the murder alternative and were committed to the suicide rationale. The trial was so painful and the atmosphere so tense that much of it is blotted from my mind.”

Sadberry, now deceased, was haunted by the inquest outcome. “I can’t say in my own mind I am satisfied with the outcome of the inquest,” he told the Star-Telegram in 1982. “I don’t feel sure about what took place.”

First up for Davies and me on Saturday, July 30, was a local Black historian named Norris White. Soft-spoken, cautious, and thoughtful, White wanted to make sure we knew he hadn’t come to Palestine until the early 1990s and, when he found out about what Frank J. Robinson and others achieved, he was shocked by the absence of any real recognition of those achievements or indignance about Robinson’s death. A 54-year-old academic with some edge, White prefaced his interview with us by laying out several books that he felt explained the history of the Black experience in East Texas, and one of them was my book on the Slocum Massacre. I was flattered but more impressed by some of his recent efforts, which paralleled ours. In February 2018, he published a story about Robinson’s accomplishments in the Palestine Herald-Press, and it cost him a job. Undeterred, he dug further into Robinson’s death and spoke with six local Blacks and one white, ranging in age from their 60s to 80s. And what they agreed to share was communicated only under Norris’ promise of complete confidentiality. After those conversations, including two with Black men who had been middle schoolers at A.M. Story when Robinson was killed (and who corroborated the white middle schoolers’ accounts) but knew better than to come forward, Norris was emphatic.

“The history of East Texas speaks for itself,” he said. “There are no intricate plots. The plot is, ‘Let’s go kill that nigger.’ It may be 160 years since the Civil War ended, and post-civil rights, but the mindset is the same.”
The sense that White got from everyone he interviewed was remarkably similar. “Mr. Robinson was a guy for everybody, and to a lot of people, that’s what’s so hurtful about it.”

White and the folks he interviewed suggest that that’s what is most a shame. For the past 46 years, nobody has really done anything about what many perceive to be Frank’s assassination, and they feel like the community has let Robinson down. But Norris White isn’t naïve. “Lemme tell you, when I first got here, this was the running joke: ‘Black may be beautiful, and tan may be grand, but white is the color of the big boss man.’ In other words, ‘Don’t step out of line, nigger.’ And that’s the sentiment. That’s East Texas. That’s the East Texas I worked under 30 years ago, and that’s the East Texas I live in today.”

Norris White’s comments and the strict confidence he had to offer to obtain his information brought another confidential informant with whom Davies and I had both spoken on separate occasions to mind. The source would say a lot but nothing on record. They had been involved in the local justice system and Anderson County historical circles. They had actually questioned a member of the local judiciary who had been an attorney involved in the Robinson inquest about the unconvincing outcome, and that individual, who was then a sitting judge, cautioned the source in no uncertain terms to leave it alone. He even threatened to charge the source with contempt of court.

Davies and I finished the day trying to locate other interviewees but without much luck. We wanted to speak with Rodney A. Howard, the surviving member of the trio who had challenged and defeated the gerrymandering regime of Anderson County and Palestine on two separate occasions, but he was busy and hard to pin down. I thought, like Norris White’s anonymous sources, and ours, Howard was reticent to speak with us. And I understood why.

We located a 73-year-old Black man that Frank J. Robinson had mentored and who would speak on the record instead. His name is James Robert Smith. The Palestine NAACP secretary at the time of Robinson’s death,

Smith rejects the inquest’s determination. “I believe it was a setup and related to an undercurrent of old money. Frank was causing a rift that these people didn’t want.”

Smith believes Frank was killed and his death was made to look like a suicide to discredit him. “Suicide is like voodoo taboo [for Black people], so we don’t do that.”

Later, collating, considering, and weighing the interviews and information we’d collected so far led to another heady night. Over the last decade, I’d spent a lot of time researching and writing about some incredibly dark history in East Texas, and Robinson and his cohorts appeared to have been proverbial beacons of light. And now, 46 years after his sketchy death, I’d met nothing but Palestine citizens — Black and white — who didn’t believe Robinson had committed suicide.

It was unfamiliar, heartening territory for me.

Davies and I spoke with Nemer the following Sunday morning. As late as 2017, he had served again as a municipal court judge in Palestine, and he had actually just campaigned unsuccessfully to become the town’s next mayor.

Friendly and well-spoken, Nemer was possessed of an uncanny recollection of the inquest proceedings. “I knew one day that exactly what we’re doing would come to pass.”

He knew someone would eventually show up at his door asking questions about Robinson’s death. And he admitted that county officials needed someone to handle the inquest and that the 30-year-old “was the easiest mark available.”

But he insisted the inquest went where the evidence led it and stood by the inquest’s declaration of suicide.

Nemer also claimed he “knew Frank as well as anybody” and that the political establishment in Anderson County was “not the least bit afraid of Mr. Frank. Period.”

Davies wasn’t having it. We both knew Robinson had been working with Ragsdale on something bigger and with broader implications.

“Robinson and Ragsdale were getting ready to expand on their successes,” Davies said, “where they would take what Frank had done here and move it to 11 different counties across East Texas … and so, though he presented himself as a nonthreatening figure, he was actually doing incredible things through the courts and bringing about the empowerment of African-American communities throughout East Texas.”

“I certainly would agree with that,” Nemer replied. “That’s the truth.”

“And you don’t think some people didn’t like that?” Davies said.

“I can’t speak for them,” Nemer responded, like an implacable totem of the old guard.

“Well,” Davies continued, “how do you think Frank should be remembered?”

“First, I think Frank J. Robinson should be remembered as a good person,” Nemer said. “Second, I think he should be remembered as a community activist who led the way to doing a lot of good and, ultimately, brought the Black and white communities together. It takes leaders to accomplish things, and he certainly, absolutely, positively was a leader who did his darn level best to accomplish that. He felt like it was his mission, and he did it to the best of his ability.”

When Davies and I finally sat down with Rodney Howard and told him Nemer had a high opinion of Robinson but still stood by the inquest verdict, Howard spoke very plainly. “He would. Quite a few of them, that’s the spin they wanted to put on it.”

Howard, 80, had worked with his elders Robinson and Timothy Smith in the early- to mid-1970s as an energetic protégé, young but equal and willing to put in the work and stick with it. A civil rights champion in his own right, he didn’t waste time with platitudes. When we told him Nemer dismissed the notion that the local powers that be ever sweated Robinson and, by extension, the work of the trio, he almost grinned. “Well, I think Frank was a big threat because they didn’t wanna see the county change. We were working on a level of political power that they didn’t want us to have.”

In a recent phone call with Daves, the trio’s attorney in their final case against the Palestine City Council, the retired lawyer agreed. Robinson “was a threat in the sense that he was taking on the status quo, and he was trying to drag the community into the modern age. There was a long, long history of white supremacy there, and the atmosphere was intimidating. I think Frank was a threat to the power structure there because he was trying to undo the last 100 years of history in the region.”

Howard mourns his old friend Frank and doesn’t believe the “official” version of Robinson’s demise. “What reason did Frank have to kill himself? He totally caught his wife off guard. He caught the Black community off guard. He caught all the people who worked with him off guard. He and Dorothy were not struggling. They were living decent. I didn’t see anything that would indicate that he would go off his rocker and do something like that. He had too much to live for and be proud of.”

Howard and Timothy Smith had also received death threats back then, and Howard went a stretch or two sleeping on the floor on the side of his bed farthest from a window, with any weapons he had at his side.

“I think he was killed, myself,” Howard said. “Those of us who were close to him and worked with him … we knew he was too much of a fighter to do something like that.”

And yet.

Frank J. Robinson is gone, and his legend doesn’t really live on. And the past several incarnations of the Texas legislature verge on violating Title I of the 1968 Civil Rights Act every other session, making a mockery of everything Robinson stood for, fought for, and probably died for — and hardly anyone pays his memory much less his legacy any mind or heed.

Shouldn’t we make sure FJR is not forgotten? Isn’t the truth of the matter obvious, and don’t we owe it to folks like Robinson, Rodney Howard, and Timothy Smith to do our part?

Perhaps the citizens of Anderson County who want the statue of John Reagan to remain in Reagan Park should consider erecting a new statue of Frank J. Robinson, just as impressive, to face him. Perhaps the citizens of Texas should interject the upcoming election rhetoric with the spirit of Rodney Howard, Timothy Smith, and FJR.

Or what Frank J. Robinson died for was probably all for naught.

The post The Assassination of Frank J. Robinson first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by E.R. Bills.

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Author Kim Stanley Robinson grades Biden’s #climate bill. Full convo on our YT channel #books #scifi https://www.radiofree.org/2022/09/21/author-kim-stanley-robinson-grades-bidens-climate-bill-full-convo-on-our-yt-channel-books-scifi/ https://www.radiofree.org/2022/09/21/author-kim-stanley-robinson-grades-bidens-climate-bill-full-convo-on-our-yt-channel-books-scifi/#respond Wed, 21 Sep 2022 20:43:01 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=c095316d8126f5fcbfa512d83482e325
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Kim Stanley Robinson: Writing the Future Story People Want https://www.radiofree.org/2022/09/16/kim-stanley-robinson-writing-the-future-story-people-want/ https://www.radiofree.org/2022/09/16/kim-stanley-robinson-writing-the-future-story-people-want/#respond Fri, 16 Sep 2022 18:25:22 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=8cdad3b38f0348e0aad85c9758f3a481
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Rachel Robinson, First Lady of Baseball, Turns 100 https://www.radiofree.org/2022/07/19/rachel-robinson-first-lady-of-baseball-turns-100/ https://www.radiofree.org/2022/07/19/rachel-robinson-first-lady-of-baseball-turns-100/#respond Tue, 19 Jul 2022 16:54:50 +0000 https://www.commondreams.org/node/338416

Much of what Americans know about Rachel Robinson—who turned 100 today, on July 19—is what they've seen in the two major Hollywood films about Jackie. She was portrayed by Ruby Dee in the 1950 film, The Jackie Robinson Story, and by Nicole Beharie in the 2013 hit movie, 42. Both films depict Rachel as Jackie's supporter, cheerleader, and helpmate, the person who comforted him when he faced abuse, and encouraged him when he was feeling discouraged. 

Within and outside the baseball world, Rachel has been, in her own right, a pioneer for social justice, using her celebrity as a platform to fight for a more equal society. 

This is all true, but it is an incomplete picture of this remarkable woman. Rachel Robinson was not only Jackie's partner, she is also a feminist and civil rights crusader. Within and outside the baseball world, Rachel has been, in her own right, a pioneer for social justice, using her celebrity as a platform to fight for a more equal society. 

There's a wonderful scene in Ken Burns' 2016 documentary, Jackie Robinson, where Barack and Michelle Obama explain the important role that Rachel played in her husband's success on and off the baseball field.

"I think anytime you're involved in an endeavor that involves enormous stress, finding yourself questioned in terms of whether you should be where you are, to be able to go back and have refuge with someone who you know loves you and you know has your back, that's priceless," the then-President says. Michelle Obama adds: "There's nothing more important than family—than a real partnership. Which is probably what made him such a great man." 

One-upped, the president nods in agreement, with a knowing smile on his face. Michelle completes her thought: "It's a sign of his character that he chose a woman who was his equal. I don't think you would've had Jackie Robinson without Rachel." 

Only 50 when Jackie died in 1972 she has kept alive her husband's legacy as both an athlete and activist, including his commitment to pushing Major League Baseball to hire more people of color as managers and as executives. 

In 1997, the 50th anniversary of Jackie's triumph in breaking baseball's color line, Major League Baseball announced that every team would retire Jackie's number (42) and then celebrated April 15 (the day in 1947 when Jackie played his first game for the Brooklyn Dodgers) by having every player wear that number.  

But while the country was celebrating Jackie's accomplishments, Rachel made sure that the celebration did not divert attention from ongoing problems. "Racism is still with us and the struggle is still on," she said at the time.

When a Los Angeles Times reporter asked her if Jackie would be pleased with the status of race relations, Rachel didn't pull her punches. She said: 

"No, I think he'd be very disturbed about it. We're seeing a great deal of divisiveness, a lot of hatred, a lot of tension between ethnic groups, and I think he'd be disappointed."

Thanks in part to her efforts, most of today's Major League players, managers, and executives know that they stand on the shoulders of those, like Jackie, who came before and opened doors for them. But, as Rachel observed, the progress has been limited.  

In 2016, when she was 94, Rachel participated in the publicity efforts for Burns' four-hour documentary, which looks at Jackie's life through her eyes. She didn't shy away from criticizing baseball.

"There is a lot more that needs to be done, and that can be done, in terms of the hiring, the promotion," she said at one event. "We're talking about very few [black] coaches, very few managers." 

In fact, the number of Black major league players athletes on major league rosters has declined precipitously—from 18.7 percent in 1981 to 7.8 percent last season. Only two of MLB's 30 managers are Black—the Astros' Dusty Baker and the Dodgers' Dave Roberts. Ken Williams, the Chicago White Sox's Executive Vice President, is the lone Black person in charge of baseball operations for any major league club. In February, MLB hired Michael Hill—a Black former minor league player and most recently the general manager for the Miami Marlins—as senior vice president of on-field operations. 

In 2014, the Baseball Reliquary inducted Rachel into its Shrine of the Eternals, an alternative Hall of Fame that celebrates baseball's rebels and renegades. By doing so, the group (which is coincidentally based in Pasadena, Jackie's hometown) was acknowledging that although she didn't own a team, cover the game as a reporter, or play the game herself, she was one of the most important woman in baseball history. 

Three years later, in 2017, the Baseball Hall of Fame selected her as the fourth recipient of the Buck O'Neil Lifetime Achievement Award, created to honor individuals who have enhanced baseball's positive impact on society. That makes her and Jackie, who was inducted into the Hall of Fame in 1962, the only husband-and-wife couple enshrined in the Cooperstown memorial.

In April, the Dodgers unveiled the first phase of a new multi-million dollar baseball complex at Gonzales Park in inner-city Compton, including a baseball field named for Rachel Robinson.

Rachel has received honorary degrees from 12 universities and received numerous awards, including the Candace Award for Distinguished Service from the National Coalition of 100 Black Women, the Equitable Life Black Achiever's Award and the Associated Black Charities Black History Makers Award. She has been invited to the White House by five presidents. 

Rachel Isum was born in 1922, when African Americans comprised only four percent of Los Angeles' population. At the time,  Los Angeles still had restrictive covenants, prohibiting the sale of houses to African Americans in certain neighborhoods. To get around that obstacle, Rachel's parents—Charles and Zellee—arranged for a light-skinned black man to buy a house  on 36th Place on LA's predominantly white west side and then re-sell it to them. This was a risky and courageous thing to do at a time when the Ku Klux Klan had a significant presence in LA.

Rachel faced bigotry on a regular basis. For example, when she and her friends went to the movies, they were regularly directed to the balcony in the movie theater. 

Rachel's father had served in World War One. On his last day of active service, he was gassed, leaving him permanently disabled and with a chronic heart condition. By the time Rachel was in high school, her father had to quit his job as a bookbinder for the Los Angeles Times, where he'd worked for 25 years. 

As a result, Rachel's mother had to support the family. She took classes in baking and cake decorating and had her own business catering luncheons and dinner parties for wealthy families in Beverly Hills, Bel Air, and Hollywood.

Rachel worked, too. She helped her mother with her catering business, worked on Saturdays at the concession stand in the public library, and sewed baby clothes for the National Youth Administration, part of Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal program. 

Rachel graduated from Manual Arts High School in June 1940. That fall, she entered UCLA's highly selective and competitive five-year nursing program. In 1940, only five percent of all women—and less than two percent of black women—earned a college degree. But Rachel didn't let those odds get in her way.

She met Jackie in 1941 when they were both students at UCLA. They were introduced by Ray Bartlett, one of Jackie's friends from Pasadena who also went to UCLA. 

Jackie was already a multi-sport campus hero by the time he met Rachel. For their first date, Jackie took Rachel to a Bruin football dinner at the Biltmore Hotel in downtown LA.

 "I thought he'd be arrogant," Rachel later recalled. But she was mistaken. "When I met Jack, he was so humble, so thoughtful—and handsome," she said. "I thought, 'I'm glad I was wrong!'"

Much of their courtship took place at Kerckhoff Hall, the student union, where the small number of UCLA's African American students gathered in-between classes. Rachel and Jackie got engaged later that year.

While at UCLA, Rachel lived at home and commuted to the campus each day. 

She also worked at night. This was during World War Two, and local industries were hiring women to do what had previously been considered "men's" jobs. 

Rachel was hired as a riveter at the Lockheed Aircraft factory in LA, where they made airplanes for the war effort. She worked the night shift, drove to UCLA at dawn, changed clothes in the parking lot, and then went to class.

Rachel and Jackie promised their parents that they wouldn't get married until Rachel had completed her degree. She earned her nursing degree in June 1945. They were married the following February.

By then, Jackie had already served in the military (where he was court-martialed, and acquitted, for refusing to move to the back of a segregated bus near a military base in Texas), played in the Negro Leagues, and signed a contract to play with the Dodgers' minor league team in Montreal. 

Two weeks after their marriage, Rachel and Jackie left for spring training in Daytona, Florida with the Montreal Royals. Burns' documentary portrays, through Rachel's voice, the ordeal they faced dealing with the Southern Jim Crow system, including the segregated trains, buses, restaurants, and stadiums, and the hostility of many white Southerners.

To get to Daytona, they flew from LA to New Orleans. At the New Orleans airport, they were told they were being "bumped" from the plane to Florida. Jackie protested this obvious racist act to the airline attendant behind the counter. 

For the next 11 years—until Jackie retired from Major League Baseball in 1957—Rachel and Jackie together endured the humiliations and bigotry, and celebrated the triumphs and accolades, of being civil rights pioneers. 

Meanwhile, Rachel escaped to the Ladies Room. But there were two Ladies Rooms in the airport, right next to each other. One said "Colored Women." The other said "White Women." Rachel went into the one that said "White Women." People stared at her, but nobody stopped her. 

Nine years before Rosa Parks triggered the Montgomery Bus Boycott, Rachel Robinson had performed her first act of civil disobedience. 

For the next 11 years—until Jackie retired from Major League Baseball in 1957—Rachel and Jackie together endured the humiliations and bigotry, and celebrated the triumphs and accolades, of being civil rights pioneers. 

Roger Wilkins, a Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist, wrote this about Rachel:

"She was not simply the dutiful little wife. She was Jack's co-pioneer. She had to live through the death threats, endure the vile screams of the fans and watch her husband get knocked down by pitch after pitch. And because he was under the strictest discipline not to fight, spike, curse or spit back, she was the one who had to absorb everything he brought home. She was beautiful and wise and replenished his strength and courage."

In addition, she was primarily responsible for raising their three children—Jackie Junior, Sharon, and David. 

While Jackie played for the Dodgers, they first lived in Brooklyn, and then in Long Island. Then they tried to buy a home in suburban Purchase, New York. After Rachel offered the asking price, the house was taken off the market, and she knew why.

In 1955, they found a plot of land they liked in Stamford, Connecticut and built a new home in that suburban community. When the news had spread that the Robinsons had bought the property, several families on the block sold their homes. 

The Robinsons settled in, made friends, became active in the community. But they couldn't escape the racism. 

When a white friend attempted to sponsor Jackie at the local country club, he was rejected by a majority vote. Jackie was already a bona fide national celebrity who had won the MVP award, but the white country clubbers didn't think he was good enough to play golf with them.

After Jackie retired from baseball in 1957, he began a new career in business, and expanded his involvement with the NAACP, SNCC, and Southern Christian Leadership Conference, and other civil rights groups, participating in protest rallies, going to the South to support the student-led sit-ins, including raising money for their bail. 

Meanwhile, Rachel decided to resume her professional career. This was five years before Betty Friedan's book, The Feminine Mystique, ignited the women's movement. Rachel was an early feminist.

Jackie was upset by Rachel's decision to go back to school and back to work, but Rachel insisted that it was something she needed to do. Eventually, Jackie came around.

In 1959—at age 37—Rachel was admitted to the graduate program in psychiatric nursing at New York University. 

After earning her master's degree, Rachel worked as a nurse-therapist and researcher at the Albert Einstein College of Medicine in New York. 

Rachel has continued to be an outspoken activist for social justice.  

In 1965, she was hired as a professor at Yale's School of Nursing and as the nursing director at the Connecticut Mental Health Center. 

When Rachel was teaching at Yale, the university asked her to join its board of trustees. Rachel said no. She told Yale: "Not unless you put another black or another woman on the board. You won't get a two-fer from me."

While working full-time, Rachel remained deeply involved in her children's education and in community activities. Beginning in 1963, Jackie and Rachel hosted their legendary jazz concerts at their home as fundraisers for jailed civil rights activists. The performers included some of the most iconic names in music, including Ella Fitzgerald, Sarah Vaughn, Gerry Mulligan, and Dizzy Gillespie. 

Rachel taught at Yale and ran the state mental health center for seven years, until 1972, the year that Jackie died at age 53 of diabetes and heart disease.

After Jackie's death, she took charge of running the Jackie Robinson Development Corporation. During her ten years as its president, it built more than 1,300 units of affordable housing. 

In 1973, she created the Jackie Robinson Foundation. The foundation has provided scholarships to 1,450 college students. Each one gets $6,000 a year for four years, plus mentoring, summer jobs and internships. Most of these students are the first in their families to attend college. Most are students of color. They have a remarkable graduation rate of 97 percent. They've gone to Harvard, Yale, Georgetown, UCLA, and many other colleges. 

This year, the foundation will open the Jackie Robinson Museum in New York, one of Rachel's long-time dreams.

Like Jackie, she has enormous physical courage and moral integrity. 

In 1997, for her 75th birthday, Rachel and a dozen family members climbed to 10,000 feet on Mount Kilimanjaro in Africa. 

Often called the First Lady of baseball because of her resilience, courage, and remarkable achievements during Jackie's lifetime and in the 49 years since his passing. Rachel has continued to be an outspoken activist for social justice.  


This content originally appeared on Common Dreams - Breaking News & Views for the Progressive Community and was authored by Peter Dreier.

]]> https://www.radiofree.org/2022/07/19/rachel-robinson-first-lady-of-baseball-turns-100/feed/ 0 316422 Edge of Sports: Rachel Robinson, A National Treasure https://www.radiofree.org/2022/06/27/edge-of-sports-rachel-robinson-a-national-treasure/ https://www.radiofree.org/2022/06/27/edge-of-sports-rachel-robinson-a-national-treasure/#respond Mon, 27 Jun 2022 15:54:59 +0000 https://progressive.org/magazine/rachel-robsinson-national-treasure-zirin/ moment in 1947 when Robinson smashed the color line.


This content originally appeared on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good and was authored by Dave Zirin.

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Authors William I. Robinson and Peter Phillips Discuss Corporate-Directed Changes in the Economy https://www.radiofree.org/2020/08/10/authors-william-i-robinson-and-peter-phillips-discuss-corporate-directed-changes-in-the-economy-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2020/08/10/authors-william-i-robinson-and-peter-phillips-discuss-corporate-directed-changes-in-the-economy-2/#respond Mon, 10 Aug 2020 18:50:22 +0000 https://www.projectcensored.org/?p=23135 Sociologist and author William I. Robinson returns to the program to speak about his forthcoming book, “The Global Police State,” from Pluto Press. Also on the program is sociologist and…

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Randall Robinson, Antonin Scalia, William Janssen https://www.radiofree.org/2016/02/20/randall-robinson-antonin-scalia-william-janssen/ https://www.radiofree.org/2016/02/20/randall-robinson-antonin-scalia-william-janssen/#respond Sat, 20 Feb 2016 16:00:00 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=0a9fc83195abe416a37dea57b043923b Author and human rights activist, Randall Robinson, tells us about the Clintons’ ties to the private prison industry, while law professor William Janssen argues that pharmaceutical companies have a “duty” to sell live saving medicines.  Plus, Ralph gives us his take on the legacy of late Supreme Court Justice, Antonin Scalia.


This content originally appeared on Ralph Nader Radio Hour and was authored by Ralph Nader Radio Hour.

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